//INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238HTL.3D i [1–1] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

THENEWCAMBRIDGEHISTORYOF ISLAM //integrafs1/cup/3-Pagination/Integra_WMS/CIW/2-FirstProof/From_WMS/Application_Files/9780521838238ser.3d ii [2–4] 4.11.2009 2:55pm

THE NEW CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF ISLAM

The New Cambridge History of Islam offers a comprehensive history of Islamic civilisation, tracing its development from its beginnings in seventh-century Arabia to its wide and varied presence in the globalised world of today. Under the leadership of the Prophet Muh.ammad, the Muslim community coalesced from a scattered, desert population and, following his death, emerged from Arabia to conquer an empire which, by the early eighth century, stretched from India in the east to Spain in the west. By the eighteenth century, despite political fragmentation, the Muslim world extended from West Africa to South-East Asia. Today, Muslims are also found in significant numbers in Europe and the Americas, and make up about one-fifth of the world’s population. To reflect this geographical distribution and the cultural, social and religious diversity of the peoples of the Muslim world, The New Cambridge History of Islam is divided into six volumes. Four cover historical developments, and two are devoted to themes that cut across geographical and chronological divisions – themes ranging from social, political and economic relations to the arts, literature and learning. Each volume begins with a panoramic introduction setting the scene for the ensuing chapters and exam- ining relationships with adjacent civilisations. Two of the vol- umes – one historical, the other thematic – are dedicated to the developments of the last two centuries, and show how Muslims, united for so many years in their allegiance to an overarching and distinct tradition, have sought to come to terms with the emer- gence of Western hegemony and the transition to modernity. The time is right for this new synthesis reflecting developments in scholarship over the last generation. The New Cambridge History of Islam is an ambitious enterprise directed and written by a team combining established authorities and innovative younger schol- ars. It will be the standard reference for students, scholars and all those with enquiring minds for years to come. //integrafs1/cup/3-Pagination/Integra_WMS/CIW/2-FirstProof/From_WMS/Application_Files/9780521838238ser.3d iii [2–4] 4.11.2009 2:55pm

General editor michael cook, cleveland e. dodge professor of near eastern studies, princeton university

volume 1 The Formation of the Islamic world Sixth to Eleventh Centuries edited by chase robinson

volume 2 The Western Islamic World, Eleventh to Eighteenth Centuries edited by maribel fierro

volume 3 The Eastern Islamic World, Eleventh to Eighteenth Centuries edited by david morgan and anthony reid

volume 4 Islamic Cultures and Societies to the End of the Eighteenth Century edited by robert irwin

volume 5 The Islamic World in the Age of Western Dominance edited by francis robinson

volume 6 Muslims and Modernity: Culture and Society since 1800 edited by robert w. hefner

Grants made from an award to the General Editor by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, and from the National Endowment for the Humanities RZ-50616-06, contributed to the development of The New Cambridge History of Islam. In particular the grants funded the salary of William M. Blair, who served as Editorial Assistant from 2004 to 2008. //integrafs1/cup/3-Pagination/Integra_WMS/CIW/2-FirstProof/From_WMS/Application_Files/9780521838238ser.3d iv [2–4] 4.11.2009 2:55pm //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238TTL.3D v [5–5] 4.11.2009 2:54PM

THE NEW CAMBRIDGE HISTORY OF ISLAM

*

VOLUME 1 The Formation of the Islamic World, Sixth to Eleventh Centuries

*

Edited by CHASE ROBINSON //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238IMP.3D vi [6–6] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 8ru,UK

Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York

www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521838238

# Cambridge University Press 2008

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published 2008

Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge

A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data

isbn 978-0-521-83823-8 Hardback

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238TOC.3D vii [7–9] 4.11.2009 2:55PM

Contents

List of illustrations page x List of maps xiv List of genealogies and lists xv List of contributors xvi A note on transliteration and pronunciation xix A note on dating xxi Chronology xxii List of abbreviations xxvi

Introduction 1 chase f. robinson

part i THELATEANTIQUECONTEXT 17

1 . The resources of Late Antiquity 19 john haldon

2 . The late Roman/early Byzantine Near East 72 mark whittow

3 . The late Sasanian Near East 98 josef wieseho¨ fer

4 . Pre-Islamic Arabia 153 michael lecker

vii //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238TOC.3D viii [7–9] 4.11.2009 2:55PM

