Fraina: Problems of American Socialism [Feb. 1919] 1

Problems of American Socialism by Louis C. Fraina

Published in The Class Struggle [New York], v. 3, no. 1 (Feb. 1919), pp. 26-47.

The ultimate decision as to whether Capitalism less the proletariat acts for Socialism. American Capi- or Socialism shall control the world will be rendered talism is perhaps the most highly developed in the in the United States. As American Capitalism is now world, the most efficient, the mightiest; it controls a the arbiter of international Imperialism, so the Ameri- large section of the world’s richest territory, bursting can proletariat will become the arbiter of international with natural wealth; it has tremendous resources of Socialism. This imposes a great responsibility upon raw materials within its own borders; and it can at any American Socialism, determines its problems and the moment seize upon the tremendous resources of international character of its policy.... Mexico, Central and South America, convert them into Even now, after the accomplishments of the war, means of conquest. Imperialistic finance-capital no- the enormous power of American Capitalism is not where is as aggressive, commands as much power, as fully appreciated. It is not in the United States. The wealth of the United appreciated because of the States is twice as large as that of Great Brit- rapid ending of the war, of ain — which is much more wealthy than its America’s small sacrifice of nearest rival. And this wealth is simply a sym- men; one must probe be- bol expressive of the enormous capacity for low the surface to under- productivity inherent in American Capital- stand the decisive role of ism — a terrific power. The United States the United States in the has a large navy, has proved that it can easily war. But facts are facts. develop a large army, and is laying plans for The United States pro- the largest navy in the world, and will retain vided the men and muni- universal military service in one form or an- tions that steadied the wa- other. American Capitalism has all the physi- vering front in France, cal reserves for aggression and is becoming providing means for the the gendarme of the world. offensive; and it provided These physical reserves are supple- that deceptive ideology of mented by moral ones. In no other large na- democracy which steadied the wavering morale of the tion is the labor movement as reactionary as in the French, British, and Italians, that seduced large sec- United States; in no other large nation is organized tions of the masses, and, in Britain, Belgium, and Socialism as loose, as purposeless, as petty bourgeois, France, seduced the dominant Socialism and Labor- as in the United States. Should Great Britain, France, ism. The threat of American Capitalism to Socialism and Italy decide upon complete military intervention is not alone physical, it is equally moral; moral in the in Russia, the revolutionary proletariat may march into sense that its deceptive democracy is a splendid means action — surely in France and Italy; but should the for promoting Imperialism and seducing the masses. United States decide upon this brutal military adven- The United States as become a world power. It ture, the American proletariat on the whole will ac- will maintain that position — potential of evil — un- quiesce, and its representatives will manufacture 1 2 Fraina: Problems of American Socialism [Feb. 1919] justifications for the offensive against Socialism and bourgeois, “liberal” democracy. The Socialist Labor the coming new civilization. And all this, not because Party, which was an active force in the initial develop- the American proletariat is not possessed of reserves ment of the new unionism, savagely attacked it and for action, but because of the organizations of this pro- the IWW when they did not pursue the road charted letariat. This is one aspect of our problems. by an essential petty bourgeois conception of the Revo- lution. To attack the unskilled proletariat rallied by Aggressive Class Struggle Fettered the IWW as a “lumpen-proletariat” — that was the by Petty Bourgeois Party Spirit. characteristic expression of the fundamental defect of the SLP in action, its petite bourgeois ideology, which, The American proletariat has an inspiring his- while it rejected the gradual, peaceful conquest of tory of aggressive struggles. The great Homestead power by the Socialist proletariat, accepted an equally strike, the American Railway Union strike in 1894, fallacious policy, the gradual, peaceful conquest of the implacable industrial struggle in Colorado, at power by the proletariat through organizing the ma- Coeur D’Alene and Goldfield, the strikes at McKees jority of the working class into industrial unions. The Rocks, Lawrence, Paterson, Passaic, Ludlow, the Socialist Party majority was even worse — it rejected Mesaba Range — all these are expressions of an ag- the IWW while serving the monstrous reaction of the gressive proletariat, of a proletariat capable of great American Federation of Labor — its attitude toward things. The American radical Labor movement first the new ideas compounded of hypocrisy and animos- clearly formulated the principles, forms, and purposes ity. American Socialism has not yet developed a realis- of industrial unionism, yet industrial unionism has tic, revolutionary policy — a policy able to arouse, made infinitely larger strides in Great Britain, Austra- integrate, and direct the revolutionary energy of the lia, and elsewhere than it has in the