Combined with "The New York Communal" The Revolutionary Age . Devoted to the International Communiai StruBjle

, . Vol. 2. No.1. Saturday. July 5. 1919 Price Sc.

In This Issue: Left Wing Convention, . Manifesto and Program . ...-

11\~ e.'fo\t Wn~/G-etl~

~Pp1ll"" ~ "Nothing Doing!"'

, ,f l '2 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE July 5, 1919,

'Wing Manifesto, and decided to organize a g-iganticarmies and the building of huge navies The Revolutionary Age new party on September I" if all delegates to Even while they bend. to affix their signatu- . the Emergency Party Convention on August res their armies leap at the throats. of the new Combined with The New York "Communist" 30 are not seated. Will National Secretaory republics they, themselves, have called into NATIONAL ORGAN of the LEFT Germer expel the Party in Ohio? being in the name of liberty; while their navies draw tighter the starvation knot round and WING SECTION, The Left Wing does not recognize these ex­ pulsions. Our procedure is this: strangling workers and peasants of Russia and LoUIS C. FRAINA, Editor' Hungary. While they speak of democracy and All state and local organizations of, the So~ EADMONN MACALPINE, Managing Editor freedom, they starve three nations and prepare cialist Party (whether expelled or suspended) to set against the people of Russia the repre- ,Owned and Controlled by the Left Wing must elect their delegates to the Emergency ~ntative of the Czarism these people have Section of the Socialist Party Convention. Not to do 'this is to abandon the overthrown. struggle in the Party, to surrender to the NATIONAL COUNCIL, Peace is sign~d, but war is raging. John BaHam C. E. Ruthenberg bureaucracy. The representatives of have Max Cohen These delegates, with their credentials, will proved themselves incapable of settling the James Larkin I. E. Ferguson appear at the Party Convention as if no ex­ problems confronting society. They have Bertram p. Wolfe pulsions or suspensions had been perpetrated. proved incapable of settling the problems that 1. E. Ferguson, National Secretary If they are seated (through a Left Wing ma­ confront themselves. Even the authors of this ority within) we shall proceed to reorganize peace are unable to protect themselves from Issued Weekly. B. 'Gitlow,"Business Manager. ~he party on a Communist basis. ~ach other. The representatives of Capitalism 5c.a copy. Six months, $1.50. One year, $3.00. from the vanquished peoples have equally 43 West 29th Street, New York City. If they are not seated, all Lt::ft Wing delega­ tes will secede, and organize a new Communist proved themselves incapable. Before the stronger Capitalism they bow in. humiliation, -~., Party. This w s the procedure decided upon by the and plant the feet of the conauerors still more National Left Wing Conference. Any act that firmly upon the necks of their peoples. =nterferes with this procedure strikes directly There is only one answer to the peace of Reaction Dominant at the Left Wing, and revolutionary . Versailles. Russia and Hungary have given it Expulsions? Let them expel ! Our task is :n clear and unequivocal tones. Only where THE American Government, under the con- 'he broad masses of the people have taken the to secure the revolutionarv masses in the So~ trol of Capitalism, is apparently bent on cialist Party. At Chicago; the Left Wing may power in their own hands is the might of the revealing all the depths of its char­ not secure control of the official party. What conquerors impotent. Before the revolutionary acter., of it ? Again: our task is to secure the revolu­ workers and peasants, the cajolery of diplo­ . While the capitalist press lavishes its praise tionary masses in the Socialist Party for a macy and the threats of armed might are alike 'upon the Peace-and particularly upon the Party of Communist Socialism. helpless. '''liberating'' mission of the government of the Capitalist.:., by its peace of United States-the acts of the government and violence, i~' bankrupt, is dragging society into the words of the conscious representatives of The Peace chaos. Like a beacon light the revolutionary American Capitalism reveal the purpose to im­ soviet republics point the way to world secur­ pose reaction and conquer world power for WITH all the pomp and cer,emony of the ity. Society stands at the parting of the ways "our" Imperialism. Medieval conquerors. the great "de­ -to and security, to The Senate brutally speaks of "America's mocracies" have dictated their "peace" terms to Capitalist-Imperialism and disaster. interests." Open scorn answers the old slo­ the vanquished. No detail that would reveal gans about "making the world safe, for demo­ the true nature of the' peace was lacking. The A Correction .cracy." "Ideals" have served their purpose­ old barbaric forms were strictly adhered to, 'power is now the only ideal. , even to the final humi)iation of the vanquished. (Publication Unavoidably Delayed.) Financiers-while the political "liberators" All the great words, all the heroic phrases, Editor "REVOLUTIONARY AGE": pose-'are quietly but systematically mobili­ all the high idealism-all vanished and the sce­ In your issue of May 17, you printed 'a zing their forces for the conquest of world ne revealed only the age-long spirit-"Woe to letter (address not indicated) in which Her­ power and the suppression of the . the vanquished." Never did feudal knight man Shuster makes it appear as if, although Finance- determines the action of the enforce his will upon a beleagured garrison a member of the 1. W. W., he had received Peace Conference and of American diplomacy. with sterner disregard for the "hurr.anities", no assistance either from the Chicago head­ The infamous assault upon the liberty of never were the forces of disease and famine quarters of the organization or from the New Soviet representative Martens is followed by more implacably invoked. "Starve or surren­ York Defense Committee of the 1. W. W. an 'insolent, brutal answer of the American der" said the barbaric lord of old. "Starve or We have been instructed by the membership government to Soviet Commissaire Chicherin's 'pt" said the "great democracies." of the New York branch of the 1. W. W. to protest against the violation of Marten's rights. So the Germans signed, and "peace" is pro­ reguest you to correct the erroneous impres­ This proceeds together with ruthless attacks claimed to the world! sion you have helped to create by printing upon Socialist organizations-'by means of law Shuster's letter without first ascertaining the and legislatures, and the foul slanders of the A peace that is merely an armstice, merely a facts. -gutter. halt until the new antagonisms, with which the On' receipt of the letter Shuster mentions Through all this looms the sinister menace. treaty is replete, develop--and then new wars. having sent to Louis Ratnofsky on Feb. 4, the -of intervention in Mexic~to aggrandize Ame­ A peace that is the final proclamation to the N. Y. Defense Committee directed a 'rican capital. peoples of the world that capitalism knows lawyer to call on Shuster, and also madear­ Reaction is dominant-necessarily dominant. naught of peace, that Imperialism must batten rangements for his release on bond, but he on continual war. A Peace that condemns man­ It'is the 'characteristic of Capitalism. The offi­ wrot~ back that it was "too cold" and that he kind to incessant bloodshed-unless the world ciaJ A. F. of L. accepts reaction. The official preferred to remain where h~ was. Socialist Party promotes reaction by its mise­ ')roletariat intervenes, and sweeps away society, Furthermore, while Shuster was on Ellis rable compromising policy. But labor thinks, that so arrogantly proclaims its bankruptcy. Island:"last winter, he shared in the "jail com­ and prepares to act. Out of reaction issues the After five years of war, of the mobilization forts" and other assistance.given regularly to forces for the militant class struggle against of the world for destruction, of the concentra­ the deportees by the New York Defense Com­ capitalism. tion of the entire energies of three-fourths of mittee. Besides this, since his transfer to the the world's peoples on the work of feeding the Boston Immigration Station, the secretary of flames of international hatreds; after six the Boston Defense Committee, William Aro­ Another Expulsion months of diplomatic intrigue, of the fencing noff, who makes his headquarters in your build­ HE National Executive Committee of of the "greatest minds" of bourgois society, ing, has been in frequent touch with him. T a treaty was signed and the farce of peace is V\T e ask you to publish this rectification of . the Socialist Party has expelled the So- solemnly proclaimed to the thunder of the guns Shuster's misstatements, and take this oppor­ cialist Party of Massachusetts, comprising abo­ of the twenty-two wars raging throughout the tunity to recommend th.at, in future cases of ut 6,000 members. The basis for this is the world, and, the sinister preparations of all this sort, out of fairness to your readers as acceptance of the and for the wars that are developing out of the well as to those directly concerned, you in­ Prog-ram by the State Convention. antagonisms of the treaty that heralds peace. vestigate the facts before you print an e:r parte Simultaneously, comes the news that the Even while the "statesmen" in Paris sign statement. State Convention of the Socialist Party of the treaty their colleagtles in their respective NE\V YORK DEFENSE COMMITTEE, Oh~o, by a vote of 47 to 7, has adopted the Left parliaments lay new plans for the raising of Per James Doyle, Secretary. July 5, 1919 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE 3-

