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The Mysteries of Capital Michael Denning ABSTRACT “The Mysteries of Capital” argues that Marx’s Capital should be read as an imaginative work of the socialist tradition, and must be re-situated historically and generically. It then out- lines a framework for such a reading, arguing that Capital is, like Moby-Dick, a modern epic, less a linear, heroic narrative than a sprawling encyclopedia and anatomy of the world, consist- ing of five different books, each of which has generated a distinct form of Marxist thought. This essay grows out of my attempt to write an introduction to Marx’s Capital for readers in Capital reading groups, which have long been part of the infrastruc- ture of a socialist-movement culture. Many of the best introductions to Capital of the last generation have been written by economists for young economists: I am thinking of such fine books as Duncan Foley’s Understanding Capital (1986) and John Weeks’s Capital and Exploitation (1981). But the students and activists in Capital groups are usually not economists, and the quarrels among economists, Marxist and otherwise, often don’t speak to one’s experience of reading Capital. The question quickly arises: how should one read Capital? One famous Capital reading group rightly said that there were no “innocent” readings of Capital, but their own solution—“we read Capital as philosophers” (Althusser and Balibar 14)—does not work for all. I would like to suggest that Capital is best read not as a work of Marxist economics, or even of the Marxist critique of political economy, but as one of the major imaginative works of the socialist tradition. -
ALL-ROUND DEVELOPMENT of VLADIMIR LENIN's PERSONALITY Javed Akhter, Khair Muhammad and Naila Naz M.Phil Scholar, Department Of
International Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Method Vol.3, No.1, pp.23-34, March 2016 ___Published by European Centre for Research Training and Development UK (www.eajournals.org) ALL-ROUND DEVELOPMENT OF VLADIMIR LENIN’S PERSONALITY Javed Akhter, Khair Muhammad and Naila Naz M.Phil Scholar, Department of English Literature and Linguistics, University of Balochistan Quetta Balochistan Pakistan ABSTRACT: The study investigates the personality of Vladimir Lenin, in the light of Stephen R. Covey’s suggested habits, expounded in his books, “The Seven Habits of Highly Effective People” and “The 8th Habit: From Effectiveness to greatness”, following the most eminent Russian physiologist and psychologist I. P. Pavlov’s theory of classical behaviourism. Stephen R. Covey’s thought provoking and trend breaking book: “The Seven Habits of Highly Effective People” suggests seven habits and paradigms to become highly effective personality. He introduced the eighth habit in his innovative and challenging book “The 8th Habit: From Effectiveness to Greatness.” Therefore, his suggested eight habits, and paradigms, which are based on I. P. Pavlov’s theory of classical behaviourism. This paper would use the popped up chunks of I. P. Pavlov’s behaviourist theory to analyse how the process of habit formation influenced the effective and great personalities of the world. Therefore, the present study will enable the readers to confront Pavlov’s classical behaviourist theory of habit formation through stimuli and responses. The readers are also expected to abandon the bad habits and adopt the good ones. These infrequent but subtle hints serve as a model of effective as well as great personality of the world. -
Manifesto of the Left Wing National Conference [July 1919] 1
Manifesto of the Left Wing National Conference [July 1919] 1 Manifesto of the Left Wing National Conference: Issued on Authority of the Conference by the Left Wing National Council. Published as “The Left Wing Manifesto” in The Revolutionary Age [New York], v. 2, no. 1 (July 5, 1919), pp. 6-8, 14-15. The world is in crisis. Capitalism, the prevailing and the war was itself a direct product of Imperialism. system of society, is in process of disintegration and Industrial development under the profit system collapse. Out of its vitals is developing a new social of Capitalism is based upon the accumulation of capi- order, the system of Communist Socialism; and the tal, which depends upon the expropriation of values struggle between this new social order and the old is produced by the workers. This accumulation of capi- now the fundamental problem of international poli- tal promotes, and is itself promoted by, the concentra- tics. tion of industry. The competitive struggle compels each The predatory “war for democracy” dominated capitalist to secure the most efficient means of pro- the world. But now it is the revolutionary proletariat duction, or a group of capitalists to combine their capi- in action that dominates, conquering power in some tal in order to produce more efficiently. This process nations, mobilizing to conquer power in others, and of concentration of industry and the accumulation of calling upon the proletariat of all nations to prepare capital, while a product of competition, ultimately for the final struggle against Capitalism. denies and ends competition. The concentration of But Socialism itself is in crisis. -