United States. The proletariat. American Labor Union, 20 years ago, formulated the The petite bourgeoisie is the slave of the illusions industrial union program, but it went the way of all of democracy, avoids the implacable industrial struggle, flesh; the Western Federation of Miners adopted in- rejects movements and struggles that refuse to pro- dustrial unionism, waged inspiring struggles against ceed within the orbit of parliamentarism; the petite Capitalism, and then was captured by the reaction; bourgeoisie pursuits and anemic policy, a routine ac- the Industrial Workers of the World started with great tivity, chained to the old and rejecting or camouflag- purposes and expectations, contributed a vital and ing the new — refuses to consider the actual problems aggressive spirit to our movement, in spite of all its of the Revolution and the violent struggles necessary faults; but the IWW is incapable of rallying the revo- to realize the Revolution. What the American prole- lutionary proletariat, and never built definitely upon tariat requires is a Socialism that has snapped asunder the basis of its achievements. its petite bourgeois fetters, that issues to the proletariat Why? There are a large number of reasons, ma- the clear call to the revolutionary struggle — and which terial and ideologic; but one alone that can be consid- the proletariat will answer. ered here, and that is the petite bourgeois spirit that animates American Socialism — the Socialist Party, Failure to Lend Real Support even the Socialist Labor Party. All these great instinc- to the Epochal Russian Revolution. tive revolts of the proletariat, under the impact of which new forms of industrial organization and struggle, a The attitude of American Socialism toward the new ideology, were being developed, met the open Bolsheviki is characteristic of its general policy, of its hostility or lack of understanding of Socialism. Instead anemic, petty bourgeois spirit. of accepting these forces as the initial expression of The accomplishments of the Bolsheviki are ep- new tactics and forms of action, the dominant Social- ochal. They have maintained for 15 months a revolu- ism tried to compress them within the stultifying lim- tionary dictatorship in Russia, have accomplished the its of petite bourgeois and parliamentary Socialism — first stage of the international proletarian revolution. make them serve the ends of the middle class and petty They have organized a new state, upon the basis of Fraina: Problems of American Socialism [Feb. 1919] 3

which alone can Socialism be introduced. They have life, the Bolsheviki and the proletarian revolution in issued the clear, magnificent call to the international Russia and Germany have developed the new policy proletarian revolution; and they have been a decisive and tactics of revolutionary Socialism: rally the prole- factor in the coming of the proletarian revolution to tariat for the immediate revolutionary struggle against Germany. They are active in the struggle to develop Capitalism and Imperialism; abandon the old tactics the Revolution in the rest of Europe, and the world; of parliamentary conciliation and compromise; depend and they are preparing to wage a revolutionary war upon the proletarian class struggle alone;; carry on this against international Imperialism, if necessary, in co- class struggle by means of revolutionary mass action operation with the revolutionary proletariat of Ger- and the dictatorship of the proletariat! many. The Bolsheviki have subjectively introduced the These are the immediate purposes and tactics revolutionary epoch of the proletariat, objectively in- imposed upon Socialism by the prevailing conditions; troduced by Imperialism and the war. Socialism in ac- these are the immediate purposes and tactics of the tion, Marxism become life — that, in sum, constitutes Bolsheviki, which alone can make Socialism vital and the accomplishments of the Bolsheviki. vitalizing. But while the Bolsheviki have issued the clear Nor are these simply the purposes and tactics call to the revolutionary struggle against Capitalism required when the proletarian revolution is actually in and Imperialism, they have equally issued the clear call action: they are necessary in preparing the Revolution, to the revolutionary struggle against the dominant, petty in preparing the forces that will direct the Revolution bourgeois Socialism. to the conquest of power by the proletariat.... In Russia and in Germany, the great enemy of While the proletariat is revolutionizing Capital- the proletarian revolution was not Capitalism, per se, ism, it si equally revolutionizing Socialism: what is the but moderate, petty bourgeois Socialism — that ma- response of American Socialism to this epochal cir- jority Socialism become part of the national liberal cumstance? movement, corrupted by petty bourgeois politics, al- The Socialist Labor Party never responded ad- lied with the middle class and with social-Imperial- equately to the Bolshevik call to action,, in spite of its ism. Before the proletarian revolution could conquer revolutionary pretensions. Shortly after the Bolshevi- Capitalism and Imperialism, it had to conquer the domi- ki conquered power, the National Secretary of the SLP nant Socialism. Why? Because the dominant Social- [Arnold Petersen] published an article in the Weekly ism, operating in an epoch of peaceful, national People declaring, in substance, that a proletarian revo- struggles, had become moderate, had become part of lution was impossible in