lutionary Socialism. The issue was forced by Clear the Decks! the moderates in control of the Party ma: Boishevikjabs chinery; but the Left Wing accepts the chal­ T HE stmggle in the Socialist Party, be- lenge. CHINA refuses to sign the Peace Terms­ tween moderate Socialism and revolu­ Unity! Of whom and for whom? Of which merely proves· that all the money tionary Socialism, has assumed a char­ mOderate Socialism for State' Capitalism; or we have spent on missionaries failed t6 cor- acter making a split not alone inevitable, but of revolutionary Socialism for the Communist rupt the heathen. .' necessary. conquest of power? * * * Action that is necessary cannot .be evaded. Unity! The moderates constituted unity "And it is much more than j:l treaty of peace The integrity of a movement is more important their litany, until the upsurge of revolutionary with Germany" says President Wilson in than the unity-of a party. The unity of a party Socialism in the Socialist Party compelled speaking of the Peace Terms. We would have is a means to an end; and when the end itself them 'to recognize that their salvation was to put it the other way round and said: "It is is jeopardized by this unity, the unity must break the unity of the Party,-which was ac­ much less than a treaty of peace with Ger­ be broken. complished, treacherously and impudently. many-it is a declaration of war.;' But this broken unity becomes the condition * * * There is a tendency to attach too much im­ General Smuts' protest which accompanied portance to the expuisions perpetrated by the for the emergence of a revolutionary Socialist movement. ' It means the easier conquest, if his signature shows at least that he learned N. E. C of the Socialist Partv. These acts something from his visit to Hungary. constitute treacherv, of a particularly mean not of the machinery of the Socialist Party, of the revolfJ,tionary masses in the Party. * * * variety. But that is not the issue. The issue We suppose that the signing of the docu­ is much more fundamental. and the funda­ The Left Wing has conquered the Socialist ment in Versailles means that we can now mental aspeCts ~ust be emphasized: the issue Party. That is indisputable. Equally indis­ proceed with the other 22 wars in peace. comprised in the impossibility of recontiiling putable is it that the moderates may, through * * * revolutionary proletarian Socialism 'lvith mod- police power, .control the Emergency National There is an important omission in the news­ erate petty . . Convention on August 30, refusing to admit paper accounts of the ceremonies at Versailles. The N. E. C. and the reactionary party the delegates of' suspended states and locals. The entire press forgot to mention that the bureaucracy generally are animated, not by In that event, the Left Wing will constitute Bolsheviki were not present. individual m:alignancy (this is there) but fun­ its own Convention and organize a new Com­ * * * damentally by their particular conception of munist Party of revolutionary Socialism. Their absence must not, however, be taken Socialism, which is not in any sense in accord Should the Left Wing capture the Party as indicative of a lack of interest on their with fundamental Socialism. They are con­ ,Convention, it will proceed immediately to part. It was merely due to the fact that they serving the Party as it was,-an exoression reorganize the Socialist Party on the basis of felt confident that the Big Four would do of "Socialism" and A. F. of L. a Communist Party. This implies not simply the job to their entire satisfaction. Laborism.They represent the social tendency the adoption of resolutions; it means not sim­ * * * comprised in social- and trades-union ply a transformation in words, but in deeds. How well their expectations have been ful­ activity, which, while dominating the Socialist The moderates, under these circumstances, will filled is proved by the fact that thev intend to movement until now, is directly contrary to the secede; and we shall hasten their secession make the Peace Treaty their chief means of actual fads of .the proletarian class struggle by the implacability of our policy. propaganda. in its revolutionary implications. It is necessary to clear the decks. Conquer * * * It is against this non-Socialist tendency, and the Socialist Party for a Communist Party of Lenin is quoted as saying that he regards not simply al!,ainst the Party bureaucracy, that revolutionary Socialism! the document as a masterpiece, while Trotzky the Left Wing (and revolutionary Socialism is of the opinion that a comparison of the in the whole. world) is in revolt. propaganda. values of the Paris document with those of the one signed at Brest-Litovsk con­ , The tendency of the Left Wing is that of Debs in Prison clusively prove that in this field the Allies are the militant proletariat, an expression of the immeasurably ahead of the Germans. mass struggle of the proletariat.-a strug~le not alone against the dominant Capitalism, but Much has been written of the liberal * * * equally against the smaller caoitalists, the mid­ treatment which Debs received at the "After Brest-Litovsk" says the Russian war dle class and the privjleged " of hands of the authorities since his incar­ minister, "we swung Hungary into line and labor" of the dominant trades-unionism. ceration. But this liberality at?parently we were enabled to make the first definite ceased with his transfer to Atlanta Jail. impression on Germany herself. With the Ver­ There is no compromise conceivable on this Since then no news has been received of sailles treaty as a basis we expect to 'Swing fundamental issue. An issue of a treacherous his treatment and his comrades have the rest of the world into line and complete bureaucracy, an issue of momentary disputes been living under a false impression. the conversion of Germany to the principles in tactics,-these can be compromised on the Whatever may have been his fate in of Bolshevism." basis of "unitv of the Partv." But an issue Moundsville Jail, a brutal autocracy has ,that goes to the heart of Socialism and the * * * since seen to it that Debs suffers all the .It is reported in Lonnon that, as spokes~ proletarian class struggle, an issue that means ri~ors of prison discipline. In Atlanta for the Monarchs' Union, King George hasob­ the conquest of Capitalism by Socialism or J ail, 'Gene Debs,-the pulsing heart of j ected to the document on the g'round that it the annihilation of Socialism by Capitalism,­ the American Socialist movement-:-now gives the revolutionists altogether too much this issue' excludes compromise. To comprom­ grown old and' bent in the physical hody propaganda material. The Mikado has 'also ise on this issue is to compromise fundamental with years of service in the cause of the lodged a formal protest on the ground that Socialism. oppressed masses of America-and the the League of Nations has usurped his Divine Facts are facts. world, is' condemned to work in the Right. clothing factory during- the hours of The elemeItts represented by the dominant sunlight. From 5 o'clock in the evening On the other hand* * Samuel * Gompers ex- bureaucracv in the Socialist Party are not until 7 in the morning Debs, in whose elements of Socialism; they are elements that pressed himself as entirely indifferent, saying soul is the freedom of the lashing sea, of that if the A. F. of L. could survive Atlantic should affiliate 'with the Labor Party. Revolu­ the rushing wind as sweeps the plains, tionary Socialism cannot compromise and n: City it certainly was proof against any propa­ is locked in a narrow cell, like a beast ganda written in Versailles. unite with these non-Socialist elements; and by in a cage. For twenty minutes each day their. campaign of terror and expu!sion, these he is allowed to exerdse out of doors, * * * moderate elements recognize that they cannot The Lusk Committee took a more serious for twenty minutes each day he may view of the matter and, while stating that Ver­ compromise or unite 'with the Socialism of the tramp the prison yard and "gaze upon Left Wing-of the Communist Intenlational. sailles was outside its jurisdiction, informed our that little tent of blue that prisoners call correspondent that it had the subject under I f the moderates retain control of the Social­ the sky." consideration and would probably seize the ist Party, they will expel all revolutionary ele­ He is prohibited from reading any Soc­ document if it entered through the port of ments; if the Left Wing gets control of the ialist or radical literature, he may not N ew York and thus prevent its distribution in ,4I'Bd 'B 0lU! AP'Bd ;;,ql WJOjS'BJl H!M l! 'AlJ'Bd receive any packages and he is permitted America. of revolutionary Socialism, of the Communist to send only one short note each week to * * * International. The Left Wing will brook no his family. William English Walling' was one of the compromise. This is Capitalism's answer to Social­ few people entirely satisfied. He said that he The unity of the Party is broken. It was ism. Let Socialism answer Capitalism. knew all along that demoracy could be relied necessary to break this unity to promote revo- upon. 4 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE J~l~Y 5. H)I9

'/ '. The National· Left Wing Conference T HE Left Wing of the Socialist Party has Max Cohen (N. Y.), J. Lasman (Mass.), Jack the National Council, and that only the Pro­ unified and organized itself nationally. Carney (Duluth), A. Wagenknecht (Ohio) gram be considered. After a discussion,' in At its first National Conference, held in New and J .. Stillson (Chicago) proceeded to con­ which the Communist Party again interjected sider credentials. Pending their report vari­ itself, this procedure was adopted. Ferguson York City starting June 21", the Left Wing was animated ·by a fundamental and unaltera­ ous delegates spoke concerning conditions in then read the Program on behalf of the Com­ ble determination to conquer the old Socialist their local movement. Zucker, of Kings Co., mittee, which was considered point by point. Party for the revolutionary Socialism of the spoke in favor of the immediate organization It was in two parts-oneO the Communist Pro­ . of a Communist Party, after which the Chair gram, consisting of a summar:y of the Bolshe­ The most important issue before the Con­ urged that this particular problem be discus­ vik Call for an Internatiorial Communist Con­ ference was whether a Communist Party sed when it actually should come before the gress and of the Manifesto and Program of should be immediately organized by the CO!l­ Conference. , just returned from the Communist International; the other a Pro­ ference, and the struggle in the SociaJist Party attendance at the A. F. of L. Convention, gave -gram devoted to the program. of the Left now be abandoned or whether the fight should a satirical and critical sketch of the proceed­ Wing.. An interesting discussion took place, continue until the Emergency Convention. The ings, indicting the A. F. of L. as a betrayer particularly on mass action; Batt of Detroit Conference by a large majority decided to of the wDrkers. opposed the Committee's report on mass ac­ wage the struggle within the Party unW Sep­ The report of the Credentials Committee tion, arguing that the term mass action should tember, in order to rally all the revolutionary recommended the seating of 66 delegates from be qualified by the word political, while Fraina elements for a Communist Party,· meanwhile 14 states (other delegates being seated at sub- answering on behalf of the Committee, argued organizing, temporarily, as the Left Wing that mass action, while it develops non-politic­ Section of the Socialist Party. ally under the impulse of concentrated in­ The Left Wing Conference was overwhe1m­ dustry, acquires a political character as it comes in conflict with the bourgeois state, in~ly a proletarian body. It was animated with a fine spirit of enthusiasm, which nothing mass action being not alone the tactics of the could daunt. For four days the delegates la.. immediate struggle, but equally the final tac­ bored over important problems; and the prod­ tics of the . uct of their labors was an organization basis In the discussion of the report of the Com­ and a theoretical formulation for. a real party mittee on Manifesto and Program, the issue of revolutionary Socialism. It was a. Bol· of the immediate organization of a Communist shevik Conference, appreciating the vital ne· Party was again interjected. This interjec­ cessity of a Bolshevik policy for .the Amer­ tion of the Communist Party issue interfe1"ed ican J>.roletariat: On the one hand, a fringe with the transaction of business: realizing of Menshevik delegates were overwhelmingly which, .the Conference decided to suspend the beaten; and,on the other, a tendency toward regular order of business and proceed with Anarcho- met with absolutely no the report of the Organization 'Committee. response. Theoretically and tactically, this The majority of the Organization Committee Conference stands alone in the history of reported in favor of the Conference organiz­ American Socialism. ing as the Left Wing Section of the American The Conference was composed of over 90 Socialist Party, that a National Council of nine members should be elected to compose delegates from 20 different states, coming overwhelmingly from large industrial centers, , the executive· organ of the Left Wing Sec­ tion, and that The Revolutionary Age (to be the heart of the militant proletarian movement, The Upsurge of Socialism such as New York, Boston, Buffalo, Rochester, combined with the ), Philadelphia, Providence, Pittsburgh, Hart­ sequent sessions) but split on the question of should become the national organ. The ma­ ford, Chicago, Minneapolis, Duluth, St. Paul, seating 15 delegates representing the Central jority further reported in favor of carrying Detroit, Kansas City, Denver, Cleveland and Committees of the Russian, Polish, Lettish, on the fight within the Party for the coming Oakland, Cal. The Left Wing has taken firm Ukrainian, Esthonian, Lithllanian and South two months; that all Left Wing locals and· root in New England and the Pacific Coast, Slavic Federations. The majority recom­ states, including those expelled or suspended, in the North-West and Middle West, in New mended seating them as full delegates. Max should elect delegates to the Emergency Con­ Mexico, wherever the militant proletariat is in Cohen, as the minority, opposed this, arguing vention of the Socialist Party to be held at action. A letter was received from dozens of that the· Federations were already adequately Chicago, August 30; and that if all deleg-ates comrades "doing time" in Fort Leavenworth represented through regular delegates they are not seated, including delegates of sus­ Prison, greeting the Conference as the inspir­ elected or participated in electing, and that pended organizations. the Left Wing dele­ ation of revolutionary Socialism. seating delegates from the Central Committees gates shall secede and organize a new Com­ Louis C. Fraina was elected temporary meant duplicate representation. The majority munist Party. The minority, consisting of Chairman, and in his opening address sounded report was accepted. Nicholas I. Hourwich, reported in favor of the the keynote of the Conference: With the adoption of the Credentials Com­ immediate organization of a Communist "This Conference is an expression of the mittee's report Fraina vacated the chair, and Party. upsurge of revolutionary Socialism within the William Bross Lloyd of Ch~cago was elected All Sunday evening was given to this -dis­ Party. The crisis jn Capitalism has created a permanent Chairman, A. Renner of Detroit cussion. Fraina raised a point of order that crisis in Socialism, and this crisis goes to the Vice-Chairman, Fannie Horowitz of New the minority report in favor of immediately heart of our revolutionary problems. The pro­ York permanent secretary, and Rosenthal of organizing a Communist Party was out of letarian revolution in action has modified the Philadelphia assistant secretary. Committees order, on the ground that it was in conflict old tactical concepts of Socialism; and the in­ were then elected as follows: with the Call of Local Boston, Local Cleve­ spiration of the Bolshevik conquests, joining Manifesto and Program: Fraina (Boston), land and the Left Wing Section of N ew York with the original minority Socialism in the Batt (Detroit), Stocklitzky (Chicago), Ruth­ City, on the basis of t'vhich the Confe.rence met. Socialist Party, has produced the Left Wing. enberg (Cleveland) and Ferguson (Chicago). The Chair ruled the point of order well taken, In spite of a reactionary bureaucracy, revolu­ Organization, Finance and Press: Cohen and the minority report not before the house. tionary Socialism is conquering the Socialist (N. Y.), Wagenknecht (Ohio), N. I. Hour­ An appeal was taken from this decision. re­ Party, proclaiming that in spite of the ~ead wich (N. Y.), E. Lindgren (Brooklyn), Mac-' sulting in a vote of 42 to 42, which sustained policies of the past, it will lay the basis for Alpine (New York). the chair. MacAlpine tkereupon moved. sec­ a 'revolutionary Socialist movement. Our So­ Labor Committee: John Reed (N. Y.), Ben onded by Fraina, a suspension of the rules in cialism will conquer not only the masses in Gitlow (Bronx), A. Anderson (Boston), Car­ order to discuss the immediate organization the party, but the proletarian masses outside. ney (Duluth) and Jurgis (Boston). of a new party. Larkin amended that' Hour­ the party. This Conference has an historic Resolution,S: John Ballam (Boston), Bross wich, representing those favoring an immedi­ .mission to perform, and it will perform it in Lloyd (Chicago), Tywerowsky (N. Y.), Mau­ ate Communist Party, and C. E. Ruthenberg, accord with the militant of revolu­ rin (Boston) and Stillson (Chicago). representing those favoring the other view, . tionary Socialism. OUf task is not an imme­ At the second session, Sunday afternoon, the be empowered to draw up a joint resolution diate revolution; it is the task of organizing Committee on Manifesto and Program report­ around which the discussion could center. The and preparing for the revolutionary struggle." ed. It was recommended to the Conference resolution was as follows: The Credentials Committee, consisting of that the approval of the Manifesto be left to "Resolved, that the Left Wing Conference July 5, I9I 9 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE 5