Contents

part ii UNIVERSALISM AND IMPERIALISM 171

5 . The rise of Islam, 600–705 173 chase f. robinson

6 . The empire in Syria, 705–763 226 paul m. cobb

7 . The empire in Iraq, 763–861 269 tayeb el-hibri

8 . The waning of empire, 861–945 305 michael bonner

9 . The late qAbbasid pattern, 945–1050 360 hugh kennedy

part iii REGIONALISM 395

10 . Arabia 397 ella landau-tasseron

11 . The Islamic east 450 elton l. daniel

12 . Syria 508 r. stephen humphreys

13 . Egypt 543 michael brett

14 . The Iberian Peninsula and North Africa 583 eduardo manzano moreno

viii //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238TOC.3D ix [7–9] 4.11.2009 2:55PM

Contents

part iv THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF EARLY ISLAMIC HISTORY 625

15 . Modern approaches to early Islamic history 627 fred m. donner

16 . Numismatics 650 stefan heidemann

17 . Archaeology and material culture 666 marcus milwright Conclusion: From formative Islam to classical Islam 685 chase f. robinson

Glossary 698 Bibliography 701 Index 786

ix //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238TOCI.3D x [10–13] 4.11.2009 2:54PM

Illustrations

Plates 16.1 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Byzantium, Heraclius, nomisma, Constantinople, [c. 616–25 CE], Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2007-04-1 (4.21g) 16.2 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Byzantium, Constans II, follis, Constantinople, regnal year 3 (643–4 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 303-D5 (4.80g) 16.3 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Sasanians, Khusrau II, drahm, pHM (Hamadhan), regnal year 29 (618–19 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 302-B5 (3.46g) 16.4 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, tremisses/thulth d¯nı ar, Africa (Qayrawan), undated [c. 90–3/708–11], Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 305-B2 (1.37g) 16.5 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, fals, Emisis/H. ims.,[c. 50s/670s–74/692], validating mark ΚΑΛΟΝ and t.ayyib; Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 303-C8 (3.85g) 16.6 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, fals, Dimashq (Damascus), [c. 50s/ 670–74/692], validating mark japiz; Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 303-C10 (5.19g) 16.7 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, qAbd Allah ibn qA¯ mir ibn Kurayz, drahm, abbreviation DP (probably Fasa in the Darabjird district), AH 43 (immobilised date, c. 663–4 CE) Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2005–15–2 (4.04g) 16.8 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Zubayrids, qAbd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, drahm,DpGH (Darabjird–Jahrum), Yazdegerd era 60 (72/692), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2005–15–4 16.9 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Zubayrids, qAbd al-qAz¯zı ibn qAbd Allah, drahm, abbreviation SK (S¯stı an), AH 72 (691–2 CE), coll. Mohsen Faroughi 16.10 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, d¯nı ar, [Damascus], AH 77 (696 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 303-A2 (4.45g) 16.11 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, fals, Manbij, [74–7/692–6], title am¯rı al-mupmin¯nı and khal¯fatı Allah, Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 303-G6 (2.70g) 16.12 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, anonymous, d¯nı ar, [Damascus], AH 93 (711–12 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 306-A2 (4.23g) 16.13 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Umayyads, anonymous, dirham,Kufa, AH 79 (698–9 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 305-H10 (2.87g)

x //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238TOCI.3D xi [10–13] 4.11.2009 2:54PM