Russia, because of its eco- the governing system of things, indirectly its ally and nomically undeveloped condition and because the pro- protector, had, it is true, accomplished great things, letariat was not organized into industrial unions; that but which did not and could not adapt itself to the new the day of the Bolsheviki victory was the day of their requirements of the revolutionary epoch introduced by defeat; that the Bolsheviki should not have seized Imperialism and the war. Instead of promoting the pro- power, but should have labored hard and waited — letarian revolution, the dominant Socialism was a fet- precisely the policy proposed by the counterrevolu- ter upon the Revolution and betrayed the Revolution. tionary Mensheviki. The SLP did not act upon the This is not true alone of Russia, Germany, and Aus- Soviet proposal for an armistice; and in this, the SLP, tria; it is true of every European nation, except Nor- together with the NEC of the Socialist Party, missed a way and Italy, where the tactics and requirements of great revolutionary opportunity and perpetrated a real the new revolutionary struggle are being adopted. Ev- betrayal of trust. This SLP policy of partial repudia- erywhere else, including the United States, the domi- tion and misunderstanding was pursued for months; nant Socialism pursues its old legalistic and corrupt- now it is trying to atone, by claiming that it was for ing policy, is the slave of petty bourgeois illusions, has the Bolsheviki. But in what way? The SLP does not its face turned to the past and not tot the future, is not understand the Bolsheviki; its attitude is something aware of the call to international action. like this: what is good in the Bolsheviki is implicit in Out of life itself, and the relation of Marxism to the SLP program; what is not in the SLP program, is 4 Fraina: Problems of American Socialism [Feb. 1919]

not worth anything. They have forgotten nothing and in international Socialism, of universal necessity and learned nothing; they do not realize the infinite broad- significance. ening of tactics made necessary by the new conditions The “representatives” of the party cannot com- and the experience of the proletarian revolution in pletely avoid the Bolshevik issue, so they adopt the action; they do not understand the functions of revo- policy of words, of camouflage. The Bolsheviki are lutionary mass action and dictatorship of the prole- acclaimed — miserably, in words; not daringly, in tariat; we have the truth, have always had and always deeds. There is no clear call to the reconstruction of will have the truth: three cheers for the SLP! Socialism, no clear call to accept the new purposes and The official majority in the Socialist Party tactics of the revolutionary Third International, no adopted a disgraceful policy toward the Bolsheviki. It clear call to the revolutionary struggle. Indeed, the never answered the call to agitate for the armistice pro- NEC of the Party has definitely aligned itself with posal; it was silent about the great proletarian revolu- moderate Socialism in Europe, with the betrayers of tion in Russia, until the upsurging feelings of the mem- Socialism, by delegating, with Oneal and Work, who bership compelled them to speak — and then they do not represent revolutionary Socialism, Algernon Lee spoke in the terms of the politician, in terms of cam- to the International Congress. Lee is a typical petty ouflage. They cheer for the Socialist Republic in Rus- bourgeois Socialist; he has been as silent as the prover- sia, and simultaneously they cheer for — the Socialist bial clam concerning the revolutionary events in Rus- Republic in Germany, the bourgeois, counterrevolu- sia and Germany, concerning the Bolsheviki (although tionary republic of Ebert, Scheidemann & Co., which he, too, has “jubilated” over the Socialist Republics in is betraying the revolution! Germany in Russia, in the approved style); he accepted The representatives and officials of the party the war for democracy (indeed, much worse, declared refuse to penetrate beneath the surface of events, refuse in April this year [1918] that the war should be sup- to “take sides.” They deny, as did Morris Hillquit, and ported as it was a war to save the Russian Revolution!); still deny, I believe, that the International collapsed he has, in the New York City Board of Aldermen, voted during the war; they speak much about the “revival of in favor of the Liberty Loan campaign, adopted the Socialism” — but which Socialism? They do not ad- disgraceful policy of the petty bourgeois reformer and mit the fact that this Socialism is in relentless hostility bureaucrat — Algernon Lee, in short, is a typical rep- to the old Socialism, that the implacable struggle resentative of that “Socialism” which collapsed during against the old petty bourgeois Socialism is a phase of the war, and which is directly counterrevolutionary in the “revival of Socialism.” They adopt this attitude Europe. According to the policy promulgated in the because their “Socialism” in fundamentals is identical St. Louis declaration against the war, our party should with that of the Mensheviki in Russia, with that of align itself with the Italian Socialist Party, with the Ebert, David, Scheidemann & Co. in Germany, with Bolshevik Communist Party of Russia, and the Bol- petty bourgeois “majority” Socialism everywhere. They shevik Communist Labor Party of Germany; but Lee do not want to accept the new, and so they pervert, will align the party with Haase and even