immediately sever all connections with the recommending that the executive body of the Couhcil. The 31 practically bolted the (10- Socialist Party of the United States and pro­ Left Wing Section shall be a" National Coun­ ference. ceed at once with the work of organizing a cil of nine members, elected by the Conference At the following sessions (eight in all were "new party." itself. A minority of two, Hourwich and held) the reports of the Committees on Mani­ Practically all the delegates participated in Lindgren, brought in a minority report that, festo and Program, Labor Organization and the discussion. The advocates of an immedi­ in addition to these nine, there shall be at Resolutions, were disposed of. A discussion ate organization of a Communist Party argued least seven other members to be elected one took place on the question of a resolution -en­ that this was the psychological moment; that each by the Central Committees of the Rus­ dorsing the 1. W. W. "The report of the further work in the Socialist Party would sian Federations (this, in time, would mean Labor Organization Committee was finally simply secure for us "centre" elements; that at least eleven members on the Council elected adopted, accepting the 1. W. W. as a revolu­ we should organize immediately on an UIl­ by Central Committees pf the Language Fed­ tionary mass movement, but condemning the compromising party basis. The opponents erations). This proposal would have meant theoretical short-comings of its spokesmen. argued that a Communist Party must be or­ co~trol of the National Council by delegafes Resolutions were adopted approving the class ganized; that no one could oppose this party, of the Federation Central Committees. The war prisoners strike, sending our greetings to and that the only issue was one of judgment argument made in favor was that the Federa­ all comrades in prison, condemning and oppos­

and time, wether it should be done now in tions constitute the backbone of the Left Wing, ing intervention in Mexico1 expressing our New York or two months later in Chicago; and are solidly Bolshevik; the argument made with the comrades of Russia and that it was absolutely necessary to proceed against was that the Conference could not· Hungary, and calling upon worker:s to refuse with the struggle in the Socialist Party for approve of separate and duplicate representa­ to work on munitions for the counter-revolu­ two months nIore, in order to rally the broad tion, the Federations already being adequately tion, and that the National Council be in­ revolutionary masses of the party for Com­ represented by delegates at the Conference it­ structed to study the agrarian problem. The munist Socialism. The resolution in favor of self; and that we should have membership con­ Labor Organization Committee brought in a immediately! organizing a Communist Party trol, not Central Cammittee control. The min­ plan for actual agitation among the workers, was defeated by a roll call vote of 55 against ority report was defeated. A National Coun­ a permanent Labor Committee being elected, 38. cil of nine members was thereupon elected, subject to the National Council, for this work, The issue came l1P in another form, wheIl, as follows: C. E. Ruthenberg, of Cleveland; as follows: .Reed (N. Y.), Jiin Cannon (Kan­ after a caucus, the delegates representing "the Louis C. Fraina, of Boston; 1. E. Ferguson, sas) , Marion Sproule (Mass.) , Carney Central Committees of the Russian Federations of Chicago; John Ballam, of Boston; James (Minn.) , Cosgrove (Mass.) I' Stankowitz brought before the Conference the Call of the Larkin, of N ew York; Eadmonn MacAlpine, (Penna.), Key (CaL), Gitlow (N. Y.), and Socialist Party of Michigan for a convention of New York; Benjamin Gitlow, of New Jurg-is (Mass.). in Chicago, September I, to organize a new York;.; Max Cohen, of N ew York; and Bert The final act of the Conference was the Socialist Party, asking that the Conference Wolle, of New York. (At the 'first meeting adoption of the following motion, made by endorse the Ca:ll. Challenged to deny that of the Council, Fraina was elected Editor of Fraina: "That the National Council call a the Michigan call was not a Menshevik one, The Revolutionary Age, and MacAlpine Man­ conference in Chicago September I of all revo­ all the Russian comrades remained silent. aging Editor; these two comrades thereupOn lutionary eYements willing to unite with a" This was also defeated. The Conference, an­ resigned as members of the Council.) revolutionized Socialist Party or with a Com­ ticipating that the repudiated National Ex­ On the third day, 31" delegates, consisting munist Party that may be organized by Left eC11tive Committee of the Socialist Party might mostly of the Federations, decided, after a \Vitig delegates seceding from the Convention call off the Emergency Convention, passed a caucus, that they would withold further activ­ of the Sociali~t P:lrtv to he held AUgllst 30." motion that, in that event, the national Left ity in the Conference because of its attitude After an inspiring singing of the "Red Wing itself carryon the August 30 convention. on the Communist Party, these delegates resig­ Flag" and the "Internationale" the Conference Another intense discussion took place on ning from all committees and having pre­ adjourned, determined to conquer lor 'Com­ the report of the Organization Committee, viously declined nominations for the National munist Socialism. To the Workers of Germany

IN tpis terrible hour when the German By G. CHICHERIN. the mighty weapons of the Red Armies. The hour of the final victory is yet distant. Serious people are suffering under the cruel blows Russian Soviet Commissaire of Foreign of a victorious Imperialism, the revolutionary battles against the hosts of imperialism and workers and peasants of Russia send their Affairs (Moscow, May 26). against the counter-revolutionary bands which fraternal greetings ane' expressions of work­ have penetrated into our territory are still be- ers solidarity. Entente imperialism has de­ . . . ing waged. But the Russian workers and feated its enemy and is now elebrating its fea'st bon wt11 contmuously hang oyer the whole peasants know that they are progressing step of victory, which will not, however, last very country. by step towards the final victory. long. Recognizing no restraint, devoid of Under the cover of guarantees and con- For the workers and peasants of Germany shame, it exposes its bandit nature, which trol, the victor, ·the new slave driver, will a!so, the!r pre~ent sufferings are only a tran­ knows nothing but profit. force and robbery. follow every motion of his captives and slaves: sItory trIal wflu;h mu~t strengthen your forces "Woe to the "vanquished !" it cries out. Drunk Th 't f h' h' th . t d f the ten-fold. Your sufferIngs are felt by the work- with victory, and with the animal lust of the e SI ua Ion. w IC IS. us cre~ e or ing masses of Russia who are united with you primitive savage it has no other object than German workIng people IS well-mght unbear- in workers' solidarity. The shamelessness and to wound as cruelly as possible the vanquished able, and its misery would have no bounds if brutality of the victor; forgetful of all reason, peoples, to exploit them as completely as pos­ it was not a certainty that the dreams of the are in themselves sufficient proof for us that sible, and to make them eternal captives and victors who have lost all reason will last but the world of robbers and violators is on the slaves. a sho~ time that the barbarous' governments eve of. its final dest.ruction. In all the Entf!1te . " ' . " . countrIes, whose mIghty rulers are plunderIng Unparalleled robbery, unparalleled servitude. of ImperIalIstIc VIOlatIons are passIng through the" defeated German people of their all, the Such is the meaning of the Peace Treaty which has been shamelessly forced upon the German their last days. The revolutionary workers working masses will obtain nothing more than people by the Entente rulers. This so-called and peasants of Russia have passed through a new sharpening of their servitude, and new treaty which an exhausted nation is forced some tribulations' they know what the mer- and heavier chains. But in those countries also, to sign is nothing short of a downright crime. ciless triumph of'a victor means. th~ eyes of. the proletarians. will open, and . WIth every VIctory the revolutIOnary movement Territories with an unquestionable German Th.e revolutIOnary and. peasants of will boil and bubble more and more power- population, are torn from the German people, wor~ers their most precious natural resources are taken RUSSIa have placed all theIr hopes In the work- fully. And thus, in the ceaselessly growing away. They are compelled to pay such mon­ ers' revolution; wHich il) approaching with of the working masses, in the strous contributions, that even if the whole giant strides by means of the revolutionary fraternal solidarity of the workers of all lands, German people should labor day and night ex­ solidarity "of the workers of the whole world, and .in the int~rnat~onal union of revoluti!>nary clusively to satisfy their conquerors, they , . ... SOVIet republIcs, bes the pledge of theIr ap- would be incapable of disposing of the burden. whose hour of trIumph wIll strIke In the ~ear proaching liberation from the heavy chains of They are being so thoroughly disarmed, that future. In the d3:Ys of battle, the revolutIon- the dictators, as well as the pledge of the liber­ the victors may at any time penetrate into the ary forces have been steeled. Surrounded on ation of the workers of all lands from the capi­ interior of the country and inflict upon it the all sides by relentless imperialistic and .coun- talist system, which makes such acts of robbery final blows. The Damoc1es' sword of destruc- ter-revolutionary elements they have forged possible. 6 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE July 5, 1919 The Left Wing Manifesto T HE world is in crisis. Capitalism, the Issued on Authority of the Conference upon production. The answer of. Capitalism is by the National Council ofthe bit Wing war; the answer of the proletanat IS the So­ prevailing system of society, is in pro­ cial Revolution and Socialism. cess of disintegration and collapse. Out of its THE COLLAPSE OF THE INTERNATIONAL. vitals is developing a new social order, the heavy machinery, in short, predominantly a system 9f Communist Socialism; and the trade in iron goods. This export of capital, In 1912, at the time of the first Balkan war, struggle between this new social. order and the together with the struggle to monopolize the Europe was on the verge of a general im­ old is now the fundamental problem of inter­ world's sources of raw materials and to con­ perialistic war. A Cong­ ress was convened at Basle to act on the im­ natipnal . trol undeveloped territory, produces Imperial­ The predatory "war for democracy" domi­ ism. pe~ding crisis. The resolution adopted, stig­ nated the world., But now it is the revolution­ A fully developed capitalist nation is com­ matized the coming war as imperialistic and ary proletariat in action that dominates, con­ pelled to accept Imperialism. Each nation as unjustifiable on any pretext of national in­ quering power in some· nations, mobilizing to seeks markets for the absorption of its sur­ terest. The Basle resolution declared: ccnquer power in others, and calling upon the plus capital. Undeveloped territory, possessing I. That the war would create an econvmic proletariat of all nations to prepare for the sources of raw material, th~ industrial develop­ and· political crisis; 2. That the workers finaf struggle against Capitalism. ment of which will require the investment of would look upon participation in the war as But Socialism iUelf is in crisis. Events are capital and the purchase of machinery, be­ a crime. which would arouse "indignation and revolutionizing Capitalism and Socialism-an comes the objective of caPitalistic competition revulsion" among the masses; 3. That the indication· that this is the historic epoch of the between the imperialistic nations. crisis and the psychologkal condition of tile . Imperialism is the Capitalism, in the epoch of Imperialism, workers would create a situation that Socialists final stage of Capitalism; and Imperialism comes to rely for its "prosperity" and suprem­ should use "to rouse the masses and hasten means sterner reaction and new wars of con­ acy upon the exploitation and enslavement of the downfall of Capitalism" ; 4. That the gov­ quest-unless the revolutionary proletariat acts colonial peoples, either in colonies, "spheres of ernments "fear a proletarian revolution" and for Socialism. Capitalism cannot reform itself ; influence," . "protectorates," or "mandatories," should remember the Paris Commtule and the it carinot be reformed. Humanity can be saved -savagely oppressing hundreds of millions of revolution in Russia in 1905, that is,a civil froin its last excesses only by the Communist subject peoples in order to assure high profit war. Revolution. There can now be only the So­ and interest rates for a. few million people' in The Basle resolution indicted the coming cialism 'which is one in. temper and purpose the favored nations. war as imperialistic, a war necessarily to be with the proletarian revolutionary .struggle. This struggle for undeveloped territory, raw opposed by Socialism, which should use the There can be only the Socialism which unites materials, and investme~t markets, is carried opportunity of war to wage the revolutionary the proletariat of the whole I world in the on "peacefuUy" between groups of internatio­ struggle against Capitalism; The policy of general struggle against the desperately de­ nal finance-capital by means of "agreements," Socialism was comprised in the strur;gle to structive _.. the Imp~rialisms and between the nations by means of diplo­ transform the imperialistic war into a civil war which array themselves as a single force macy; but a crisis tomes, the competition be­ c.r the oppresserl al!;iinst the oppressorr., and against the on sweeping proletarian revolu­ comes irreconcilable, antagonisms cannot be for Socialism. . tion. solved peacefully, and the nations resort to The war th~t came in 1914 was the same THE WAR AND IMPERIALISM. war. imperialistic war that might have come In The prevailing conditions, in the world of The antagonisms between the European na­ 1912, or at the time of the Agadir crisis. But, Capitalism and of Socialism, are a direct prod­ tions were antagonisms. as to who should con­ upon . the declaration of war, the domimm: uct of the war; and the war was itself a direct trol undeveloped territory, sources of raw ma­ Socialism, contrary to the Basle resolution. ac­ product of Imperialism. terials, and the investment markets of the cepted and justfiied the war. Industrial dev.elopment under the profit sys­ world. The inevitable consequence was war. Great demonstrations were held. The govern­ tem of Capitalism is based upon the accumula­ The issue being world power, other nations, in­ ments and war were denounced. But, imme­ tion of capital, which depends upon the ex­ cluding the United States, were dragged in. diately upon the declaration of war, there was propriationof values produced by the workers. The United States, while having no direct ter­ a change of front The war credits were vctert This accumulation of capital promotes, and is ritorial interests in the war, was vitallv con­ by Socialists in the parliaments. The domi­ itself promoted by, the concentration of in­ cerned since the issue was world power; and nant Socialism favored the war; a small mirror­ dustry. The competitive struggle compels each its Capitalism, having attained a position of ity adopted a policy of petty bourgeois p3cif­ capitalist to secure the most efficient means financial world power, had a direct imperial­ ism; and only the Left Wing groups adhered of production, or a group of capitalists to com­ istic interest at stake. to the policy of revolutionary Socialism. bine their capital in order to produce more The imperialistic character of the war is It was not alone a problem of preventing the efficiently. This process of concentration of climaxed by an imperialistic peace-a peace war. The fact that Socialism could not pre­ industry and the accumulation of capital, while that strikes directly at the peace and liberty of vent the war, was not a justification for ac­ a product of competition, ultimately denies and the world; which organizes the great imperial­ cepting and idealizing the war. Nor was it a ends competitipn. The concentration of indus­ istic powers into a sort of "trust of nations," problem of immediate revolution. The Basle try and of capital develops monopoly. among whom the world is divided financially ~1anifesto simply required opposition to the Monopoly expresses itself through dicta­ and territorially. The League of Nations is war and the fight to develop out of its circum­ torial control exercised by finance-capital over simply the screen for this division of the world. stances the. revolutionary struggle of the pro­ industry; and finance-capital unifies Capitalism an instrument .for joint domination of the letariat against the war and Capitalism. for world-exploitat10n. Under Imperialism, world by a particular group of Imperialism. The dominant Socialism. in accepting and the banks, whose control is centralized in a While this division of the world solves, for justifying the war, abandoned the class strug­ clique of financial magnates, dominate' the the moment, the problems of power that pro­ gle and betrayed Socialism. The class Stf1..1g­ whole of industry directly, purely upon the duced the war, the solution is temporary, since gle is the heart of Socialism. Without strict basis of investment exploitation, and not for the Imperialism of one nation can prosper con{ormity to the class struggle, in its revolu purposes of social production. The concentra­ only by limiting the economic opportunity of tionary implications, Socialism becomes· either tion of industry implies that, to a large extent, another nation. New problems of power n1Ust sheer Utopianism, or a method' of reaction. ilidustry within the nation has reached its ma­ necessarily arise, producing new antagonisms, But the dominant Socialism accepted. "civil turity, is unable to absorb all the surplus­ new wars of agression and conquest-unless peace," the "unity of all the classes and par­ capital that comes from the profits of industry. the revolutionary proletariat conquers in the tles" in order to wage successfully the im­ Capitalism, accordingly, must find means out­ struggle for Socialism. perialistic war. The dominant Socialism uQited side the na~oti ·for the absorption of this The concentration of industry produces with the governments against Socialism and surplUS. The. older export trade was dominated monopoly, and monopoly produces Imperial-· the proletariat. . by the export of consumable goods. American ism. In Imperialism there is implied the social­ The class struggle comes to a climax during exports, particularly, except for the war period, i~ation of industry, the material basis of S oewl­ war. National struggles are a form of expres­ have been largely of cotton, foodstuffs, and ism. Production moreover, becomes interna­ sion of the class struggle, whether they are raw materials. Under the conditions of Im­ tional ; and the limits of the nation, of national revolutionary wars for liberation or imperial­ perialism it is capital which is e~orted, as production, become a· fetter upon the forces istic wars for spoilation. It is precisely during by the use of concessions in backward territory of production. The development of Capitalism a war that material conditions provide the to build railroads, or to start native factories, produces world economic problems that break opportunity for waging the class struggle to a 0S in India, or to develop oillields. as in Mex­ down the old order. The forces of production conclusion for the conquest of power. The i~o. This means an export of locomotives. revolt against the fetters Capitalis!11 imposes ".. ar was a war for world-power-a war of July 5, 1919 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE 7

