A Post-Modern Socialism? : the Promise of a Revived Left Communism

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Post-Modern Socialism? : the Promise of a Revived Left Communism Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. A POST-MODERN SOCIALISM?: THE PROMISE OF A REVIVED LEFT COMMUNISM A thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology at Massey University Chamsy OjeiJi 1999 11 ABSTRACT The emergence of the post-modem heralds the eclipse of the two dominant modes of socialist orthodoxy in the twentieth century - social democracy and Leninism. These developments are often taken as signalling the exhaustion of socialism in general. The demise of orthodoxy, however, encourages a reconsideration of long marginalised strands of socialist thought and practice, the left communist tradition. Socialist orthodoxy was a statist project, conquered by the goals of capital accumulation, nationalism and social security. Breaking from this mode of politics and vision of the good society, post-modernism today stands as an inescapable intellectual and political horizon for socialists. Of particular note are the post-modem rejections of scientific guarantees, vanguardist representation and the vision of social transparency. Similar rejections figure within the left communist tradition. However, some aspects of post-modernism work against socialist aspirations; notably the tendency towards uncritical pluralism, a retreat from any explicit theorisation of capital and the state, and an often fragile utopian dimension. Left communism addresses these shortcomings. Believing that freedom and community can be achieved only through a collective project, left communists are committed to a radical extension of popular sovereignty against domination by the state and capital. They adhere to cosmopolitan values and to the goals of classical social theory, while rej ecting vanguardism in all its forms. Most importantly, seeking a life beyond proletarianisation, left communism retains a robust sense of utopian possibilities. On these grounds, this thesis argues that a negotiation between left communism and post-modem leftism promises a future for socialism in the contemporary period. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would firstly like to extend my immense gratitude to my two supervisors, Brennon Wood and Gregor McLennan. Brennon's tremendous intellectual energy has never waned, and a significant chunk of this thesis developed through our Wednesday meetings, which I will miss horribly. With great sensitivity and generosity, Brennon has guided me through a rather drawn-out finishing-off period. Gregor, too, has been amazing. Never betraying any exasperation at having to read yet another of my long and tedious drafts, Gregor has always been able to extract himself from the tiresome detail of my text to "hit the cause". The level of encouragement and inspiration that Brennon and Gregor have offered me has been astounding and invaluable. I find it hard to imagine another PhD candidate being able to boast of supervision by two such impressive intellectuals and fantastic human beings. Thanks must also go to the general and academic staff at the Massey Sociology Department - a great bunch of people. I would especially like to single out Associate Professor Peter Beatson whose sense of humour and intelligence have enriched post-grad life in the Department. Warmest thanks, too, to the following post-grads whose camaraderie has aided my work immensely and made my three years at Massey so wonderful: Grant Alien, Helen Cain, Bruce Cronin, Francisca da Gama, Lincoln Dalhberg, Sarah Donovan, Becca Etz, Sheryl Hann, Jonathan Thell, Angela Jury, Steve Kemp, Ruth McManus, Maureen O'Malley, Nick Roelants, Matt Shepherd, and Deb Thien. Finally, special thanks to my terrific family - Hicham el-Ojeili, Margaret Cummins, Hana el­ Oj eili, Craig Wattam, Serafine and Arshile - and to Kirsty Wild. -- ---- -------- CONTENTS Abstract ii Acknowledgements iii Contents iv Chapter One Introduction 1 Chapter Two The Post-modern Condition and the Retreat of the 9 Socialist Project • Introduction • "The liberation from capital is nowhere on the agenda of politics" - The Defeat of Socialism and the Rise of Post-Modernism • "Making socialist values count" - Socialist Orthodoxy Restated • "Radical and plural democracy" - The Post-Marxist Alternative • "To shed light on an existing historical movement" - The Left Communist Tradition • Conclusion Chapter Three What is to be done? Intellectual, Party, Theory 45 • Introduction • "Yes, the dictatorship of one party!" - From the Second International to Bolshevism • "Revolutions do not allow anyone to play schoolmaster with them" - Left Communism on Parties and Intellectuals • "Social truth is not a fixed quality" - The Function and Content of Theory • Conclusion Chapter Four Left communism and the Crisis of Socialist Values 91 • Introduction • "A remarkable consensus?" - Victorious Liberalism and its Discontents • "A superior level of moral culture" - Left Communism and Socialist Morality • "A struggle to realise freedom" - Individuality and Community in Communist Liberty • Conclusion Chapter Five The Problem of "Really Existing Socialism", and the 130 World Without Wages • Introduction • "A new form of dictatorship" - Communist Autocracy and its Orthodox Critics • "How not to impose communism" - Initial Enthusiasm and Growing Disillusionment • "The last garb donned by a bourgeois ideology" - Leninism as Capitalism • "The abolition of the wages system" - The World Without Wages • Conclusion Chapter Six The State, Revolution, and Socialist Democracy 170 • Introduction • "The dictatorship of the proletariat is also a state" - The State Conquers Socialism • "Radical Marxism merges with anarchist currents" - Marxism, Anarchism, and the State • "Statism is the exact opposite of socialism" - Left Communism and the State • "The battle of democracy" - Post-Capitalist Organisation • Conclusion Chapter Seven The Turn to Culture, and Utopia at the End of History 216 • Introduction • "A single gigantic industrial concern" - Socialist Orthodoxy and the Interpretation of Culture • "We are in an era of regression" - The Pessimistic Moment • "Warm communism" - The Politics of Everyday Life • "The partisans of possibilities" - Left Communism and Utopia at the End of History Bibliography 260 Chapter One Introduction "It is not what is, but what could be and should be, that has need of us" (Castoriadis, I 997a:4I7). The advent of the post-modem appears to signal the eclipse of the socialist project. Post­ modernism is incredulous before socialism's totalising and teleological narrative that posits liberation, harmony, and societal transparency at an approaching end of history. Post­ modernists reject the totalising, determinist, and scientific approach to social theorising so characteristic of socialist thought. And, emphasising "the contingent, precarious, limited character of what remains" (Laclau, 1994: 1,3), post-modernists have jettisoned the socialist belief in identity as mere recognition. Indeed, the two modes of socialist orthodoxy that have dominated the last eighty years - social democracy and Leninism - seem today to be "definitively exhausted" (Beilharz, 1993:3), leaving those on the left "bewildered and uncertain of the future" (Eberstein, Eberstein, and Fogelman, 1994:32). However, this is only a part of the story. Contrary to the early anxieties of many Marxist thinkers, it is now clear that the socialist urge is far from dead within post-modernism. Pre­ eminent post-modem thinkers such as Said, Foucault, Derrida, Spivak, Baudrillard, Deleuze, Guattari, Lyotard, and Butler remain(ed) left-progressive intellectuals, committed to the extension and deepening of democracy, and the post-modem mood or cultural orientation is decidedly gauchiste. More generally, as Beilharz (1993:54) notes, "socialism remains one of the narratives of modernity". The ideals associated with the French Revolution and given radicalised content by the socialist project - liberty, equality, fraternity, and the "sovereignty of the people" - still preside in the post-modem imagination. Rejecting, then, the commonsensical assumption that socialisml is finally deceased, in the following thesis I identify a still relevant tendency of communist thought - "left communism" - that is historically, politically, and philosophically separate from (though hardly unscathed by the failures of) social democracy and Leninism. Left communism offers a distinct alternative to the two dominant modes of socialism, and, moreover, it addresses 2 itself to a consciousness that is still extant. I thus argue that left communism demands a hearing from progressive-left thinkers who, with the breakdown of socialist orthodoxy, have taken up political and philosophical positions of a broadly post-modem variety. In his Postmodem Socialism, Peter Beilharz (1994:3,9) seeks to "rub" post-modernism and 2 socialism against each other, to stage a conversation between these two broad fields. According to Beilharz, such a coupling would mean an articulation of the substantive socialist elements that are still with us with the modest post-modem sensibility that demands a differentiated, skeptical, culturally-oriented, and "negative but persistent" socialism without illusions. I agree with Beilharz on the necessity and the result of such a conversation. It seems to me that this would be best achieved by a negotiation between left communism and post-modernist
Recommended publications
  • The Aesthetic Dimension
    THE AESTHETII DlmEDSIOD TOWARD A CRITIQUE OF MARXIST AESTHETICS HERBERT MARC USE Beacon Press Boston In a situation where the miserable reality can be changed only through radical political praxis, the concem with aesthetics demands justification. It would be senseless to deny the element of despair inherent in this concern: the retreat into a world of fictionwhere existing conditions are changed· and overcome only in the realm of the imagination. However, this purely ideological conception of art is being questioned with increasing intensity. It seems that art as art expresses a truth, an ex­ perience, a necessity which, although not in the domain of radical praxis, are nevertheless essential components of revolution. With this insight, the basic conception of Marxist aesthetics, that is its treatment of art as ideology, and the emphasis on the class character of art, become again the topic of critical reexamination.1 This discussion is directed to the following theses of Marxist aesthetics: 1. There is a definite connection between art and the material base, between art and the totality of the relations of production. With the change in production relations, art itself is trans­ formed as part of the superstructure, although, like other ideologies, it can lag behind or anticipate social change. 1 2. There is a definite connection between art and social class. The only authentic, true, pro­ gressive art is the art of an ascending class. It expresses the consciousness of this class. 3. Consequently, the political and the aes­ thetic, the revolutionary content and the artistic quality tend to coincide. 4. The writer has an obligation to articulate and express the interests and needs of the ascending class.