Ebert, with disguise, and distort events. the Mensheviki, with the “majority” party in France, Where do you see, in the official Socialist Party which greets Woodrow Wilson enthusiastically, with press, appreciation and analysis of the problems of the the British Labour Party. This is the reactionary, official Revolution? Of mass action and proletarian dictator- policy of the Socialist Party; considering this, how ship? Of the decisive struggle in Russia, of the decisive much value is there in accepting the Bolsheviki in struggle in Germany — the struggle between “minor- words? ity” revolutionary Socialism and “majority” petty bour- Action is necessary. Emphasizing the implica- geois Socialism? Socialism is split asunder by the Revo- tions of accepting the Bolsheviki is necessary — the lution — but this fact is carefully concealed; it is con- necessity for the revolutionary reconstruction of So- cealed because the struggle in Germany and Russia cialism. against petty bourgeois Socialism and majority Social- ism is a fundamental struggle developing implacably Fraina: Problems of American Socialism [Feb. 1919] 5

Party Must Prepare for dustrial plants. Get the workers to march out of the the Final Stuggle with Capitalism. plants, go to other plants and pull out other workers, broaden the scope of this industrial action into mass The international situation, at this moment, is action — that is the policy of the militant proletariat characterized by the developing revolutionary struggle and revolutionary Socialism; only the aggressive ac- against Capitalism and Imperialism, and for a Social- tion of the industrial proletariat can prevent the gov- ist peace. ernment from “putting over” its reactionary plans. Peace with revolution — that is the tactic of the The workers won’t move? But where is that writ- revolutionary proletariat, in Russia and in Germany, ten? And, moreover, is particular agitation justified only and developing in the other European nations. But if immediate success is assured? That is hopelessly petty the official majority in the party still prates of a “demo- bourgeois and reactionary; that is the contemptible cratic” peace, of a peace without annexations and in- attitude of the “majority” Socialism everywhere. When demnities, of a “liberal” peace on the basis of Capital- the war was declared, “majority” Socialism justified its ism. This is sheer petty bourgeois ineptitude — as if acceptance and justification of the war upon the mis- there could be any real peace without the overthrow erable plea that since the proletariat had not answered of Capitalism! The Socialist Party cannot determine a the declaration of war with an immediate revolution, revolutionary peace? But it can at lease maintain its the only other course was acceptance of the war. But Socialist, proletarian integrity, in theory and in prac- the revolutionary Socialist declared: no one counted tice, develop reserves for action in the days to come.... upon immediate revolution; the war creates a revolu- The proletarian revolution in action: that is a tionary crisis, which compels us to carry on an un- definite fact. And equally definite should be our rela- compromising propaganda for the revolution; the pro- tion to this fact. letariat may not immediately answer this call to revo- The immediate requirement imposed upon us lutionary action, but the Socialist must persist; sooner is the struggle to prevent intervention in Russia and in or later, the answer will come, and we must prepare by Germany. The party officially is pledged against inter- means of an intensive agitation for the revolution. The vention; but an infinitely larger and more aggressive moderate Socialist, who is corrupted by the mercan- campaign could be carried on against intervention. The tile ideals of the petite bourgeoisie, justifies a policy only party will spend thousands of dollars, will use tremen- if it is capable of immediate success. That is not the dous energy, to elect Socialist incompetents such as policy of Socialism. The question is: is particular agi- Algernon Lee and Meyer London; but apparently, in tation in accord with Socialism, with the prevailing most cases, it is satisfied with a gesture concerning in- situation and the tendency of the revolutionary prole- tervention. Resolutions and declarations are not tariat? If it is, do not fear; success must come. enough; they should become life in intensive agita- Our campaign against intervention, which is our tion, developing the ideology of action, at least, as a immediate revolutionary task, must proceed together preliminary to action itself. with the emphasizing of the revolutionary implications Moreover, our agitation against intervention of the policy of intervention: that it is an expression of pursues, largely, a petty bourgeois policy. Faith in Presi- the international class struggle, a struggle between dent Wilson, demands upon Congress, the attempt to Imperialism and Socialism, and that the struggle create “understanding” with the “liberals,” the policy against intervention is simultaneously a struggle for of petty bourgeois democracy — all this characterizes Socialism. Equally, the revolutionary implications of the campaign against intervention. This is a clear aban- Bolshevism must be emphasized; that is a necessary donment of Socialism and the class struggle. The cam- part of our task, a necessary aspect of awakening the paign against intervention should in all its aspects as- proletariat and preparing it for action. sume the character of Socialism and the class struggle The policy of revolutionary Socialism is a policy — that alone develops power. The campaign should applicable to immediate and ultimate problems; the become a campaign to move the masses, to set them in revolutionary struggle is not alone a phase of the Revo- motion; the campaign should center in the large in- lution, it precedes and prepares the Revolution. Revo- 6 Fraina: Problems of American Socialism [Feb. 1919]