the capitalist class against the , concessions and became a semi-privileged of war, accordingly, tl~e dominant moderat since world-power means power over the pro- caste; and, on'the other, the decay of the class Socialism accepted the war and united with th, letariat. . of small producers, crushed under the iron imperialistic state. But the dominant Socialism accepted the war tread of the concentration of industry and the Upon the adveI1t of Imperialism, Capitalism as a war for democracy-as if democracy' un­ accumulation of capital. As one moved up­ emerged into a new epdch,-an epoch re­ der the conditions of Imperialism is not di­ ward, and the other downwardJ they met, quiring new and more ,,~;ressive proletarian rectly counter-revolutionary! It justified the formed a juncture, and united to use the state tatics, Tactical differences in the Socialist war as .a war for national independence-as to improve their conditions. The dominant movement almost immediately came to a hean. if Imperialism is not necessarily determined Socialism expressed this unity, developing a The concentration of indusfry, together with upon annihilating the independence of nations! policy of legislative reforms and State Capital­ the subserviency of parliaments to the imperi­ IN ationalism, social-patriotism, and social­ ism, making the revolutionary c'ass struggle a alistic mandates and the transfer of thetr vital Imperialism determined the policy of the dOMi­ parliamentary process. ft1nctions to the executive organ of govern­ nant Socialism, and not the proletarian class This development meant, obviously. the ment. developed the concept of industrial struggle and Socialism. The coming of Social­ abandonment of fundamental Socialism. It unionism in the United States and the' con­ ism was made dependent upon the predatory meant working on the basis of the bourg-eois cept ,of mass action in Europe. The struggle war and Jmperialism, upon the international parliamentary state, instead of the struggle to against the dominant moderate Socialism be­ proletariat cutting each other's throats in the destroy that state; it meant the "co-operation came a struggle against its perversion of par­ struggles of the ! of classes" for , instead of liamentarism, against its conception of the The on the whole the uncompromising proletarian struggle for state. against its alliance with non-proletarian merged in the opposed imperialistic ranks. Socialism. Government ownership, the ob­ social groups, and against its acceptance of This collapse of the International was not an jective of the middle class, was the policy of State Capitalism. Imperialism made manda.,. accident, nor simply an expression of the be­ moderate Socialism. Instead of the revolu­ a reconstruction of the Socialist move­ trayal by individuals. It was the inevitable tionary theory of the neeessity of con

. . (Continue.d from Page 7) investors, the professions,-in short. the of­ fusing affiliation with the Communist Inter­ mternatIonal revolutIOn of the proletariat the ficial Socialist Party actually depended upon national of revolutionary Socialism. war havin~ initiated the epoch of the prol~tarj­ the for the realization of PROBLEMS OF AMERICAN SOCIALISM an revolution. Socialism. Imperialism is domillant in the United States, The revolution in Germany decided the con­ The concentration of industry in the United \\ hich is now a world power. It is developing troversy. The first revolution was made bv States gradually eliminated the small produc­ a centralized, autocratic federal government, the masses, against the protests of the domf. ers, which initiated the movement for govern­ acquiring the financial and military reserves for nan! moderate ~ocialism, represented by the ment ownership of industry-and for other re­ ~.::rgression and wars of conquest. The war has ~clal-Democrattc Party. As in Russia, the forms proposed to check the power of the pht­ aggrandized American Capitalism, instead of first stage of the Revolution realized a bour­ tocracy; and this bourgeois policy was the ani­ weakening it as in Europe. But world events gois parliamentary republic, with power in n~ating impu~se of the practise of the Socialist will play upon and influence conditions in this .the .hands. 'of the SK;>cial-Democratic Party. Partv. . country-dynamically, the sweep of revo:ution­ Agamst thl~ bourgeoIs republic organized a This party, moreover, developed into an ex­ ary proletarian ideas; materially, the coming new revolutton, the proletarian revolution di­ pression -of the unions of the aristocracy of constriction of world markets upon the resump­ retted by the Spartacan-Communists. And 1.abor,-of the A. F_ of L. The party rei'used tion of competition. Now all-mighty andsu­ precisely as in Russia, the dominant moderat~ to engage in the struggle against the reac­ preme, Capitalism in the United States must Socialism opposed the proletarian revolution, tionary unions, to organize a new labor move'­ meet crises in the days to come. These con­ ~posed all power to the Soviets, accepted par­ ment of the militant proletariat. (~itions modify our immediate task, but do not hamentary democracy and repudiated pro:e­ While the concentration of industry and alter its general character; this is not· the tarian dictatorship. social developments generally conservatized the moment of revolution, but it is the mom.ent of The issue in Germany could not be obscured. skilled workers, it developed the typical pro­ revolutionary struggle. American Capitalism Germany was a fully developed industrial na­ letariat of unskilled labor, massed in the basic is developing a brutal campaign of terrorism tion, its economic conditions mature for the industries. This 'proletariat, expropriated of