    [Show full text]
  • Corporate Governance and Impossibilism
    CRESC Working Paper Series Working Paper No. 48 Corporate governance and impossibilism Ismail Erturk, Julie Froud, Sukhdev Johal. Adam Leaver, David Shammai, Karel Williams CRESC, The University of Manchester January 2008 For further information: Centre for Research on Socio-Cultural Change (CRESC) Faculty of Social Sciences, The Open University, Walton Hall, Milton Keynes, MK7 6AA, UK Tel: +44 (0)1908 654458 Fax: +44 (0)1908 654488 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] Web: www.cresc.ac.uk The authors acknowledge the support of the ESRC under a Business Engagement Scheme award where CRESC and KPMG are partners. David Shammai works for KPMG and Karel Williams is co- director of CRESC. Ismail Erturk, Julie Froud and Adam Leaver teach at Manchester Business School while Sukhdev Johal teaches at Royal Holloway Management School. The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and not the organizations they work for . CRESC Working Papers Corporate Governance and Impossibilism Corresponding Author: Karel Williams ESRC Centre for Research on Socio-Cultural Change (CRESC) 178 Waterloo Place The University of Manchester Oxford Road Manchester M13 9PL United Kingdom Fax: +44 (0)161 275 8986 Tel: (mobile UK) 0777 55 14173 [email protected] Abstract This paper presents a mixed methods analysis of proceduralised corporate governance as a technical practice which is “ impossibilist” because it not only inflates expectations but sets fundamentally unattainable objectives. An initial review of the systematic empiricist literature shows how disappointment with corporate governance is justified empirically because changes in procedure and new mechanisms (such as the insistence on more independent NEDS) have little ascertainable positive effect on shareholder value and firm performance.
    [Show full text]
  • Colloquium Paper January 12, 1984 STALINISM VERSUS
    Colloquium Paper January 12, 1984 STALINISM VERSUS BOLSHEVISM? A Reconsideration by Robert C. Tucker Princeton University with comment by Peter Reddaway London School of Economics and Political Science Fellows Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Draft paper not for publication or quotation without written permission from the authors. STALINISM VERSUS BOLSHEVISM? A Reconsideration Although not of ten openly debated~ the issue I propose to address is probably the deepest and most divisive in Soviet studies. There is good ground for Stephen Cohen's characterization of it as a "quintessential his­ torical and interpretive question"! because it transcends most of the others and has to do with the whole of Russia's historical development since the Bolshevik Revolution. He formulates it as the question of the relationship "between Bolshevism and Stalinism.'' Since the very existence of something properly called Stalinism is at issue here, I prefer a somewhat different mode of formulation. There are two (and curiously, only two) basically opposed positions on the course of development that Soviet Russia took starting around 1929 when Stalin, having ousted his opponents on the Left and the Right, achieved primacy, although not yet autocratic primacy, within the Soviet regime. The first position, Which may be seen as the orthodox one, sees that course of development as the fulfillment, under new conditions, of Lenin's Bolshevism. All the main actions taken by the Soviet regime under Stalin's leadership were, in other words, the fulfillment of what had been prefigured in Leninism (as Lenin's Bolshevism came to be called after Lenin died).