List of illustrations

16.14 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbbasids, anonymous, d¯nı ar, [al-Rafiqa], AH 191 (806–7 CE), mint mark rap, Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2000–11–1 (4.10g) 16.15 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbbasids, anonymous, dirham,Kufa, AH 132 (749–50 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 312-H7 (2.70g) 16.16 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbbasids, al-Mahd¯ı Muh.ammad as heir apparent, dirham, Rayy, AH 146 (763–4 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2002–9–29 (2.74g) 16.17 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbbasids, al-Am¯nı as heir, Khuzayma ibn Khazim as governor of Armenia and Ismaq¯lı ibn Ibrah¯mı as another official, dirham, Armenia (Dabil), AH 190 (805–6 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 317-F9 (2.92g) 16.18 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbbasids, qUmar ibn al-qAlap, governor of T. abaristan, T. abar¯-ı (half)-dirham,T. abaristan, 123 post-Yazdegerd era (158/774–5), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 1998–2–498 (1.69g) 16.19 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbbasids, al-Mahd¯ı Muh.ammad, drahm, [Bukhara], [158–69/775–85], Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 305-E7 (2.33g) 16.20 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbbasids, al-Muqtas.im billah, AbuJa qfar Ashinas, governor of the west, Muh.ammad ibn Yusuf, governor in northern Mesopotamia, fals, al-Rafiqa, AH 226 (840–1 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 321-B7 (3.41g) 16.21 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbbasids, anonymous, fals, (Syria), [c. 130–50/750–70], cast, Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 1998–2–378 (1.18g) 16.22 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbbasids, al-Mapmun as khal¯fatı Allah, qAl¯ı al-Rid.a as heir, al-Fad.l ibn Sahl as Dhu ’l-Riyasatayn, dirham,Is.fahan, AH 204 (819–20 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 328-F1 (2.97g) 16.23 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbbasids, anonymous, dirham, Mad¯natı al-Salam, AH 208 (823–4 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 321-E5 (2.88g) 16.24 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbbasids, al-Muqtas.im billah, dirham, Mad¯natı al-Salam, AH 226 (840–1 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 321-E4 (2.88g) 16.25 (a, b, obverse and reverse) S. affarids, Yaqqub ibn al-Layth, dirham, Panjh¯r,ı AH 261 (874–5 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 327-H6 (2.82g) 16.26 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Dulafids in Central Iran, Ah.mad ibn qAbd al-qAz¯z,ı acknowledging the qAbbasid al-Muqtamid qala Allah and the heir al-Muwaffaq billah as overlords, d¯nı ar,Mah al-Bas.ra, AH 273 (886–7 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 323-A2 (4.11g) 16.27 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qAbbasids, al-Muttaq¯ı lillah, and Bajkam as am¯rı al-umarap, dirham, Mad¯natı al-Salam, AH 329 (940–1 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 325-G7 (2.28g) 16.28 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Buyids of Fars, Qiwam al-D¯n,ı acknowledging the Buyid Bahap al-Dawla as overlord, good silver qadl dirham,Sh¯rı az, AH 400 (1009–10 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 2002–9–127 (3.07g) 16.29 (a, b, obverse and reverse) qUqaylids, Janah. al-Dawla, acknowledging the Buyid Bahap al-Dawla as overlord, dirham, Nas.¯bı ¯n,ı AH 385 (995–6 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 340-A6 (3.21g) 16.30 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Sallarids, Jastan and Ibrah¯mı ibn al-Marzuban, d¯nı ar, Maragha, AH 347 (958–9 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 326-A4 (4.41g) 16.31 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Samanids, Ismaq¯lı ibn Ah.mad, dirham,Shash (present-day Tashkent), AH 292 (904–5 CE), Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 329-C4 (2.82g)

xi //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238TOCI.3D xii [10–13] 4.11.2009 2:54PM