THE Left Wing Program is implied with- Aclopted by the National Lej~ Wing 7) The old Socialist International has broken into three main groups: in the terms C?f the program of the Com­ Conference. munist Internation'a.1. We therefore out­ a) Those frankly social patriots who since line, as the controlling propositions of our own tribution, by transfer to the proletarian state 1914 have supported their bourgeoisie and progra.-n, the main principles of under Socialist administration of the working transformed those elements of the working class which they control into hangmen of the as follow~: class; the abolition of capitalist agricultural 1) The present is the period of the dis- production; nationalization of the great busi­ . International revolution. sQlution and collapse of the whole capitalist ness enterprises and financial trusts. b) The "Center," at present theoretically world system, which will mean the complete 5) The present world situation demands led by Kautsky (by Hillquit in the United collapse of world culture, if Capitalism, with the closest relations between the revolutionary States), representing elements which are con­ its unsolvable contradictions, is not replaced by proletariat of all countries. stantly wavering and incapable of following Communism. 6) The fundamental means of the struggle a definite plan of action, and which are at 2) The problem of the proletariat consists for power is the mass action of the proletariat, times positively traitorous; and in organizing and training itself for the con­ a gathering together and concentration of all quest of the power of the state. This con­ its energies; whereas methods such as the c) The revolutionary Left Wing. quest of power means the replacement of the revolutionary use of bourgeois parliamentarism As regards the social patriots, who every­ state machinery of the bourgeoisie with a are of only subsidiary significance. where in the critical moment oppose the pro­ new proletarian machinery of government. In those countries in which the historical letarian revolution with force of arms, a merci­ 3) This new proletarian state must embody development has furnished the opportunity. less fight is absolutely necessary. As regards. the dictatorship of fue proletariat, both indus­ the working class has utilized the regime of the "Center" our tactics must be to separate trial and agricultural, this dictatorship con­ political democracy for its organization against the revolutionary elements by pitilessly criti­ . stituting the instrument for the taking over capitalism. In all countries where the condi­ cizing the leaders. of property used for exploiting the workers tions for a worker's revolution are not yet ripe, and for the re-organization of society on a the same process will go on. 8) It is necessary to rally the groups and proletarian organizations who, thoqgh not as Communist basis. But within this process the workers must Not the fraudulent bourgeois democracy­ never lose ,sight of the true character of bour­ yet in the wake of the revolutionary trend of the hypocritical form of the rule of the finance geois democracy. If the finance-oligarchy the Left Wing, nevertheless have manifested oligarchy, with its purely formal equality­ considers it advantageous to veil its deeds of and developed a tertdency leading in that direc­ but proletarian democracy based on the possi­ violence behind parliamentary votes, then the tion. bility of actual realization of freedom for the capitalist power has <}t its command in order Socialist criticism has sufficiently stigma­ working masses; not capitalist bureaucracy, but to gain its ends, all the traditions and attain­ tized the bourgeois world order. The task of organs of administrations which have been ments of former centuries of upper-class rule, the International Communist Party is now to created by the masses themselves, with the multiplied by the wonders· of capitalist tech­ overthrow this order and to erect in its place real participation of these masses in the gov­ nique; lies, demagogism, persecution, slander, the structure of the Socialist world order. Un­ ernment of the country and in the activity of bribery, calumny and terror. To demand of der the Communist banner, the emblem under the communistic structure-this should be" the the proletariat that it shall be content to yield which the first great victories have already type of the proletarian state.' The Workers' itself to the artificial rules devised bv its mor­ been won; in the war against imperialistic bar­ Councils and similar organizations represent tal enemy, but not observed by the "enemy, is barity, against the privileged classes, against its concrete form. to make a mockery of the proletarian struggle the bourgeois state and bourgeois property, 4) The Dictatorship of the Proletariat for power-a struggle which depends prim­ against all forms of social and national op­ shall carry out the expropriation of private arily on the development of separate organs of pression-we call upon the proletarians of all property in the and dis- working-class power. lands to unite! Program of the Left Wing 1. WE favor international alliance of the Adopted by the National Left Wing as the organ of contact with the revolutionary Socialist Movement of the United Conference proletariat of other lands, the basis for, inter­ States only with the Communist groups national association being the same political understanding and the common plan of action, of other countries, such as the Bolsheviki of of success in electing our candidates to Russia, Spartacans of Germany, etc., according tending toward increasing unity and detail as public office-not if these are in direct line the international crisis develops. to the program of Communism as above out- with the class struggle. The trouble comes lined. with the illusion that political or industrial 6) Socialist platforms, proceeding 011 the 2) VIe are opposed to association with immediate achievements are of themselves steps basis of the class struggle, and recognizing other groups not committed to the revolution­ in the revolution, the progressive merging' of that the Socialist movement 'has come into the ary class struggle, such as Labor parties, N on­ Capitalism into the Co-operative Common­ historical period of the social revolution, can partisan leagues, People's Councils, Municipal wealth. contain only the single demand for the Dicta­ Ownership leagues, and the like. The basis of our political campaigns should torship of the Proletariat. 3) We maintain that the class struggle is be: a) The basis of this demand should be essentially a political struggle, that is, a strug.. a) To propagandize the overthrow of thoroughly explained in the economic. political gle by the proletariat to conquer the capitalist Capitalism by proletarian conquest of the and social analysis of the class struggle, as state, whether its form be monarchic or demo­ political power and the establishment of a evolVing within the system of Capitalism. cratic republican, and to replace it by a gov­ Dictatorship of the Proletariat. b) The conclusions of this demand should ernmental structure adapted to the Socialist b) To maintain a political organization as be illustrated by the first steps and general tranformation. a clearing house for proletarian .thought, a modes of social reconstruct1on dependent upon 4) We favor organized party activity in center of political education for the develop­ arid involved within the proletarian domina­ co-operation with class-conscious industrial ment of revolutionary working-class action. tion of the. political life of the nation. unionism, in order to unify industrial and poli­ c) To win representatives in public offices c) A municipal platform of Socialism tical class-conscious propaganda and action. to serve as special propagandists of the social . cannot proceed on a separate basis, but must a) The Party shall propagandize in­ revolutiort. conform to the general platform, simply re­ dustrial unionism and industrial union organi­ d) To l~eep in the foreground our con­ lating the attainment of local power to the im­ zation, emphasizing their revolutionary implica­ sistent appeal for proletarian revolution; and mediate goal of gaining national power. There tions. to analyze'the counter-proposals and reformist are no city problem,s within the terms of the b) The Party shall make the great indus­ palliatives in their true light of evasions of class struggle, only the one problem of capi­ trial battles its major campaigns, to develop the issue and impotent; recognizing at all times talist versus proletarian domination. the understanding of the strike in relation to the characteristic developments of the class 7 ) We realize that the coming of the the general proletarian emancipation. conflict as applicable to all capitalist nations. social revolution on an overwhelming asser­ '5) We do not disparage voting nor the e) To propagandize the par~y organization (Continued on page 13.) July 5, 1919 THE REVOLUTI',,\NARY AGE I I Labor Organization· and Agitation HE purpose of the Left Wing org,ll:iza- T Report of the Labor Committee Adopted the area wherein they have their habitations. it tion is to create a revolutionary working at the Left 'Wing Gonfe1'ence shaH be the paramount duty of such member class movement in America, which, through the or members to initiate an industrial union action of the working masses themselves, will ,Yithin such area. sight. In Europe it is already tottering and lead to ",,'(. kers' ("'J'ltro1 of industry an· I the The National Left Wing declares its firm state. as tr.c only means of expropriating- C'api­ crashing down; and the proletarian revolutions there indicate that the workers are at the same conviction that the American Federation of . talist property and c.bolishing classes in ~(,­ Labo!, in its present organization and under ciety. time becoming conscious of the will to power_ The capitalists themselves admit that the col­ its present iea.iership, is entirely reactionary, The capitalist ~tate, as \has been del!!Y and ca'1110t be of any value in the workers' proven, expresses the existing dictatorship of lapse of European Capitalism and the rise of struggle fo:- emancipation. the revolutionary proletariat abroad cannot the capitalist c1as!', a weapon to defend '::~Lni­ help but drag American Capitalism into the a11- II. PROGRAM. talist interests and to extend them at the ~x­ embracing ruin. The National Left Wing, Conference of the pense of the workers. Capitalist conrol of the Socialist Party appeals to the workers to edu­ machinery of politics and publicity makes it im­ In this crisis the American working class is faced with a terrific alternative. Either the cate and organize themselves so that they possib!e for the workers to conquer this state ma:; understand the necessity of acquiring power by use of the ballot; but even if it were workers will be unprepared, in which case they will be reduced to abject slavery, or they knowledge and power to overthrow the pres­ po~siHe, the. stat'" r.ou~d not be used by the will be sufficiently conscious and sufficiently tnt capitalist system and carry on industry. workers for their own purpose so long as the To Labor and Labor alone is industry· re­ faCtories, mills, mines, land, transportatioll sys - organized to save society by reconstructing it in accordance with the principles of Commu­ sp011sible. Without the power of Labor, in­ tet!!5 and financial institutions remained in the nism_ dustrv could not function. The need of the hands of private capitalist owners. It is the intentipn of the Left Wing to help hour -is that Labor recognize the necessity of With the 'legislatur~; 'courts, police and education and organization. This cannot be armies under control of the capitalists, the prepare the American workers for their his­ toric role, so that when the hour strikes thev achieved by attempting to influence the lead­ workers can only win the state power by extra­ ers of the Labor movement, as has been clearly parliamentary action which must have its basis may take their places in the front ranks of th~ Social Revolution. shown by the recent Convention of the Amer­ in the industrial mass action of the workers. ican Federation of Labor. It can only be done 1. REVOLUpONARY INDUSTRIAL UNIONISM. The first act> of the workers' dictatorship by the workers on the job. coming' together must be the destruction of the capitalist state Bv the term "revolutionarv industrial uriion­ and discussing the vital problems of industry. and the creation of a new form of Government ism'; is meant the organization of the workers Because of the industrial crisis created bv based on the workers' organizations, whose into unions by industries with a revolutionary the W orId 'W-ar, together with the break-down purpose shall be the permanent destruction of aim and purpose; that is to s'ay, those whose of inrhlstry following the cessation of hostili­ capitalist power by the expropriation of capi­ purpose is, not merely to defend or strengthen ties, there is great dissatisfaction among the talist property. the status of the workers as wage-earners, workers. But the workers can find no means The absence of any feudal class in America but to gain control of industry. of coping- with the present state of affairs. permitted the capitaiist class here to concen­ In any mention of revolutionary industrial Their unions have refused to take any steps trate all its strength upon the robbery and unionism in this country, there must be recog­ to l1l('et t!1e grave problems of today, and it subjugation of the working class. At the nition of the immense effect upon the Ameri­ therefcre becomes immediately necessary to same time the founders of the American Gov­ can labor movement of the propaganda and find some way bv which the workers can act. ernment so framed the Constitution as to guar­ example of the Industrial Workers of the \Ve :"uggest that some plan of Labor organi~ antee the permanency of capitalist dictatorship, Worlel, whose long and valiant struggles and zation h<: inaugurated along the fines of the without any opportunity, under the law, of the heroic· sacrifices in the class-war have earned Shop Stewards' Committees, of Scotland and workers ever gaining control. For the pur­ the respect and affection of all workers every­ England, or the Factory Shop Committees of pose of blinding the working class and en­ v.here. We greet the revolutionary industrial Russia. These Committees can serve as a listing its support, the fundamental law was proletariat of America in the ranks of the spur or check upon the Unions. Such Com­ clothed in idealistic "democratic" phraseology; L W. W., and pledge them our wholehearted mittees will necessarily reflect the spirit and and, theoretically, universal suffrage was support and co-operation in their struggles the wishes of the rank and file and will enable granted. agai'lst the capitalist class. But in view of the the National Left Wing to keep in direct touch But the capitalist system creates a condition attitude of some of their leaders and spokes­ with the workers. In this way, the workers whereby the state power is vested, not in the n:en, in their denial of the political nature of can be educated on the job and prepare for ballot, but in the control of industry. And in­ the class-struggle, and more especially in their the taking over of indi,lstry. Also these Com­ oustry is not a democracy, but an autocracy, rejection of the principles and tactics in the mittees will bring the workers into direct re­ in which the fortunes and lives of the great revolutionary movement side by side with the lation with their employers-which means the majority of mankind are at the absolute mercy Communist Parties, we condemn the short­ abolition of Arbitration Boards and such con­ of the capitalist employers. As the power and sightedness of the theoretical position taken ciliatory bodies. class-consciousness of the working class in­ bv them. . In the Labor movement a new tendency III. RECOMMENDATIONS • crease, the employers resort to palliatives and \Ve recommend the following measures: reforms~"we1fare" measures, profit-sharing, has recently manifested itself, as illustratecl I. That a "'Committee of seven be elected schemes of "partnership with labor," etc.­ by the Seattle and Winnipeg strikes. This by the Convention to be known as The Labor which have as their object and result tendency, an imp'ulse of the workers toward Committee. the further exploitation and deception of the unity for common action across the frontiers 2. That the functions of this Committee workers. of craft-divisions, is expressed most clearly shall be to carryon revolutionary propaganda The unhampered development of American in the Seattle Resolution outlining a plan for among the workers on the job. the recognition of American Labor into twelve capitalism, in whose service the best minds of ~. Those workers found. to be radical shall the race have been conscripted, has created a great industrial departments, and also in the be ~ organizeJ into Shop Committees. condition in which the Government is con­ One Big Union movement of Canada and the 4· These Shop Committees shall distribute trolled by the great capitalists to a degree un­ West. If carried to its logical conclusion .. literature, supply information to the Labor paralleled in history, while appearing to be an this method organization and action would in­ Committee, and generally keep in touch with advanced political democracy; a condition in evitably result in workers' control of industry. the National Left Wing organization. which tbe wot-king class is the most exploited To that end it be an instruction to all edi­ 5· At places where a number of these Com in the world, while appearing to be the best­ tors, propagandists. and members to advocate mittees are formed, they shall elect delegates paid and most comfortable; where the most the principles of the One Big Union. Fur­ b1 a local Workers' Council. abysmal ignorance of the workers' class-in­ ther, where members of the Left Wing are 6. An appropriation shall be made for tIl(' terests prevails, while apparently they are the compelled by the monopoly Job Control of the purpose of carrying on the work of this COlll­ best educated. American Federation of Labor, to be members mittee. The European War has speeded up social of that reactionary organization, which is in 7· A general propaganda periodical shall and industrial evolution, however, to such a our opinion the main buttress of the Capitalist be issued by the National Left' Wing Council degree that Capitalism all over the world has oligarchy which controls this country; such for the special purpose of reaching ~he reached the stage at which it can no longer· members should also enroll in an industrial workers at their jobs. And this project sha!1 contain within itself the vast forces it has umon covering the section of industry in which be referred for further elaboration to the La created. The end of the capitalist system is in they are engaged and, if no union functions in bor Committee. ):2 THE REVOLU-:'IONARY AGE July 5, 1919 • "Labor IS Not a "