The Left Wing Movement in the Socialist Party of America
NeVIJ Yo f" 1< CSt ate) L e~I's re>.i~ V"e I J ill l~i ... c..cY'YIWlitiee iVlyerlr <a.t,~d se.d,'i'·bU-5a .a.c.t;,,:tl~S, REVOLUTIONARY RADICALISM ITS HISTORY, PURPOSE AND TACTICS WITH AN EXPOSITION AND DISCUSSION OF THE STEPS BEING TAKEN AND REQUIRED TO CURB IT ..t BEING THE REPORT OF THE JOINT LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE INVESTIGATING SEDITIOUS ACTIVITIES, FILED APRIL 24, 1920, IN THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK PART I REVOLUTIONARY AND SUBVERSIVE MOVEMENTS ABROAD AND AT HOME VOLUME I "'\''of, ,' ',. '" \ ; \',.~' ., EVERY STRIKE IS A SMALL REVOLUTION AND A DRESS REHEARSAL FOR THE BIG ONE -The Labor Defender. (I. W. W.) Dec. 15. 1918_ ALBANY J. B. LYON COMPANY. PRINTERS 1920 THE LEFT WING MOVEMENT IN AMERICA 677 Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, was connected with the paper after his arrival here in 1916. Many members of this CHAPTER IV federation had returned to Russia and taken part in the N ovem bel' revolution, or had gone to Russia after its success to partici The Left Wing Movement in the Socialist Party of America. pate in Soviet affairs. Evidence of a marked divergence of opinion in the ranks of When Santeri N uorteva accepted the appointment to represent tho Socialist Party began to be manifest after the declaration of the Finnish Socialist Republic in this country in 1918 and later war on Germany by the United States. These differences were undertook to represent the interests of the Russian Soviet regime greatly aggravated by the success of the Russian proletarian revo before the appointment of Mr. -
The Left Wing Manifesto
,’ .: (. ‘. Devotid to the l,nt&ndion& Commirnis+ $trub&le ‘.’ Price: 5c. ‘501. 2, I&. 1. Saturday, July 5, 1919 ” ‘. ‘. .’ . .’ In This. Issue: ^ ,’ Left Wing Con~edion, Manijksto ad Program, I “Nothing Doing!” 6: THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE July 5 1919 lhe Lefk Wing Manifesto r HE world is in crisis. Capitalism, the Issued on Authority of the Co~fmwe LIponproduction. The answer of Capitalism is J. prevailing system of society, is in pro- by th.e National Council qf the Left Winq war; the answer of the proletariat is the So- cial Revolution and Socialism. cess of disintegration and collapse. Out of its THE COLLAPSE OF THE INTERNATIONAL. vitals is developing a new social order, the heavy machinery, in short, predominantlv a system of Communist Socialism; and the trade in iron goods. This export of capital, In 1912, at the time of the first Balkan war, struggle between this new social order and the together with the struggle to monopolize the Europe was on the verge of a general im- old is now the fundamental problem of inter- world’s sources of raw materials and to con- perialistic war. A Socialist International Cong- national politics. trol undeveloped territory, produces Imperial- ress was convened at Basle to act on the im- The predatory “war for democracy” domi- ism. pending crisis. The resolution adopted stig- mztized the cm&g war m imperialistic and nated the world.. ~ But now it is the revolutions A fully developed capitalist nation is com- ary proletarrat m action that dominates, con- pelled to accept Imperialism. Each nation 0s unjustifiable 07~ any $rPtext of national b- quering power in some. -
POLS 3520: Communism, Capitalism, and Social Justice, Fall 2017 Syllabus
POLS 3520 01 Communism, Capitalism, and Social Justice Dr. Ellen Carnaghan Saint Louis University, Political Science McGannon Hall, Room140 Tuesday/Thursday 11:00-12:15 [email protected] Fall 2017 (314) 977-3038 How can you tell that communism was invented by communists, not scientists? Scientists would have tested it on mice first. (Russian joke) Karl Marx developed one of the most radical and sustained critiques of capitalism and convinced many that capitalism had to be abolished. Yet the societies built in Marx’s name failed to reach higher standards of justice than the ones he criticized. This course examines Marx’s ideas and why Communist systems largely failed to achieve the goals to which they were dedicated, focusing particularly on Marx’s oversimplified view of politics. In the last section, we address contemporary critiques and defenses of capitalism and explore what it would take to construct a more just society. Course objectives: After this course, you should be able to: (Knowledge) identify key features of communist systems (Knowledge) critique the ideas of major Marxist thinkers (Critical thinking and writing) read carefully (Critical thinking and writing) evaluate and construct analytical arguments in clear and logical prose, buttressed with compelling evidence (Methodology) appraise the role of comparison in predicting outcomes of efforts to transform the world (Service to humanity) assess the effects of various social and political structures and determine which are more likely to promote equality, justice, freedom, or other values (Service to humanity) Evaluate reasons why the concrete application of Marxist ideas varied so much from the ideas in the abstract (Political efficacy) apply your knowledge of political systems to policy choices We will sometimes discuss topics that cut close to our core political and personal values, and it will be necessary always to respect and engage contrasting opinions. -