List of illustrations

16.32 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Samanids, Nas.r ibn Ah.mad, fals, Bukhara, AH 305 (917–18 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 335-G9 (3.18g) 16.33 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Ghaznavids, Mah.mud, dirham yam¯nı ¯ı, Ghazna, AH 399 (1008–9 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2006–2–67 (3.42g) 16.34 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Saljuqs, Malikshah, d¯nı ar,N¯shı apur, AH 484 (1091–2 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 1999–14–3 (5.09g) 16.35 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Saljuqs of the East, Sultan Sanjar acknowledging Muh.ammad T. apar as supreme sultan, debased d¯nı ar, Walwal¯jı (present-day Qunduz), Muh.arram AH 493 (1099 CE), with tamgha. sword, Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2003–17–17 (2.82g) 16.36 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Fat.imids, al-qAz¯zı billah, d¯nı ar maghrib¯ı or mis.r¯ı, Mis.r, AH 368 (978–9 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 401-H6 (4.16g) 16.37 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Fat.imids, al-Muqizz li-D¯nı Allah, dirham, al-Mans.uriyya, AH 358 (968–9 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 401-G7 (1.36g) 16.38 Fat.imids, al-Mustans.ir billah (r. 427–87/1036–94), token, dark-blue glass, Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 440-A9 (3.02g) 16.39 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Numayrids, Man¯ıq ibn Shab¯bı (r. c. 440–54/1050–62), acknowledging the Fat.mid caliph al-Mustan.sir billah, dirham aswad, without mint and date, [Ruha, H. arran or al-Raqqa], Oriental Coin Cabinet Jena inv. no. 2006–1–1 (1.11g) 16.40 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Zangids, Nur al-D¯nı Mah.mud, qirt.as, Dimashq (Damascus), AH 558 (1162–3 CE), private collection, photo Oriental Coin Cabinet (5.56g) 16.41 (a, b, obverse and reverse) Zangids, al-S.alih. Ismaq¯l,ı dirham, Aleppo, AH 571 (1175–6 CE), Oriental Coin Cabinet inv. no. 2001–1–1 (2.79g)

Figures 17.1 Plan of the dar al-imara at Kufa, Iraq, first/seventh century and later. After K. Creswell, Early Muslim architecture, rev. edn (1969), vol. I.1, fig. 18 669 17.2 Exterior of Qas.r al-Kharana, Jordan (before 92/710). Photo: Marcus Milwright 670 17.3 Late Roman castrum known as Qas.r al-Bash¯r,ı Jordan (293–305). Photo: Marcus Milwright 670 17.4 Plan of the town of qAnjar, Lebanon. After Creswell, Early Muslim architecture, vol. I.2, fig. 540 674 17.5 Plans of mosques I (possibly 84/703, marked in black) and II (marked in grey) in Wasit.. After F. Safar, Wâs.it., the sixth season’s excavations (1945), fig. 5 675 17.6 Corona satellite photograph of al-Raqqa, Syria, taken between 1960 and 1972:(1) al-Raqqa (Kallinikos); (2) walled city of al-Rafiqa; (3) north gate; (4) ‘Baghdad gate’;(5) congregational mosque; (6) possible line of the wall enclosing al-Raqqa al-Muh.tariqa (‘the burning Raqqa’); (7) site of an qAbbasid-period glass workshop; (8) Tal Aswad 678

xii //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238TOCI.3D xiii [10–13] 4.11.2009 2:54PM

List of illustrations

17.7 Aerial view of Samarrap with the mosque of Abu Dulaf (245–47/859–61). Creswell archive: EA.CA.271. Creswell Archive, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford. 679 17.8 Earthenware bowl with tin glaze and cobalt (blue) and copper (green) painting, Iraq, third/ninth century. 1978.2141. Courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford. 681

xiii //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238TOCF.3D xiv [14–14] 4.11.2009 2:54PM

Maps

1 The physical geography of the Mediterranean and page 27 Near Eastern world 2 The political geography of the Mediterranean and Near 28 Eastern world, c. 575 3 The expansion of Islam in the east 29 4 The expansion of Islam in the west 30 5 The qAbbasid empire in c. 800 31 6 The Islamic world in c. 950 32 7 Arabia 33 8 The Islamic east 34 9 Syria 35 10 Egypt 36 11 Spain and North Africa 37

xiv //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238MFM01.3D xv [15–15] 4.11.2009 2:55PM

Genealogies

1. The ‘northern’ and ‘southern’ Arabs page 156 2. The Quraysh 169 3. Muh.ammad’s family 188 4. The Umayyads 213 5. The Shiqite imams 265 6. The qAbbasids 270 7. The Buuyids 366 8. The rulers of Egypt, 868–1036 564 9. The Umayyads of Spain 599

xv //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOC.3D xvi [16–18] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

Contributors

M ICHAEL B ONNER is Professor of Medieval Islamic History in the Department of Near Eastern Studies at the University of Michigan. His publications on jihad and the medieval Islamic frontiers include Aristocratic violence and holy war: Studies on the jihad and the Arab–Byzantine frontier (New Haven, 1996) and Jihad in Islamic history: Doctrines and practice (Princeton, 2006). His work on social and economic issues in the medieval Near East has resulted in several publications including Poverty and charity in Middle Eastern contexts (co-edited with Amy Singer and Mine Ener) (Albany, 2003).