SAMUEL GOMPERS has fought for yean, By JOHN REED. funds and machinery and th3:t both the Amer­ for legal recognition of the fact that "La­ Impressions of the A. F. of L. Conventi(ln. ican Federation of Labor and the great Inter­ bor Is Not a Commodity or Article of Com­ nationalUnions had refused to do anything to merce." At the Thirty-Ninth Annual Con­ help Mooney, nor had the convention done vention of the American Federation of Labor that "many of the sentence5 imposed were full_,' anything. just ended, Mr. Gompers prolldly proclaimed imtifif·d.'· Concer!1~ng the Committees recommendation from the platform that he had written this sent­ , f). Decidfd to organize the Steel Industry. against the initiative and referendum in th~ iment into the Peace Treaty at Paris. It de­ 10. Passed a resolution condemning the A. F. of L., I interviewed Frey. His argu­ veloped that after the American delegates left abuse d judicial powers in construing the ment was that if there were initiative and Paris the provisions of the International Labor ic1w. an(! aclvising workers to disregard injunc­ referendum 1ll the Federation, some outside tions in industrial disputes. Charter had been "somewhat weakened"~ac­ 0rgani~ation would surely be able to get holo cording to a cablegram from President Wilson I I. V oted down a proposal to change La­ of the me:nbership and break down the or­ himself, and the sacred sentiment itself had l:or Day to May 1st, and another to arrange it g-anization. He admitted to me that the masses been changed to read "Labor should not be that all contracts expire May Ist-becau'5e of the membership could not be trusted to make regarded mere:y as an artic1e of commerce." the International Labor Movement of Europe laws for themselves without the interposition ·-which is revolutionary-celebrates on that . of ~0l11e deliberate body, and some rule which Andrew F:uruseth said that it was as if he dav. - had demanded a declaration stating "Andrew provirled for a "period of deliberation." Furuseth is not a scab"-and instead, they had 12. Requested the President to dismiss . Th e recognition of the Irish Republic was put it, "Andrew Furuseth is not merely a Postmaster-General Burleson from office. the ~rice paid by Gompers to the Sinn Fein scab." 13· Voted down a proposal that the wor!~­ polhicians in the, convention, in return for In the great white hall out at the end of the ers demand the right to elect their foremen. which they agreed to throttle Soviet Russia Steel Pier at Atlantic City, with the heavy ("'Why," said Matt W 011, epeaking on this ,1!ld suprort the League of Nations. This surges running underneath, and the sea-~ind 1110tion,"that is the business of the employer :lction W:'IS on a par with the deeds of the sweeping over, six hundred delegates of the -not the worke!- You might as well have Tchekho-Slovaks, who, to gain their own ;n­ American Labor movement met- in the "re­ the workers elect the Board of Directors!") dt;:pendence, sold their arms to the Allied In,­ construction" convention. (Said one delegate. 14· Endorsed the bill in Congress to restrict neri" li~ts for the black purpose of destroyin~ in a spread...:eagle speech, "Reconstruction? We forei~l immigration for a term of years~itl­ I"he freedom of the world's workers. Anyway, don't need any reconstruction in this gloriou" eluding ·Mexican immigration. it meant nothing-nothing but words; and even country. All we need is a few slight re­ IS· 'Refused to support Soldiers' and Sai!­ then, the United States Senate has demanded forms !") No one suddenly dropped down ir' NS' Councils, and in particular, the Soldiers', rracticailj' the same thing. that hall would have guessed that this was the Sailors' and Marines' Protective Association. The Committee's objection to recognizing annual meeting of delegates from all sections 16. Refused to take a stand against the Soviet Russia was, according to Frey, because of one of the most powerful labor movements (:eportation of radical aliens. it was not "democratic." in the world. Portly figures, good clothes, ex­ 17· Request~d the Government to repeal "As far as I can understand it," he said. pensive cigars, diamond rings and pins ill the Espionage Act, but only after peace is "it is a government of the workers, ana the· abundance, buttons of lodges and fraternal signed, when it will automatically cease to workers alone. Therefore we cannot recog·­ orders-Elks, Masons-in whose ranks these function anvwav. . nize it!" 18. Endorsed the Labor Charter attache-l IIworkingmen" hob-nob with business men. The proposal to terminate all contracts \vith manufacturers, members of commercial .clubs to fhe .Covenant of the League of Nations­ emp;oyers on May first, and to change Labor and Chambers of Commerce. Few working­ v·l1ich has been denounced by· the Labor Move- Day from September first to May Day, waS men here. It looked like the Democratic Na..; 111ents of (very civilized country on earth­ voted down for two reasons: first, because tional Convention-but a little more prosper­ and gave its qualified approval to all the word~ May Day '.vas celebrated by European Labor ous-looking; or like the annual Congress of :md deeds of Woodrow Wilson and the Demo­ and Socialism-and second, because if the. the Dress· Goods Manufacturers. cr:.ttic Party. workers of the United States celebrated on the And it 'Was like that. This convention wa::. The report of the Resolution Committee re­ day following the abrogation of their contracts. compose,'1 of persons with a commodity to sell ; (Commended that the Executive Council "give they would be too excited! "We don't want and the commodity was Labor. Moreover', their early att~ntion" to considering ways and to have a Labor Day when every body is hot­ Labor was sold there-in hundreds of differ­ means to get a new trial for Mooney. Then it headed," explained Frey. ent wavs. launched into a bitter attack upon the Inter­ Thursday, June 19th, was taken up with the Let us make a rapid survey of what was llctional Workers' Defense League, accusing report of the Committee on Executive COUll­ done by the Thirty-Ninth Annual Convention the League of attempting to break down the cil's Report. At 9.30 A. M. Louis N. Morones of the American Federation of Labor: Trade Union movement by taking a strike was seated as a fraternal delegate from the 1. Sentenced Tom Mooney to life impris­ referendum of the organization. "Irresponsi­ Mexican Federation of Labor. At 11.30 Matt' onment, hy condemning the July 4th General ble groups of men," it said, found in Or­ Woll read the report recommending the ex­ Strike, and ferociously denouncing the Inter­ ganized Labor "a rich field for exploitation!" clusion of foreign immigration, which was national \Vorkers Defense Union. . .. An attempted general strike would, in the quickly amended and passed to apply also to 2. Officially denounced the One Big Union words of the Committee, "seriously injure the Mexican immigration. . . . I saw Morones movement, and all forms of industrial union~ effort to secure a new trial for Tom Moonev." afterward. He was pale, and very much agi­ ism. The report ended: - tated. 3. ApIlroved of the Initiative and R~fe!"­ "The Committee would be remiss in its du­ "What effect," I asked him, "will this have endum in politics, and disapproved of it in ties if it failed to call attention to the fact upon the Pan-American Federation of Lahor the American Federation of Labor. that representatives of the International Work­ Conventiol"!, ,vhich is to meet in New York in 4, Ignored the Winnipeg strike, and, ·in a ers' Defense League who are its agents solicit­ July?" speech by Gompers from the chair, ridiculed ing funds for T. J. Mooney's defense are r!.o­ He :.. wiped the sweat from his forehean. the Seattle strike. ing him an incalculable injury and also creat­ "Disastrous!" he said. "In the presentmo­ ing internal disturbances within the Trade .5~ Refuscn to endorse the Labor Party a;ld ment, when the great American interests are advised against it-although. owing Union movement through their continuous at­ urging the invasion of Mexico, the Mexican to tb~ tacks, unjust criticisms and misrepresentations stren.. gth of the movement, the Federation de­ . workers believed that they could: rely upon clared that it would not interfere with th{. of the American Federation of Labor, its of­ the American Federation of Labor to oppo;se ficials and the officials of affiliated organi7.a­ the~e p!ans of annexation. They will not now affiliated national and international unions in tions." this matter. be so sure," 6. Requested the Government to recognize Patterson, of the Defense League, was giv~n . When the question of the League of Na­ the Irish Republic and not to recogniu the the floor. In a passionate speech he pointed tions came up, Andy Furuseth made a violent Soviet Republic. out that for two years various labor leaders attack upon the Labor Charter in the Peace had b~en going around the country whisper­ Treaty. He declared that it had been altered 7. Condemned the Russian people to starv­ ing that MObney was guilty; that repeatedly hI" by the diplomats after the American delega­ - ation wholesale by refusing to ask for th(! had offered the .San Francisco Labor Council Jifting cf the blockade. tion left Paris, and that it provided, anyway, and the San Francisco Building Trades Coun­ that the League of Nations would be able !o S. Voted down a resolution demanding the cil full charge of Mooney's defense, and of­ interfere in the daily life of every worker 1ll release of politicaJ prisoners, and declared fered to turn over to Organized Labor all the world. He said that a clause against human J ttly 5, 1919 THE REVOLUTIONARY. AGE 13. slavery and another guaranteeing the rights pers machine, in which are represented the national and international unions, and how the of seamen had both been rejected. presidents of the great unions. Then begins a Federation has now power over them. But Gompers, in reply. adopted the usual taCtics bitter fight between the great unions for the it has the power of life and death-absolutely. of accusing Furuseth of acting behind the back fragments of the little union; and the end is If a union does not behave-if it. becomes of the American delegation. He then went on that they partition it between them, like the too powerful or too radical, if it shows signs to say that while the provisions of the Labor Kingdom of Poland, or the Austrian Empire. of revolt-then another great union is set on Charter were not adequate, the American dele­ Again and again' in the Conve.ntion these to organize in its trade. A jurisdictional dis­ gation accepted them to help the workers of jurisdictional fights cropped up, accompanied pute ensues, both parties appeal to the Fed­ the "backward nations." He said that Ameri­ by the savage quarrels of the great unions eration and the machine gets in action and can labor, under the beneficent rule of the themselves-forever pirating upon each other, revokes or suspends the charter of the offend­ Federation, had advanced more than the labor forever stealing each other's membership or ing organization and orders its membership to' movements of any other country in the world encroaching upon the boundaries of each oth­ enroll in the other. And if the members of the -which of course is not true, since the work­ er's trades; the increasing refinement and com­ defeated union do not obey, they are black­ ers of Europe have, during the war, gained a plexity of industry always bringing new quar­ listed, scabbed upon by the Federation unionr position far in advance of the United States, rels, new adjustments, new partitions. and in some cases, forced out of their jobs. as was proven by the Berne Trades-Union. The officials of the Federation are always Thus at this Convention I witnessed the Conference; and that not only politically, but repeating phrases about the autonomy of the partition of the J ewelry Workers between the also in the purely trade-union province of Machinists and the Metal Polishers. One de­ wages and hours. The Left Wing Program spairing delegate of a union whose charter The ignorance of ,the delegates concerning had been suspended because it refused to sub­ the Labor Movement in foreign countries was ( Continued from page 10.) mit to the disastrous ruling of the Federation,. extraordinary, and deliberately fostered by the tion of mass power by the proletariat, taking addressed the chair: Gompers "machine." According to the of­ on political consciousness and the definite di­ "You have suspended our charter," he said. ficials the A. F. of L. was the largest, most rection of revolutionary socialism. The mani­ "That is equivalent to expelling us from the pdwerful, most advanced, most enlighfened festations of this power and consciousness are Federation. But under the rules it requires a workers' organization in the world. It had, not subject to precise pre-calculation. But the two-thirds vote of this Convention to revoke according to th~m, led the workers of .the history of the movement of the proletariat a charter; isn't that so?" . world in inaugurating a Labor Day-in fact, toward emancipation since 1900 shows the Gompers looked at his watch. He then en­ Gompers claimed that the A. F. of L. first sug­ close connection between the revolutionary pro­ gaged in a low-voiced conversation with old gested May Day to Europe! He added that letarian assertion and the political mass strike. Jim Duncan for a few moments, while the in Europe the workers did not dare take a The mass action conception looks to the delegate waited. Finally Gompers said: "The full holiday on Labor Day; as Americans did general unity of the proletarian forces under hour of adjournment having now arrived; the -but celebrated On Sunday or at night, after revolutionary provocation and stimulus. In Convention stands adjourned!" work; a most remarkable statement! Accord­ the preliminary stages, which alone come with­ But while the "machine" appeared all-pow­ ing to Frey, all democratic po~itical reforms in our pre-determination and party initiative, erful-more powerful than it has for years, in the United States, including the Initiative the tactics of mass action includes all mass while the old-time radicals kept silent. and and Referendum, were invented by Organized demonstrations and mass . struggles which only a handful of comparatively new men­ Labor .... sharpen the understanding of the proletariat Duncan of Seattle, Deutelbaum of Detroit. The delegates listended to the reports of the as to the and which separate the Sullivan of Salt Lake, Strickland of Portland, Foreign Labor Missions without a smile-the revolutionary proletariat into a group distinct . Ore.; Brown of Providence, Birch of Seattle, hob-nobbings with King George. King Victor from all others. Grow of Los Angeles, Schoenberg, Goren­ Emmanuel, Clemenceau, the visits to Venice, Mass action, in time of revolutionary crisis, stein and the foreigners generally-battled the att galleries of Paris, pleasure tours and or in the analogous case of large-scale indus­ with the machine, there were signs of change banquets; the shaking of hands with generals trial conflict, naturally accepts the council form not to be disregardeed, and not disregarded and military heroes on the battlefront; and of organization for its expression over a con­ by the ever-watchful machine. For instance, the ignorant abuse of the great Socialist move­ tinued period of time. although there was a good deal of talk ahout ments of Europe, and of the tremendous La­ 8) Applying our declarations of party prin­ "Bolshevism" the first two days, the terin was bor groups supporting them. They did not ciple to the organization of the Party itself; not again mentioned, but deliberately avoided. even laugh when Gompers was telling of the and realizing the need, in correspondence with But the mos't important symptom was in the International "Labor" Congress at Paris; at the highly centralized capitalistic power to be attitude of the radicals themselves. They were which, he said, he and _the other American combated, of a contralized party organization, not disheartened by the results of the Con­ delegate (representing the employers), were w~ offer the following recommendations: vention. After aU, it was what they had ex­ in absciluteharmony-and complained bitterly a) Delegation by the N atio.nal Executive pected, and at the end their attitude seemed that the Socialists attacked him as violently as Committee of a large measure of its administra­ to be that of men who had found what they the ! tive power.s, between intervals of meetings, to came to find. All with whom I ta'tked were But what, you will ask, has all this to do a National Emergency Committee, composed very cheerful. The Convention had proved with labor? True, the Convention denounced of three or more members of the National itself 110t only reactionary, but entirely out the usurping of legislative functions by the Executive Committee; this Emergency Com­ of touch with the Labor movement of the new courts, and also resolved to organize the Steel mittee to maintain the closest possible contact, era. It was not the rank and file which was Industry in the face of the most hostile truSt with the work of the National office and to represented here; this was a gathering largel" in America. But these actions were in no advise with the Executive Secretary on all of national and·international officers, profound­ sense revcolutionary actions; they were merely matters where consultation is necessary. ly ignorant, profoundly selfish-business men, to protect the Federation's. monopoly Gf the . b) Strict control by the party organization looking out for their jobs. The "radical" commodity, Labor. over all Socialists elected to public office: the delegates-the Westerners and the foreigners. The real business of the Convention was Emergency Committee, and the National, State as can be noticed, acting together-were at the settling of jurisdictional disputes. Just as and County Committees to co-operate with the last, I thought, and finally, convinced that the one' of the functions of the capita1ist state is public officers within their respective ;urisdic­ American Federation of Labor was nothing to settle disputes among the capitalist class, tions ; immediate expulsion of all public officials but a putrid corpse, and that life was not in and to suppress the weak capitalists in favor of who refuse to accept the decisions of the it; that what new life shall come into the the strong, so the main function of Federation party. Labor movement must come, not through the is the adjustment of troubles between groups c) Control by the party membership, bourgeois political machinery by which the of skilled workers, and the strengthening of through the regular party processes, of all Federation is controlled, but from the new the powerful at the expense of the weak. pC\.rty papers and official publications; not by revolutionary impulse stirring at the bottom, A little union is formed in a new trade. This committees or trustees not responsible to the among the wor~ers on the job. union grows, gets a charter from the Federa­ membership. And they seemed to feel that the Thirty­ tion, becomes important enough so that the d) Like control of all party property, such Ninth Convention of the American Federation great national and international unions about it as offices, halls, etc. of Labor had provided them with some pretty covet its dues-paying membership. which e) Like control of officially recognized 'edu­ good propaganda against the Trade-Unionism would strengthen their own financial and polit­ cational institutions. of before-the-war, which, although it is not ical position. So they fall upon the little f) Establishment of a Central Lecture yet apparent, has gone as completely out of union and begin to compete for its member­ Bureau and of a Press and Information the world as Wilson's Fourteen Points. ship. Then the little union appeals to the Bureau. Capitalism created the American Federa­ Federation; and the Federatien appoints a g) Standardization of party platforms, tion of Labor. Without Capitalism there would committee to investigate, and this committee propaganda, dues and methods of organiza­ be no A. F. of L. And the end of Capitalism is composed of persons obedient to the Gom- tion. is in sight. 14, > THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE July S. 1919 The Left Wing Manifesto