lutionary agitation is itself an act of revolution. its fundamental policy in theory and in action.... The revolutionary crisis in Europe is spreading, The necessity of revolutionary Socialism in the becoming contagious. It is admitted that if Germany United States does not depend upon the immediate becomes definitely Bolshevik, all Europe will become coming of the final revolutionary struggle; but revolu- Bolshevik. And then? Inevitably, this will develop revo- tionary Socialism develops the coming of the final lutionary currents in the United States, will develop struggle by adapting itself to the prevailing conditions: other revolutions, will accelerate and energize the pro- out of these conditions emerge revolutionary con- letarian struggle. The United States will then become sciousness and the final struggle. the center of reaction; and imperative will become our The revolutionary crisis in Europe is surely in- own revolutionary struggle. Is American Socialism fluencing the consciousness of the American prole- prepared for the struggle? It is not; and it is necessary tariat, which it is our task to express and bring to a that we prepare ideologically and theoretically for the focus; and this influence will become stronger as events final revolutionary struggle in our own country — sweep on. But certain objective conditions are devel- which may come in 6 months, or in 6 years, but which oping which, in proportion as Socialism appreciates will come; prepare for that final struggle which alone the opportunity, will accelerate the development of can make the world safe for Socialism. class consciousness and revolutionary action. Capitalism in the United States has profited enor- Strike Wave Provides Opportunity mously from the war. But, precisely because of this for Revolutionary Mass Action. fact, Capitalism must aggressively and consciously ac- cept Imperialism. The new industrial efficiency devel- Revolutionary Socialism does not mean the oped by American Capitalism, the lower costs, the in- abandonment of the immediate struggle; it engages creasing volumes of profits, and surplus capital and aggressively in this struggle. But revolutionary Social- goods — all this implies the necessity for new mar- ism accepts that struggle, or phase of the immediate kets, for undeveloped territory, for investment and struggle, which is fundamental; and pursues this markets. American Capitalism must pursue the prac- struggle by means in accord with revolutionary So- tice of Imperialism. An understanding of Imperialism, cialism — promoting the final struggle, and develop- as marking a new and final stage of Capitalism and ing reserves for the revolutionary conquest of power. introducing the revolutionary epoch, is necessary; and While the moderate Socialist nobly wages the equally necessary is the adoption of revolutionary tac- class struggle by conciliating the petite bourgeoisie, by tics to fight Imperialism. Yet American Socialism to introducing in legislative bodies bureaucratic reform these problems of revolutionary theory and practice.... measures, by ascribing to parliamentarism a creative Simultaneously, American Capitalism will itself and revolutionary significance which it does not pos- provide the objective conditions out of which can be sess, the revolutionary Socialist accepts a proletarian developed the spirit for the revolutionary struggle. The ideology, engages in the aggressive mass and industrial war has sharpened imperialistic appetites and antago- struggles of the proletariat, awakens in the proletariat nisms. Capitalism has been shaken. Capitalism must a consciousness of its control of industry — out of the “reconstruct” itself. In this reconstruction, new and mass strikes of the proletariat the revolutionary So- more acute problems will develop, new forms for the cialist tries to develop more effective forms of organi- exploitation of the proletariat, coincidentally with the zation and means of struggle. Socialism is the class development in the proletariat of a more conscious struggle — this is decisive in our policy. The moderate and aggressive spirit. Socialist depends upon the petty bourgeois parliamen- But Capitalism cannot reconstruct itself. Capi- tary struggles, and degrades politics; the revolutionary talism cannot solve the multiplying antagonisms of a Socialist depends upon the proletarian mass struggle, system of production that is decaying, that is becom- and makes politics one phase, and an auxiliary phase, ing international while its forms and control are still of the proletarian struggle. Vary as the immediate con- national. Demobilization will offer enormous prob- ditions may, revolutionary Socialism always expresses lems of providing employment. Adapting industry Fraina: Problems of American Socialism [Feb. 1919] 7 again to peace conditions means new complications. sufficiently general and aggressive. The proletariat must The sharpening of imperialistic competition and the be made to realize that its great strength lies in its con- new industrial efficiency, each will contribute in a trol of