    [Show full text]
  • Apocalypse and Survival
    APOCALYPSE AND SURVIVAL FRANCESCO SANTINI JULY 1994 FOREWORD !e publication of the Opere complete [Complete Works] of Giorgio Cesa- rano, which commenced in the summer of 1993 with the publication of the "rst comprehensive edition of Critica dell’utopia capitale [Critique of the uto- pia of capital], is the fruit of the activity of a group of individuals who were directly inspired by the radical critique of which Cesarano was one of the pioneers. In 1983, a group of comrades who came from the “radical current” founded the Accademia dei Testardi [Academy of the Obstinate], which published, among other things, three issues of the journal, Maelström. !is core group, which still exists, drew up a balance sheet of its own revolution- ary experience (which has only been partially completed), thus elaborating a preliminary dra# of our activity, with the republication of the work of Gior- gio Cesarano in addition to the discussion stimulated by the interventions collected in this text.$ In this work we shall seek to situate Cesarano’s activity within its his- torical context, contributing to a critical delimitation of the collective envi- ronment of which he formed a part. We shall do this for the purpose of more e%ectively situating ourselves in the present by clarifying our relation with the revolutionary experience of the immediate past. !is is a necessary theoret- ical weapon for confronting the situation in which we "nd ourselves today, which requires the ability to resist and endure in totally hostile conditions, similar in some respects to those that revolutionaries had to face at the begin- ning of the seventies.
    [Show full text]
  • Council Communism
    The Anarchist Library (Mirror) Anti-Copyright Council Communism Mark Shipway Mark Shipway Council Communism 1987 https://libcom.org/library/ council-communism-mark-shipway-1987 usa.anarchistlibraries.net 1987 Contents Theoretical Questions . 11 Workers’ Councils and Communism . 21 Council Communism and Councillism . 24 3 must itself strive not to succumb to these vacilla- Council communism is a theory of working-class struggle tions, but to put them right. Through the clarity and revolution which holds that the means that workers will and the principled nature of their slogans, the use to fight capitalism, overthrow it, and establish and admin- unity of words and deeds, their entry into the ister communist society, will be the workers’ councils. struggle, the correctness of their predictions, they Historically, workers’ councils (or ‘soviets’, from the Russian must help the proletariat to quickly and com- word for council) first arose in Russia in 1905. During that year, pletely overcome each vacillation. Through its workers in many industrial areas engaged in mass strike. In entire activity the communist party must develop the absence of any widespread trade-union organisation, these the class consciousness of the proletariat, even strikes were organised by committees of delegates elected from at the cost of being momentarily in opposition the factory floor. Where workers of several trades or industries to the masses. Only thus will the party, in the were on strike at the same time, delegates from the separate course of the revolutionary struggle, win the trust strike committees often met in central bodies to unify andco- of the masses, and accomplish a revolutionary ordinate the struggle.
    [Show full text]
  • Council Communism Or Councilism? - the Period of Transition a Book Review by Fredo Corvo
    Council communism or councilism? - The period of transition A book review by Fredo Corvo Book review of Philippe Bourrinet “The Dutch and German Communist Left (1900-68); ‘Neither Lenin nor Trotsky nor Stalin!”, ‘All workers must think for themselves!’”, Leiden/Boston (Brill) ISBN 978-90-04-26977-4. This book in fact is based on a master thesis in French language, defended at the Sorbonne University Paris, 1988. Since then editions in several languages appeared, with or without permission of the author, or of the International Communist Current, who claims to be its ‘collective author’. Therefor it is unfortunately that this new edition by Brill doesn’t explain the differences with the master thesis. For readers that know the Porcupine Press English language edition, I found two additions. A fragment preceding chapter 1, on Religion, Capitalism and colonial Empire: From the ‘Golden Age’ to the Decline, gives a short overview of the history of the Netherlands before industrialization. A text added to chapter 11, International Council-Communists up to the 1970s adds interesting information of studies published since 1987, which can be found in the bibliography. On the other hand, some of the more recent works are missing here as well as in the 58 pages long section ‘Further reading’: for example, Gerber’s and Boekelman's biographies of Anton Pannekoek. No doubt this study is impressive for many reasons, of which its international scope and its internationalist approach are the most important. No coincidence the author identifies with the Communist left, consisting mainly of the German-Dutch left and the Italian left, having published several studies on the latter as well.