M ICHAEL B RETT is Emeritus Reader in the History of North Africa at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London. He is the author (with Werner Forman) of The Moors: Islam in the West (London, 1980); (with Elizabeth Fentress) The Berbers (Oxford, 1996); Ibn Khaldun and the medieval Maghrib (Aldershot, 1999); and The rise of the Fatimids: The world of the Mediterranean and the Middle East in the fourth century of the hijra, tenth century CE (Leiden, 2001).

P AUL M. COBB is Associate Professor of Islamic History at the University of Pennsylvania. He is the author of White banners: Contention in qAbbasid Syria, 750–880 (Albany, 2001) and Usama ibn Munqidh: Warrior-poet of the age of Crusades (Oxford, 2005).

E LTON L. DANIEL is Professor in the Department of History, University of Hawaii at Manoa. His publications include The political and social history of Khurasan under Abbasid rule 747–820 (Minneapolis, 1979) and The history of Iran (London, 2001). He has written several articles on qAbbasid history and the History of al-T. abar¯,ı among which are ‘The “Ahl al-Taqaddum” and the Problem of the Constituency of the Abbasid Revolution in the Merv Oasis’ (1996) and ‘Manuscripts and editions of Bal’ami’s Tarjamah-yi Tarikh-i Tabari’ (1990).

F RED M. DONNER is Professor of Near Eastern History in the Oriental Institute and Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations at the University of Chicago. He is the author of The early Islamic conquests (Princeton, 1981) and Narratives of Islamic origins (Princeton, 1997). He has published a translation of a section of al-T. abar¯ı’s History, The conquest of Arabia (Albany, 1992), and numerous articles on early Islamic history.

xvi //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOC.3D xvii [16–18] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

List of contributors

T AYEB E L -HIBRI is Associate Professor in the Department of Near Eastern Studies at University of Massachusetts, Amherst. His book Reinterpreting Islamic historiography: Harun al-Rashid and the narrative of the Abbasid caliphate (Cambridge, 1999) was awarded an Albert Hourani Book Award Honorable Mention at the 2000 Middle East Studies Association of North America Annual Meeting.

J OHN H ALDON is Professor of History at Princeton University and a Senior Fellow at the Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies in Washington, DC. His publications include Byzantium in the seventh century (Cambridge, 1990), Three treatises on Byzantine imperial military expeditions (Vienna, 1990), The state and the tributary mode of production (London, 1993), Warfare, state and society in Byzantium (London, 1999), Byzantium: A history (Stroud, 2000) and The Palgrave atlas of Byzantine history (New York, 2006).

S TEFAN H EIDEMANN is Hochschuldozent at the Institute for Languages and Cultures of the Middle East, Jena University. His publications include Das Aleppiner Kalifat (AD 1261) (Leiden, 1994) and Die Renaissance der Städte (Leiden, 2002). He has edited or co-edited Raqqa II: Die islamische Stadt (Mainz, 2003), Sylloge der Münzen des Kaukasus und Osteuropas im Orientalischen Münzkabinett Jena (Wiesbaden, 2005) and Islamische Numismatik in Deutschland (Wiesbaden, 2000).

R. STEPHEN H UMPHREYS is Professor of History and Islamic Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. His previous books include From Saladin to the Mongols (Albany, 1977), Islamic history: A framework for inquiry (Princeton, 1991), Between memory and desire: The Middle East in a troubled age (Berkeley, 1999) and Mu’awiya Ibn Abi Sufyan: From Arabia to empire (Oxford, 2006), along with numerous articles and essays on the history of medieval Syria and Egypt, Arabic historiography, and a variety of other topics.

H UGH K ENNEDY is Professor of Arabic at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. He is the author of numerous books on Islamic history, including The Prophet and the age of the caliphates (London, 1986; new edn Harlow, 2004), The court of the caliphs (London, 2004) and The great Arab conquests (London, 2007).