'lutionary industrial unionism of the proletariat (Contintted from Page 8) The concentration of industry produced the becomes an indispensable phase of revolution­ industrial proletariat of unskilled workers, of ary Socialism, on the basis of which to broaden the machine 'proletariat. This. proletariat, ,and deepen the action of the militant pro­ tion which emphasizes the implacable character of ,the class struggle is an indispensable means massed in the basic industry, constitutes the letariat, developing reserves for tl).e ultimate militant basis of the class strug-g-Ie against conquest of power. of agitation. Its task ;s to expose through politfcal campaigns and the forum of parlia­ Capitalism: and, deprived of skill and craft Imperialism is dominant in the United States. divisions. it turns naturally to mass unionism, H controls all the factors of social action. ment, the class character of the state and the reactionary purposes of Capitalism, to meet to an industrial' unionism in accord with the Imperialism is uniting all non-proletarian integ-rated industry of imperialistic Capitalism. social groups in a brutal State Capitalism, for Capitalis~ on all issues, to rally the proletariat for'the struggle against Capitalism. Under the imoact of industrial concentra­ -reaction and spoliation. Against this, revo­ tion. the proletariat developed its own dynamic lutionary Socialism must mobilize the mass But parliamentarism cannot conquer the power of the state for the proletaria.t. The taCtics-mass action. struggle of the industrial proletariat. Mass action is the proletarian response to Moderate Socialism is compromising, vacil­ conquest of the power of the state is an ex­ tra-parliamentary act. It is accomplished, not the facts of modern industrv. and the forms it lating, treacher01,ls, because the social elements 1 by the legislative representatives of the pro­ imposes upon the pr0 etarian class strug-gle. it· depends upon-the p~tite bOllrgeoisie and Mass action starts as the spontaneous activity the aristocracy of labor-are not a fundamental letariat, but by the mass power of the pro­ letar.iat in action. The supreme power of the of unorganized workers massed in the basic factor in society i they vacillate between the industry; its initial form is the mass strike of bourgeois and the proletariat" their social proletariat inheres in the political mass strike, in using the industrial mass power of the the unorganized proletariat. The mass move­ instability produces political instability; and, ments of the proletariat developing out of this moreover. they have been seduced by Imperi­ proletariat for political objectives. Revolutionary Socialism, accordingly, recog­ mas~ response to the tvrannv of concentrated alism and are now united with Imperialism. industry antag-onized the dominant moderate Revolutionary Socialism is resolute, un­ nizes that the supreme form of proletarian political action is the political mass s\rike. Socialism; which tried to' compress and stultify comprising. revolutionary, because it builds these militant impulses within the limits of upon a fundamental social factor, the industrial Parliamentarism may become a factor in de­ veloping the mass strike; parliamentarism, if parliamentarism. proletariat, which is an actual pr01ucing class, In this instinctive mass action there was not expropriated of all property, in whose con­ it is revolutionary and adheres to the class struggle, performs a necessary service in mobi­ simply a response to the facts of industry. but sciousness the machine process has developed the implicit means for action against the dom­ the concepts of industrial unionism and mass !izing the proletariat against Capitalism. Moderate Socialism refuses to recognize and inant parliamentarism. Mass action is indus­ action. Revolutionary Soeialism adheres to trial in its orig-in : but its development imposes the class struggle because through the class accept this supreme form of proletarian politi­ cal action, limits and stultifies political action upon it a political character, since the more struggle alone-the mass strugg-Ie-can the general and conscious mass action becotl"es the industrial proletariat secure immediate conces­ into legislative routine and non-Socialist par­ liamentarism. This is a denial of the mass more it antagonizes the bourgeois state, be­ sions and finally conquer power by organizing comes political mass action. the industrial government of the working class. character of the -proletarian struggle, an evas­ ion of the tasks of the Revolution. Another development of this tendency was POLITICAL ACTI01'j Syndicalism. In its mass impulse Svndicalism .The class struggle is a political struggle. The power of the proletariat lies funda­ mentally in its con.trol of the industrial was a direct protest ag-ainst the futility of the It is a political strug-gle in the sense that its dominant Socialist parliamentarism. But Syn­ objective is political-the overthrow of the process. The mobilization of this control in action against the bourgeois state and Capi­ dicalism was either Ul1conscous of the theo­ political organization upon which capitalistic retical basis of the new movement; or where exploitation depends, and the introduction of talism means the end of Capitalism, the initial form of the revolutionary mass action that will there was an articulate theory, it was a deriva­ a new social system. The direct objective is tive of . making the proletarian revo­ the conquest by the proletariat of the power conquer the power of the state. ' UNIONISM AND MASS ACTION. lution an immediate and direct seizure of of the state. industry. instead of the conquest of the power Revolutionary SO,cialism does not propose to Revolutionary Socialism and the actual facts of the class struggle make the realization of of the state. Anarcho-Svndicalism is a de­ "capture" the bourgeois pariiamentary state, parture from Mandsm. The theory of mass but to conquer and destroy it. Revolutionary Socialism depend upon the industrial proletar­ iat. The class struggle of revolutionary Social­ action and of industrial unionism. however, Socialism, accordingly, repUdiates the p01icy are in absolute accord with Marxlsm-revo­ of intr09ucing Socialism by means of legisla­ ism mobilizes the industrial proletariat against Capitalism,-that proletariat which is united l1dionary Socialism in action. tive measures on the basis of the bourgeois Industrial unionism recognizes that the pro­ state. This state is a bourgeois state, the and disciplined by the machine process, and which actuallv controls the basic industrv of letariat cannot conquer power by means of organ for the coercion of the proletarian by the nation. - - the bourgeois parliamentary state; it recog­ the capitalist: how, then, can it introduce Soci­ alism? As long as the bourgeois parliamentary The coming to consciousness of this pro­ nizes. moreover, that the proletariat cannot letariat produces a revolt against the older use this state to introduce Socialism, hut that state prevails, the capitalist class can baffle the it must organize a new "state."-the "state" will of the proletariat, since all the political unionism, developing the concepts of industrial unionism and mass action. of the organized producers. Industrial union­ power, the army and the police, industry and ism, accordingly, proposes to construct the the press, are in the hands of the capitalists, The older unionism was implicit in the skill of the individual craftsmen, who united in craft forms of the government of Communist Social­ whose economic power g-ives them complete ism-the government of the producers. The domination. The revolutionary proletariat unions. These unions organized primarily to protect the skill of the skilled '~,'orkers, which revolutionary proletariat cannot adapt the must expropriate all these by the conquest of bou,rgeois organs of government to its own the power of the state. by annihilating the 15 in itself a form of property. The trades unions developed into "job trusts," and not use: it 'must develop its own organs. The political power of the bourg-eoisie, before it larg-er, more definite and general the conscious can begin the task of introducing Socialism. into militant organs of the proletarian struggle; until to-day the dominant unions are actual industrial:unions, the easier becomes the transi­ Revolutionary Socialism, accorciingly, pro­ bulwarks of Capitalism, merg-ing in Imperial­ tion to Socialism, since the revolutionary state poses to conquer the power of the state. It ism and accepting State Capitalism. The of the proletariat must reorf[anize society on proposes to conqner hy means of political ac­ trades unions, being or~anized on craft divis­ the basis of union control and management of tion,~political action in the revolutionarv ions; did not and could not unite the workers in~ustry. Industrial unicnism, accordingly. Marxian sense, which does not simply mean as a class, nor are they actual class organi­ is a necessary phase of revolutionary Socialist parliamentarism. but the class action of the zations. agitation and action. proletariat in a11Y form having- as its objective The concentration of industry, developing But industrial unionism alone cannot con­ the conquest of the power of the state. the machine process, expropriated large ele­ Quer the power of the state. Potentially, in­ Parliamentary action is necessary. In the ments of the skilled workers of their skill, but dustrial unionism may construct the forms of parliament. the revolutionary representatives the unions still maintained the older ideology the new society; but only potentially. Actu­ of the proletariat meet Capitalism on all gen­ of property co~tract and caste. Deprived of ally the forms of the new society are con­ eral issues of the class struggle. The pro­ actual power, the dominant unionism resorts structed under. the protection of a revolu­ letariat must fight the capitalist class on all to dickers with the bourgeois state and an tionary proletarian government: the industrial fronts, in the process of developing the final acceptance of imperialistic State Capitalism unions become simply the starting point of the action that will conquer the power of the state to maintain its privileges, as against the in­ Socialist reconstruction of society. Under the and overthrow Capitalism. Parliamentary ac- dustrial proletariat. conditions of Capitalism, it is 'impossible to July' 5, 1919 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE IS