The Recasting of Chinese Socialism: the Chinese New Left Since 2000 China Information 2018, Vol
CIN0010.1177/0920203X18760416China InformationShi et al. 760416research-article2018 Research dialogue chiINFORMATION na The recasting of Chinese socialism: The Chinese New Left since 2000 China Information 2018, Vol. 32(1) 139 –159 © The Author(s) 2018 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav Shi Anshu https://doi.org/10.1177/0920203X18760416DOI: 10.1177/0920203X18760416 Tsinghua University, China journals.sagepub.com/home/cin François Lachapelle University of British Columbia, Canada Matthew Galway University of British Columbia, Canada Abstract In post-Mao China, a group of Chinese intellectuals who formed what became the New Left (新左派) sought to renew socialism in China in a context of globalization and the rise of social inequalities they associated with neo-liberalism. As they saw it, China’s market reform and opening to the world had not brought greater equality and prosperity for all Chinese citizens. As part of China Information’s research dialogue on the intellectual public sphere in China, this article provides a historical survey of the development of the contemporary Chinese New Left, exploring the range of ideas that characterized this intellectual movement. It takes as its focus four of the most prominent New Left figures and their positions in the ongoing debate about China’s future: Wang Shaoguang, Cui Zhiyuan, Wang Hui, and Gan Yang. Keywords contemporary China, market reform, end of history, New Left, Chinese socialism, Maoism, democracy, statism Corresponding author: Shi Anshu, School of Humanities, Tsinghua University, Haidian District, Beijing, 100084, China. Email: [email protected] 140 China Information 32(1) By the Cold War’s end, people suddenly discovered ‘the end of history’, and there appeared to be no alternative to the liberal economic order of or as envisaged by Francis Fukuyama. -
The Discreet Charm of the Petty Bourgeoisie: Marx, Proudhon, and the Critique of Political Economy
The Discreet Charm of the Petty Bourgeoisie: Marx, Proudhon, and the Critique of Political Economy by Ryan Breeden B.A., Simon Fraser University, 2018 Associate of Arts, Douglas College, 2016 Thesis SuBmitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences © Ryan Breeden 2020 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Fall 2020 Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Declaration of Committee Name: Ryan Breeden Degree: Master of Arts Thesis title: The Discreet Charm of the Petty Bourgeoisie: Marx, Proudhon, and the Critique of Political Economy Committee: Chair: Thomas Kuehn Associate Professor, History Mark Leier Supervisor Professor, History Roxanne Panchasi Committee Member Associate Professor, History Stephen Collis Examiner Professor, English ii Abstract This thesis examines Marx and Engels’s concept of the petty Bourgeoisie and its application to the French socialist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Rather than treating the concept as purely derogatory, I show that for Marx and Engels, the petty bourgeoisie was crucial in their Broader critique of political economy By emBodying the contradiction between capital and labour. Because of their structural position between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, the petty bourgeoisie are economically, politically, and socially pulled in two separate directions––identifying with either the owners of property, with propertyless workers, or with both simultaneously. This analysis is then extended by investigating Marx’s critique of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. I argue that for Marx, Proudhon was not wrong Because he was a memBer of the petty Bourgeoisie. -
The Prometheus of American Criticism
The Prometheus of American Criticism Michael Weiss Edmund Wilson has been an object of saintly veneration and nostalgia to those old enough to remember when literary critics were arbiters of how people spent their time between meals and work. Who now, in the age of the hatchet job and the shrinking Books section, speaks of ‘permanent criticism,’ the criticism that endures because it ranks as literature itself? The Library of America has just published Wilson’s collected works in an elegant two-volume set spanning the critic’s most productive decades – the 20s, 30s and 40s. Coming a year after Lewis Dabney’s definitive biography, the resurrection of such sorely missed volumes as The Shores of Light, Axel’s Castle and The Wound and the Bow surely qualifies an ‘event’ publication. Now there’s a term the owlish sage of Red Bank would have loathed to no end. It’s a shame, though, that Wilson’s magnificent survey of socialism, To the Finland Station, has been left out of this series because it represents not just the yield of seven years of hard study, for which he learned German and Russian, but also the culmination of one of the lesser examined leitmotifs of his interdisciplinary and breathtaking oeuvre: his political radicalism. Wilson always preferred to think of himself as a journalist rather than a critic; writing for publications such as Vanity Fair, The New Republicand The New Yorker, he reported from the squalid underbelly of the Jazz Age as well the breadlines and courtrooms of the Great Depression, serving witness to many of the formative scandals and uprisings that impelled progressive opinion. -