industry; and it is necessary to develop the con- measure to unemployment, to the necessity of still sciousness and forms of workers’ control of industry. The more oppression of the proletariat. Crises and antago- proletariat must be made to realize that its characteris- nisms, industrial dislocation, will characterize Capi- tic tactics consist of industrial mass action developing talism in the days to come. into revolutionary mass action, and that through this Without considering the influence of the devel- class struggle of the industrial masses alone can the So- oping international revolutionary crisis, the coming cialist proletariat conquer. period will be characterized by giant industrial revolts, And Socialism must be made to realize that the by strikes larger and more numerous than in the past, value of parliamentary action lies not in “constructive by an intense unrest of the industrial proletariat. These legislation” and bureaucratic, petty bourgeois reform strikes, which will assume the form of mass revolts, measures, but in revolutionary criticism, in developing will particularly affect the larger, basic industry, where the industrial action of the masses, in awakening their the industrial proletariat is concentrated. Conciliation, revolutionary consciousness; and that when the class reconstruction, “understanding” between employer struggle turns into a test of power, it is the revolution- and employee will not prevent the coming of this pe- ary mass action of the proletariat that will conquer, riod of great strikes, of mass industrial revolts, of po- parliaments and parliamentary activity will disappear: tential revolutionary mass action. politics may assist in developing the Revolution, but This situation will offer a great opportunity to can never become the instrument of Revolution, un- Socialism. But if, as in the past, the Socialist Party uses ceasing practice of Socialism must be revolutionary these great strikes to make political capital, to prove to mass action; the unceasing object of Socialism must the workers the futility of strikes, and the power of the be the revolutionary conquest of power, the dictator- vote — then a great opportunity will be wasted. That ship of the proletariat. is the petty bourgeois policy, which tries to compress the elemental action of the proletariat within the stul- The Growth of “Laborism.” tifying limits of parliamentary action, as such. The Socialist Party, revolutionary Socialism, An important problem is the movement devel- should use these strikes and mass industrial revolts to oping among the unions of the American Federation develop in the proletariat the consciousness of revolu- of labor to organize a Labor Party; in some cities this tionary mass action, to develop the conception and has been done, in others the proposal has been ap- practice of political strikes, to make it realize that its proved. action should center in the large plants, that when it This may, in a measure, be a reflex of similar wants to act, its action should develop out of the mill, action among the Canadian unions. It is, in still larger mine, and factory. Our political action should become measure, an expression of the new currents that the part and parcel of this mass action, should promote war and events in Europe are developing in the world’s the aggressive industrial struggle. To broaden a strike working class — expressed in immature and conser- into a demonstration, to develop, out of these, revolu- vative form. It is, accordingly, a move that, while it tionary mass action against Capitalism and the state should not meet enthusiastic and uncritical acceptance, — that is the policy of revolutionary Socialism, that is merits the serious study of the Socialist who does not the policy which will transform the coming period of flee from reality by means of phrases, nor accepts ev- strikes definitely into a period of revolutionary action, ery “reality” as real, but who studies the social align- preparing the mass action of the Revolution. ment, its development and peculiar forms, as the basis The proletariat must be made to realize that the for appropriate Socialist tactics. futility of industrial action lies not in its being indus- The organization of an American Labor Party trial action, as such, but in that it is incomplete, does may prove a step forward for the AF of L, but not not broaden and deepen itself into class action, is not necessarily a step forward for the American proletariat. 8 Fraina: Problems of American Socialism [Feb. 1919]

The AF of L, which has insisted all along upon “no instead of introducing Socialism, as was expected by politics in the unions” while dickering and compro- the gullible Socialist, strengthened Capitalism, became mising with Republican and Democratic politicians, the unifying center of bourgeois reaction camouflaged may develop a cleaner sense of independence by means in “labor” and “liberal” colors. When the war broke of independent politics, in spite of the petty bourgeois out, “labor” Australia was even more patriotic and forms these politics will necessarily assume. It may, imperialistic than bourgeois Canada, “labor” Premier moreover, by showing the futility of AF of L politics, William Morris Hughes becoming the particular pet impress upon the proletariat the necessity of revolu- of the ultra-imperialistic forces of British Capitalism. tionary Socialist action. There has been a revolt in the Labour Party against The New York Call wails that there is no neces- the “excesses” of Hughes, and