    [Show full text]
  • Socialism in Europe and the Russian Revolution India and the Contemporary World Society Ofthefuture
    Socialism in Europe and II the Russian Revolution Chapter 1 The Age of Social Change In the previous chapter you read about the powerful ideas of freedom and equality that circulated in Europe after the French Revolution. The French Revolution opened up the possibility of creating a dramatic change in the way in which society was structured. As you have read, before the eighteenth century society was broadly divided into estates and orders and it was the aristocracy and church which controlled economic and social power. Suddenly, after the revolution, it seemed possible to change this. In many parts of the world including Europe and Asia, new ideas about individual rights and who olution controlled social power began to be discussed. In India, Raja v Rammohan Roy and Derozio talked of the significance of the French Revolution, and many others debated the ideas of post-revolutionary Europe. The developments in the colonies, in turn, reshaped these ideas of societal change. ian Re ss Not everyone in Europe, however, wanted a complete transformation of society. Responses varied from those who accepted that some change was necessary but wished for a gradual shift, to those who wanted to restructure society radically. Some were ‘conservatives’, others were ‘liberals’ or ‘radicals’. What did these terms really mean in the context of the time? What separated these strands of politics and what linked them together? We must remember that these terms do not mean the same thing in all contexts or at all times. We will look briefly at some of the important political traditions of the nineteenth century, and see how they influenced change.
    [Show full text]
  • Jacques Camatte Community and Communism in Russia
    Jacques Camatte Community and Communism in Russia Chapter I Chapter II Chapter III Chapter I Publishing Bordiga's texts on Russia and writing an introduction to them was rather repugnant to us. The Russian revolution and its involution are indeed some of the greatest events of our century. Thanks to them, a horde of thinkers, writers, and politicians are not unemployed. Among them is the first gang of speculators which asserts that the USSR is communist, the social relations there having been transformed. However, over there men live like us, alienation persists. Transforming the social relations is therefore insufficient. One must change man. Starting from this discovery, each has 'functioned' enclosed in his specialism and set to work to produce his sociological, ecological, biological, psychological etc. solution. Another gang turns the revolution to its account by proving that capitalism can be humanised and adapted to men by reducing growth and proposing an ethic of abstinence to them, contenting them with intellectual and aesthetic productions, restraining their material and affective needs. It sets computers to work to announce the apocalypse if we do not follow the advice of the enlightened capitalist. Finally there is a superseding gang which declares that there is neither capitalism nor socialism in the USSR, but a kind of mixture of the two, a Russian cocktail ! Here again the different sciences are set in motion to place some new goods on the over-saturated market. That is why throwing Bordiga into this activist whirlpool
    [Show full text]
  • 'Left-Wing' Communism: an Infantile Disorder
    Resistance Marxist Library ‘Left-Wing’ Communism: An Infantile Disorder V. I. Lenin 2 ‘Left-Wing’ Communism: An Infantile Disorder Acknowledgement: “The Communist Parties and Parliamentarism” © Pluto Press, London; reprinted by permission. Resistance Books 1999 ISBN 0909196 88 5 Published by Resistance Books, resistancebooks.com Contents Introduction by Doug Lorimer................................................................ 5 I. A popular exposition of Bolshevik strategy & tactics...................................... 5 II. The origin & development of Bolshevism...................................................... 6 III. Parliamentary democracy & the proletarian revolution................................. 8 IV. The German Revolution and the German communists............................... 10 V. Marxism & the working-class vanguard........................................................ 13 VI. Winning over the vanguard & winning over the masses.............................. 18 VII. Mass action & tactical compromises............................................................. 20 VIII. Mass action & the united-front tactic............................................................ 23 I. In What Sense We Can Speak of the International Significance of the Russian Revolution .........................27 II. An Essential Condition of the Bolsheviks’ Success ...... 30 III. The Principal Stages in the History of Bolshevism ....... 33 IV. The Struggle Against Which Enemies Within the Working-Class Movement Helped Bolshevism Develop, Gain
    [Show full text]
  • Green Questions
    Debating Green Strategy—6 lola seaton GREEN QUESTIONS s time rolls on and the ipcc’s deadlines for reducing the rise in global temperatures get closer, the prospect of climate catastrophe looms larger, and the problem of how to avert it becomes ever more pressing. This is the question that has Abeen under discussion in recent numbers of nlr. The debate has fea- tured interventions from a number of distinct positions, on both sides of the Atlantic and across different political generations. Herman Daly, a pioneer in the field of ecological economics, was quizzed on his pro- gramme for a steady-state system by Benjamin Kunkel, n+1 founding editor and author of Buzz. Canadian environmental historian Troy Vettese argued for a pollution-shrinking ‘half-earth’ project of natural geo-engineering and eco-austerity. Taking the opposite tack, the radical economist Robert Pollin called for massive global investment in renew- able energy. In the current number, uk-based scholar-activists Mark Burton and Peter Somerville reply with a defence of ‘degrowth’. Still to come are contributions from an eco-feminist perspective and from the global South.1 At this mid-point in the debate, it may be helpful to pause and take stock. As well as putting forward their own solutions, the contributors have responded—sometimes with assent, but often in the form of rebuttals or correctives—to each other’s. The result of this direct engagement is that, reading the texts in sequence, one feels one has witnessed a con- versation. Yet, in a conversation stretched across twelve months and congealed in text, the latest voices can become the loudest—having both the opportunity to respond to everything that has come before, and the privilege of going temporarily unanswered.