Marxism Freedom and the State
Marxism Freedom and the State Translated and Edited with a Biographical Sketch by K. J. Kenafick TO THE MEMORY OF J. W. (Chummy) FLEMING WHO, FOR NEARLY SIXTY YEARS UPHELD THE CAUSE OF FREEDOM AT THE YARA BANK OPEN AIR FORUM MELBOURNE, AUSTRALIA -- K. J. Kenafick [First published in 1950 by Freedom Press. Scanned in and put in HTML format by Greg Alt ([email protected]) on January 15, 1996. There was no copyright notice found in the 1984 printing by Freedom Press. All of the text except for the footnotes, foreword, and biography were written by Mikhail Bakunin and translated and edited by Kenafick. I have tried to fix all the errors resulting from scanning, but be aware that there are probably a few left{Dana Ward corrected html errors, December, 1999}] Table of Contents • Foreword • Life of Bakunin 1. Introductory 2. Marxist Ideology 3. The State and Marxism 4. Internationalism and the State 5. Social Revolution and the State 6. Political Action and the Workers • Appendix Liberty for all, and a natural respect for that liberty: such are the essential conditions of international solidarity. --Bakunin Foreword In my book Michael Bakunin and Karl Marx, I stated in a footnote that I intended to reprint certain passages from Bakunin in a booklet to be entitled Marxism, Anarchism and the State. The present work is a fulfillment of that intention; but I have slightly altered the title, because on reflection, I felt that Bakunin was here treating of wider and deeper matters than merely the merits of one political philosophy as against another. -
Working Paper No. 31, Marx and Proudhon: Two Visions of Socialism
Portland State University PDXScholar Working Papers in Economics Economics 6-15-2019 Working Paper No. 31, Marx and Proudhon: Two Visions of Socialism Lillian Garcia Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/econ_workingpapers Part of the Economic History Commons, and the Economic Theory Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Citation Details Garcia, Lillian. "Marx and Proudhon: Two Visions of Socialism, Working Paper No. 31", Portland State University Economics Working Papers. 31. (15 June 2019) i + 20 pages. This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Working Papers in Economics by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. Marx and Proudhon: Two Visions of Socialism Working Paper No. 31 Authored by: Lillian Garcia A Contribution to the Working Papers of the Department of Economics, Portland State University Submitted for: EC345, “Marxist Political Economy”, 15 June 2019; i + 20 pages Prepared for Professor John Hall Abstract: This inquiry seeks to establish that Karl Marx and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon espoused fundamentally different visions of socialism. Marx regarded Proudhon with initial enthusiasm and joined the left at large in celebrating his 1840 essay, What is Property? However, in 1846, when Proudhon attempted to solve the problems of capitalism in his work, System of Economic of Contradictions or The Philosophy of Poverty, Marx took to his pen for an unsparing attack, authoring his The Poverty of Philosophy. At the crux of their split were two analyses of the status of labor and two competing prescriptions for change. -
Liberal Socialism and the Future of China: a Petty Bourgeoisie Manifesto
Work in progress, related to my larger project of giving a new interpretation of “Xiao Kang” (小康) Liberal Socialism and the Future of China: A Petty Bourgeoisie Manifesto Cui Zhiyuan A specter is haunting China and the world — the specter of Petty Bourgeoisie Socialism. Why? Both Marxism and Social Democracy has lost its political and intellectual momentum worldwide. The disillusion about neoliberalism is also growing. Petty Bourgeoisie Socialism can make some sense out of the current confusion in interpreting the institutional arrangements in today’s China. Moreover, since Socialism should not perpetuate the proletarian status of the working class, the Universal Petty Bourgeoisie seems to be the promise of the future. 1 The central economic program of Petty Bourgeoisie Socialism is to establish a “socialist market economy”, especially through reforming and transforming the existing institutions of financial markets. The central political program of Petty Bourgeoisie Socialism is to promote “economic and political democracy”. The leading thinkers in the rich tradition of Petty Bourgeoisie Socialism are J-P. Proudhon, F. Lassalle, J.S. Mill, Silvio Gesell, Fernand Braudel, James Meade, James Joyce, Charles Sabel, Fei Xiaotong and Roberto M. Unger. The notion of “petty bourgeoisie” used in this paper includes peasants. This is the main difference with the notion of “middle classes” used in the current Chinese discourses. But the concept of Petty Bourgeoisie Socialism can be associated with the current Chinese effort to build “Xiao Kang