more radical currents sity for a Labor Party, since the Socialist Party has been are developing under pressure of the industrial prole- in the field for 20 years. This is either an admission tariat and revolutionary Socialism, but the tendency that the Socialist Party in practice is no more than a still remains characteristic of a party of laborism. Labor Party, or a characteristic Menshevik refusal to An American Labor Party would be an expres- admit the fundamental differences between a Labor sion of the AF of L. The policy of the AF of L is clearly Party and a Socialist Party. In either case, it is counter- reactionary. It acts against the great masses of the un- Socialism. organized and the unskilled, as is proven by its atti- What is a Labor Party? The Labour Party in tude during IWW strikes. The AF of L is an organiza- England and Australia, has been , from the standpoint tion of craft unions that splits the working class; an of revolutionary Socialism, hopelessly reactionary, con- organization, moreover, that represents only a very sistently unproletarian. The British Labour Party’s small part of the working class, being largely an orga- policy is a petty bourgeois policy, a counterrevolution- nized system of “job trusts.” The AF of L during the ary policy, as has been clearly apparent from its unity war has pursued a policy of the utmost reaction, even with imperialistic Capitalism in the British cabinet, more reactionary than many circles of Capitalism; it its declaration that the war was a war of democracy, its united with Capitalism against Socialism in the United accepting petty bourgeois liberalism instead of prole- States, and in Europe through its “Labor Missions”; tarian Socialism, its nationalistic proposals concern- and a Labor Party would pursue an identical reaction- ing Ireland, its virtual acquiescence in the expulsion ary, petty bourgeois policy. of Maxim Litvinov from England, its accepting the There are elements in the Socialist Party, whose resolution of the Inter-Allied Labor and “Socialist” policy is not at all Socialist but the policy of reaction- Conference favoring “democratic” intervention in ary trade unionism and laborism, who would welcome Russia, its bureaucracy through Arthur Henderson a Labor Party, and urge merging with it. That would acting against every development of revolutionary en- be suicidal; there must be an independent Socialist ergy in the British proletariat. The British Labour Party Party: to merge with a Labor Party would promote has been a typical party of laborism, in that it struggles confusion, compromise, and disaster. for a place in the governing system of things, for petty But it must be admitted that the official major- advantages to the upper layers of the working class, ity policy of the Socialist Party in action is, in sub- instead of struggling for the overthrow of the govern- stance, the policy of Laborism disguised with “Social- ing bourgeois system. The British Labour Party has ist” phraseology. Should our party retain this policy, it been and is a party of social-Imperialism: a policy char- would become the fifth wheel of the wagon, serve no acteristic of laborism and petty bourgeois Socialism. necessary mission, and would either decay or become A characteristic of laborism is that it acts against absorbed in the Labor Party. The Socialist Party would the broad masses of the industrial proletariat, against have to irrevocably separate itself form a Labor Party the unorganized proletariat of unskilled labor. The “la- and wage war upon it by means of revolutionary So- bor” government of Australia, once in power, used cialism. armed force to break the strikes of unorganized, un- The movement to organize a Labor Party, all the skilled workers. Moreover, the “labor” government, developments now transforming the world, are a call Fraina: Problems of American Socialism [Feb. 1919] 9 to Socialist reconstruction, to the annihilation of mod- use its industrial power for large purposes? Is it using erate, petty bourgeois Socialism. The Socialist Party it for the release of Tom Mooney? Did the British La- must reorganize in accord with the new conditions, bor Party use its industrial power to secure for its del- must adopt the policy of revolutionary Socialism, of egates access to Conferences held in other nations? the Bolsheviki — accept the ideas now developing a Socialism must possess industrial power. But in- new pulse in international Socialism, and which alone dustrial power emerges only out of the class conscious- represent Socialism and Marxism. ness and revolutionary activity of the proletariat. So- The way to wage war upon a Labor Party, should cialism must have industrial power, but this will de- it eventuate, is not to promise more reforms than the velop not out of parliamentarism, not out of unity Labor Party, is not to plead and placate, but to de- with a reactionary Labor Party, but out of the aggres- velop the revolutionary consciousness of the proletariat, sive mass action of the industrial proletariat, out of to awaken to action the great, unorganized industrial awakening the masses to independent revolutionary proletariat, which is the dominant force in industry, activity, out of industrial unionism. and which will determine the destiny of the Revolu- The moderate Socialist has never concerned him- tion. This would mean a broadening of the concep- self with the struggles of the revolutionary Socialist to tion and practice of politics — a broadening fully in develop industrial power by means