    [Show full text]
  • Communist Parties Have Inherited from Lenin and Other Great Bolsheviks an Ideal-Logical Paradigm
    The Bolshevik Ideal-logical Paradi!! Communist parties have inherited from Lenin and other great bolsheviks an ideal-logical paradigm. In terms of this paradigm the bolsheviks understand themselves and the world, which they try to disqualify ideologically and to change through revolutionary activity. Apart from the ideal of a communist society, the following ideas exerted key influence on the Bolsheviks' (self)understanding: proletarian revolution; a party of (professional) revolutionaries organized in a democratic-centralist manner; dictatorship of the proletariat; the party as the representative of the objective and historical interests of the proletariat; the transition period between capitalism and communism. As Marxists the Bolsheviks faced the problem of how to explain to them­ selves and others the possibility of proletarian, socialist revolution in backward Russia. The idea of a centralized party of professional revolution­ aries did not suffice; they needed a radical revision of the Marxist vision of revolution. This revision transformed a revolutionary philosophical-social theory into a revolutionary ideal-logy. Admittedly, Marx himself was ambivalent: He'saw a real chance for the revolution and the subsequent development of a new society in developed capitalism, but from time to time he lost his patience, hoping that the revolution would soon break out even though capitalism was still i rather undeveloped. Characteristically, Bolshevik ideal-logues believed tliat Marx's goals could be achieved under radicallY changed conditions and through radically 1 2 Changed means.* One could almost say that revolution sets only those goals it cannot aChieve. Two ideas were of key import~nce for the Bolshevik ideal-logical revision of Marx's concept of revolution: the weakest link of imperialism and the permanent revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Restructuring the Socialist Economy
    CAPITAL AND CLASS IN CUBAN DEVELOPMENT: Restructuring the Socialist Economy Brian Green B.A. Simon Fraser University, 1994 THESISSUBMllTED IN PARTIAL FULFULLMENT OF THE REQUIREMEW FOR THE DEGREE OF MASER OF ARTS Department of Spanish and Latin American Studies O Brian Green 1996 All rights resewed. This work my not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. Siblioth&ye nationale du Canada Azcjuis;lrons and Direction des acquisitions et Bitjibgraphic Sewices Branch des services biblicxpphiques Youi hie Vofrergfereoce Our hie Ncfre rb1Prence The author has granted an L'auteur a accorde une licence irrevocable non-exclusive ficence irrevocable et non exclusive allowing the National Library of permettant & la Bibliotheque Canada to reproduce, loan, nationafe du Canada de distribute or sell copies of reproduire, preter, distribuer ou his/her thesis by any means and vendre des copies de sa these in any form or format, making de quelque maniere et sous this thesis available to interested quelque forme que ce soit pour persons. mettre des exemplaires de cette these a la disposition des personnes int6ress6es. The author retains ownership of L'auteur consenre la propriete du the copyright in his/her thesis. droit d'auteur qui protege sa Neither the thesis nor substantial th&se. Ni la thbe ni des extraits extracts from it may be printed or substantiefs de celle-ci ne otherwise reproduced without doivent 6tre imprimes ou his/her permission. autrement reproduits sans son autorisatiow. PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Sion Fraser Universi the sight to Iend my thesis, prosect or ex?ended essay (the title o7 which is shown below) to users o2 the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the Zibrary of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users.
    [Show full text]