<>rganize the whole working class into inous­ to realize that' industrial self-government of troduced by the proletarian: dictatorship~ there trial unions; the concept of organizing the the workers which alone can assure peace and develops the complete structure of Communist working' class industrially before the conquest liberty to the peoples. Socialism,-industrial self-government of the ()f power is as utopian as the moderate Soci­ Proletarian dictatorship is a recognition of communistically organized producers. When alist conception of the gradual conquest of the the necessity for a revolutionary state to coerce this structure is completed, which implies the parliamentary state. and suppress the bourgeoisie; it is equally complete expropriation of the bourgeoisie The proletarian revolution comes at the a recognition of the fact that, in the Communist economically and politically, the dictatorship moment of crisis in Capitalism, of a collapse reconstruction of society, the proletariat as a' of the proletariat ends, in its place coming .the of the old order. Under the impulse of the class alone counts. The new society organizes ftill and free social and individual automony .crisis, the proletariat acts for the conquest of as a commllnistic federation of producers. The of the Communist order. power, by means of mass action. Mass action proletariat ,alone counts in the revolution, and THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. concentrates and mobilizes the forces of the in the reconstruction of society on a Com­ The Communist International, issuing di­ proletariat, organized and unor~anized ; it munist basis. rectly out of the proletarian revolution in acts equally against the bourgeois state and The old machinery of the state cannot be action and in process of development, is the the conservative organizations of the working used by the revolutionary proletariat. It organ of the international revolutionary pro­ class. The revolution starts with strikes of. must be destroyed. The proletariat creates letariat: just as the League of Nations is the protest, developing into mass political strikes a new state, based directly upon the industri­ organ of the joint aggression and resistance and then into revolutionary mass action for the ally organized producers, upon the industrial of the dominant Imperialism. conquest of the power of the state. Mass unions or Soviets, or a combination of both. The attempt to resurrect the Second In· action becomes political in purpose while extra­ It is this state alone, functioning as a dictator­ ternational, at Berne, was a ghastly failure. It parliamentary in form; it is equally a process ship of the proletariat, that can realize rallied the counter-revolutionarv forces of of revolution and the revolution itself in Socialism. Europe, which were actually struggling operation.. Th~ tasks of the. dictatorship of the prole­ against the proletarian revolution. In this The final objective of mass action 4s the tariat are: "International" are united all the elements conquest of the power of the state, the anni­ a) to completely expropriate the bour­ treasonable to Socialism, and the wavering hilation of the bourgeois parliamentary state geoisie poitically, and crush its powers of "centre" elements whose policy of miserable and the introduction of the transition 'pro­ resistance. compromise is more dangerous than open trea­ letarian state, functioning as a revolutionary b) to expropriate the bourgeoisie econom­ son. It represents the old dominant moderate dictatorship of the proletariat. ically, and introduce the forms of Communist Socialism; it based affiliation on acceptance of DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT Socialism. "labor" parliamentary action, admitting trades The attitude toward the state divides the Breaking the political power of the capital­ unions accepting "political action." The old Anarchist (and Anarcho-Syndicalist) . the ists is the most important task of the revolu­ Jnternational abandoned the earlier conception moderate Socialist and the revolutionarv Socia- tionary dictatorship of the proletariat, since of Socialism as the politics of the Social Revo­ 1ist. Eager to abolish the state (which is the upon this depends the economic and social re­ It!tion~the politics of the class struggle in its ultimate purpose of revolutionary Socialism), construction of society. revolutionaJ;y implications-admitting directly the Anarchist (and Anarcho-Syndicalist) fails But this political expropriation proceeds reactionary organizations of Laborism, such as to realize that the state is necessarv in the simultaneously with an immediate, if partial. the British Labor Party. transition periocl from Capitalism to Socialism. expropriation of the bourgeoisie economically. The Communist International, on the con­ The moderate Socialist proposes to use the the scope of these measures being determined trary, represents a Socialism ill complete ac­ bourgeois state, with its fraudulent democracy, by indllstrial development and the maturity of cord \"ith the revolutionary character of the its illusory theory of the "unity of all the the proletariat. These measures, at first, in­ class struggle. It unites all the consciously classes," its standing army, police and bureau­ clude.: revolutionary forces. It wages war equally cracy oppressing and baffling the masses. The a) Workmen's control of industry, to be against the dominant moderate Socialism and revolutionary Socialist maintains that the exercised by the industrial organizations of Imperialism,-each of which has demonstrated bourgeois parliamentary state must be com­ the workers, operating by means of the in­ its complete incompetence on the problems that pletely destroyed, and proposes the organiza­ dustrial vote. now press down upon the world. The COJIl­ tion of a new state, the dictatorship of the b) Expropriation and nationalization of l11unist International issues its challenge to proletariat. . the banks, as a necessary preliminary measure the conscious, virile elements of the proletariat, The state is an organ of coercion. The for the complete expropriation of capital. .calling them to the final struggle against Capi­ bourgeois parliamentary state is the. organ of c) Expropriation and nationalization of talism on the basis of the revolutionary epoch the bourgeoisie for the coercion of the prole­ the large (trust) organizations of capital. Ex­ of Imperialism. The acceptance of the Cofn­ tariat. The revolutionary proletariat must, ac­ propriation proceeds without compensation, as munist International means accepting the fun­ cordingly, destroy this state. But the conquest :'buying out" the capitalists is a repudiation of d:.:.mentals of revolutionary' Socialism as de­ of political power by the 'proletariat does not the tasks of the revolution. CISive in our activity. immediately end Capitalism, or the power of d) RepUdiation of all national debts and The Communist international, moreover, is­ the capitalists, or immediately socialize in­ the financial obligations of the old system. sues its call to the subject peoples of the wprld, dustrv. It is therefore necessarv that the e) The nationalization of foreign trade. crushed under the murderous mastery of Im­ proletariat organize its own state for the coer­ f) Measures for the socialization of agri­ perialism. The revolt of these colonial an.d cion and suppression of the bourgeoisie. culture. subject peoples is a necessary phase of the Capitalism is bourgeois dictatorship. Par­ These measures centralize the basic means world struggle against capitalist Imperialism; liamentary government is' the expression of of production in the proletarian state, nation­ their 1e'iC'!n1tlst unite it:.;eli WiJl tl.e strug;le bourg-eois sup'remacv. the form of authoritv alizing industry; and their partial character of the conscious proletariat in the imperialistic ()f the capitalist over the worker. The bour­ ceases as reconstruction proceeds. Socializa­ nations. The communist International, ac­ geois state is organized to coerce the prole­ tion of industry becomes actual and complete cordingly, offers an organi'Lation and a policy tariat, to baffle the will of the masses. In form only after the dictatorship of the proletariat that may unify all the revolutionary forces a democracy, the bourgeois parliamentarv state has accomplished its task of suppressing the of the world for the conquest,of power, and is in fact an autocracy, the dictatorship of bourgeoisie. for Socialism. capital over the proletariat. The state of proletarian dictatorship is It is not a problem of immediate revolution. Bourgeois democracy promotes this dictator­ political in character, since it represents a rul­ Ir is a problem of the immediate revolutionary ship of capital, assisted by the pulpit, the army ing' class, the' proletariat, which is now su~ struggle. The revolutionary epoch of the final and the police. Bourgeois democracy seeks to preme; and it uses coercion against the old struggle against Capitalism may last for years reconcile all 'the classes; realizing, however. bourgeois class. But the task of this dictotor­ and tens of years; but the Communist Inter­ simply the reconciliation of the proletariat to ship is to render itself unnecessary; and it national offers a policy and program immedi­ the supremacy of Capitalism. Rourg-eois becomes unnecessary the moment the'lull con­ ate and utlimate in scope, that provides for democracy is political in character, historically ditions of Communist Socialism materialize. the immediate class struggle against Capital­ necessary, on the one hand, to break the power While the dictatorship of the proletariat per­ ism, in its revolutiqnary implications, and for of , and, on the other. to maintain form its negative task of crushing the old the final act of the conquest of power. the proletariat in subjection. It is precisely order, it performs the positive task of con­ The old order is in decav. Civilization is this democracy that is now the instrument of structing the new. Together with the govern­ in collapse. The proletarian revolution and Imperialism. since the middle class, the tradi­ ment of the proletarian dictatorship, there is the Communist reconstruction of society-the tional carrier of democracy, accepts and pro­ developed a new "government," which is no struggle for these-is nJw' indispensable. This motes Imperialism. longer government in the old sense, since it is the message of the Communist International The proletarian revolution disrupts bour­ concerns itself with the management of pro­ to the workers of the world. geois democracy. It disrupts this democracy duction and not with the government of per­ The Communist International calls the pro­ in order to end class divisions and class rule, sons. Out of workers' control of industry, in- letari"at of the world to the final, struggle ! 16______~._ THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE July 5; 19t 9 ~ The National Left Wing Council NEEDS $15,000 NOW The Left Wing of the Socialist Party of America ha3 organized itself as a national unified expression of Revolu­ tionary Socialism.

Its immediate tasks are enormous.

The stniggle within the Party must he waged-to cO:lquer the Party for the revolutionary Socialism of the Com­ munist International.

There is the struggle among the masses-the winning of- the broad masl!ies of the workers for Communist Socialism

Leaflets must be issued, speakers routed, papers published. All this requires money-At Once.

The SociaJist Party Convention meets August 30. We must carry on an enormous agitation without a momeni"s delay. Time is pressing and money is an urgent necessity.

Then money is needed immediately for The Revolutionary Age

-which has become the national organ of the Left Wing. It must treble its circulation within the next two months in order to reach .the rank and file of the Party and the masses 0: the workers with our message. Finar.cially it is in a sound position, but it is not yet covering fully its own expenses. Every addition to its circulation means a reduction of the organization's expenses.

The Left Wing Convention authorized the National Com.dl to is''1ue special emergency stamps to help raise money. This is being done. But the process is slow. l1"e need the money now.

Accordingly, we ask all comrades to contribute individually according to their means.

We ask all locals to immediately donate money on the basis of the following quotas:

New York (greater city) ...... $1,500 Boston, Mas:'!...... 200 Chicago, IH...... 1,000 Portland, Ore...... '. 200 Cleveland, Ohio...... ,...... 1,000 Rochester, N. Y...... 200 Detroit, Mich...... 500 ToJedo, Ohi.o...... 200 Denver, Colo...... 300 Los Angeles, Cal...... 200 Buffalo, N. Y...... 300 St. Paul, l';finn. " ...... 200 Philadelph:n, Pa. . ... '...... 400 Duluth, Minn...... 100 Pittsburg, Pa...... 300 Minneapolis, Minn..... '...... 100 Seattle, Wash...... 300 Hartford, C3im...... :: ...... ~ ...... 100 San Francisco, Cal...... 300 Providence, R. I...... 100

Comrades of the Left Wing-history calls to YOU! Upon you-the Left Wing-depends the future of Communist Socialism. Act! Individuals and locals-act now.

I. E. FERGUSON Secretary, X ational Council 43 West 29th Street New York City