of industrial union- accord with Marxism and fundamental Socialism. The ism; the moderate Socialist thinks of this only when it AF of L does not represent the elements of the real may promote reactionary purposes, never when it may proletariat — the industrial proletariat massed in the promote the Revolution. basic larger industry. The AF of L, except in the case But the task of developing this industrial power of anachronisms such as the miners, represents the is important. The coming period of strikes will pro- skilled workers, the aristocracy of labor, men who have vide an excellent opportunity for the development of skill and consider this skill “property.” Their ideology more effective forms of organization, for the construc- is a petty bourgeois ideology, and their domination of tion of industrial unionism, for the building up of a Socialism and the industrial proletariat would prove a revolutionary labor movement. This is a task that So- calamity. The answer to the AF of L compromise and cialism cannot shirk. The argument that the Socialist petty bourgeois policy is to awaken the industrial pro- Party is a political party, and therefore cannot concern letariat, and pull out of the AF of L unions, such as itself with problems of union organization, is a miser- the Miners, which belong to the industrial proletariat. able subterfuge; a Socialist Party is a party of Social- As against the Labor Party, a Socialist Party; as ism, of the proletarian class struggle, of the Revolu- against the aristocracy of Labor, the masses of the in- tion; and it must concern itself with every problem dustrial proletariat; as against AF of L unionism, in- that effects the revolutionary struggle and the coming dustrial unionism; as against conciliation with Capi- of Socialism. The problem of unionism, of revolution- talism, the revolutionary struggle against Capitalism. ary industrial unionism, is fundamental — all the There is no magic in “labor” — it depends upon more, since in its theoretical phase, the construction what labor represents, its tendency and action. There of an industrial state, the abolition of the political state, is no magic in “Socialism” either; both may be reac- contains within itself the norms of the new proletar- tionary and counterrevolutionary. The great task of ian state and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Socialism is its own reconstruction — this animates A revolutionary union movement — that must its policy on all problems. be an integral phase of our activity. Life itself will de- termine the most appropriate means of accomplish- Socialist Party Must Promote ing this task; but a general revolutionary attitude and Revolutionary Industrial Unionism. activity are indispensable. The constituent elements for a revolutionary union movement are here: unions Socialism must have an economic basis — in- of unskilled workers in the AF of L, who do not be- dustrial power. That is one argument made in favor of long there and who are betrayed by the aristocracy of a union Labor Party. But does conservative unionism labor; a large number of independent unions, the radi- 10 Fraina: Problems of American Socialism [Feb. 1919]

cal character of which might develop into more revo- fundamental. My purpose is to arouse discussion of lutionary consciousness; the IWW and the masses of these problems. The fatal defect of our party is that the unorganized industrial proletariat. there is no discussion of fundamentals, no controversy This is an important problem. But it is not the on tactics. The bureaucracy and representatives of the decisive problem. The Revolution will not develop out party discourage discussion and controversy: where the of industrial unionism, but out of a crisis developing spirit of inquiry prevails, there is potential opposition. into revolutionary mass action and proletarian dictator- Let us, together and in fraternal spirit, discuss our prob- ship. Not organizations, but revolutionary class-con- lems and build the new Socialism of the final struggle, sciousness — that is the instrument of the Revolution. and victory! Industrial unionism must not become an end in itself; Let us reconstruct the party. As a preliminary, even the IWW is becoming conservative. The prole- let us integrate the revolutionary elements in the party, tarian revolution annihilates the old bourgeois order an organization for the revolutionary conquest of the party and the old organizations. The Revolution is the act by the party! The American Socialist Party needs a of the organized producers; but the producers are not definite, organized, vocal Left Wing, a unified expres- organized before but during the Revolution — by sion of revolutionary Socialism in theory and prac- means of Soviets. tice. Thus alone shall we prepare for the coming The revolutionary struggle by means of mass struggles; thus alone shall we become a decisive factor action — that constitutes the process of the Revolu- in the new, the third International — the International tion and the Revolution itself in action. of revolutionary Socialism and the final struggle.

For the Revolutionary Conquest of the Party by the Party!

I am simply projecting some of the problems of American Socialism — there are others, but these are

Edited by Tim Davenport. Ellipses in original. Topical headings new to this edition, inserted at Fraina’s own breaks. Published by 1000 Flowers Publishing, Corvallis, OR, 2007. • Non-commercial reproduction permitted.

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