E LLA L ANDAU-TASSERON is Professor at the Institute for Asian and African Studies at the Hebrew University. She translated and annotated al-T. abar¯ı’s Dhayl al-mudhayyal, Biographies of companions and their successors (Albany, 1998), and has also written on Islamic historiography, h.ad¯thı , Arabian tribal society and Islamic warfare.

M ICHAEL L ECKER is Professor at the Institute of Asian and African Studies at the Hebrew University. His publications include Jews and Arabs in pre- and early Islamic Arabia (Aldershot, 1998), The Constitution of Medina: Muhammad`s first legal document (Princeton, 2004) and People, tribes and society in Arabia around the time of Muhammad (Aldershot, 2005).

xvii //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOC.3D xviii [16–18] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

List of contributors

E DUARDO M ANZANO M ORENO is Research Professor at the Instituto de Historia of the Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales (CSIC-Madrid). He is the author of Conquistadores, emires y califas: Los Omeyas y la formación de al-Andalus (Barcelona, 2006), Historia de las sociedades musumanas en la Edad Media (Madrid, 1993) and La frontera de al-Andalus e época de los Omeyas (Madrid, 1991).

M ARCUS M ILWRIGHT is Associate Professor of Islamic Art and Archaeology in the Department of History in Art at the University of Victoria, Canada. He is the author of The fortress of the raven: Karak in the middle Islamic period (1100–1650) (Leiden, 2008) and is preparing a book on Islamic archaeology for the New Edinburgh Islamic Surveys series.

C HASE F. ROBINSON is Professor of Islamic History, in the Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Oxford. He is the author of Abd al-Malik (Oxford, 2005), Islamic historiography (Cambridge, 2003) and Empire and elites after the Muslim conquest: The transformation of northern Mesopotamia (Cambridge, 2000).

M ARK W HITTOW is a Fellow of St Peter’s College, Oxford. His publications on the history and archaeology of the Late Antique and medieval world include The making of orthodox Byzantium, 600–1025 (Basingstoke, 1996), ‘Recent research on the Late Antique city in Asia Minor: The second half of the 6th c. revisited’ (2001) and ‘Ruling the late Roman and early Byzantine city: A continuous history’ (1990). He has carried out field work in Turkey and Jordan.

J OSEF W IESEHO¨ FER is Professor of Ancient History at the University of Kiel and director of its Department of Classics. His publications on early Persian history include Das antike Persien von 550 v.Chr. bis 651 n.Chr. (Zurich and Munich, 1994; 4th edn 2005, trans. as Ancient Persia: From 550 BC to 650 AD (London, 1996; 2nd edn 2001)), Das frühe Persien (3rd edn, Munich, 2006), (ed.) Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse – The Arsacid Empire: Sources and documentation (Stuttgart, 1998), Iraniens, Grecs et Romains (Paris, 2005) and (ed.), E?ran und Aneran: Studien zu den Beziehungen zwischen dem Sasanidenreich und der Mittelmeerwelt (Stuttgart, 2006).

xviii //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238MFM02.3D xix [19–20] 4.11.2009 2:55PM

A note on transliteration and pronunciation

Since many of the languages used by Muslims are written in the Arabic or other non-Latin scripts, these languages appear in transliteration. The trans- literation of Arabic and Persian is based upon the conventions used by The encyclopaedia of Islam, second edition, with the following modifications. For the fifth letter of the Arabic alphabet (j¯mı ), j is used (not dj), as in jumla. For the twenty-first letter (qaf), q is used (not k.), as in qad.¯ı. Digraphs such as th, dh, gh, kh and sh are not underlined. For terms and names in other languages, the individual chapter contributors employ systems of transliteration that are standard for those languages. Where there are well-accepted Anglicised versions of proper nouns or terms (e.g. Baghdad, Mecca), these are used instead of strict transliterations. As far as the pronunciation of Arabic is concerned, some letters can be represented by single English letters that are pronounced much as they are English (b, j, f, etc.); one exception is q, which is a ‘k’ sound produced at the very back of the throat, and another is the ‘r’, which is the ‘flap’ of the Spanish ‘r’. Others are represented by more than one letter. Some of these are straightforward (th, sh), but others are not (kh is pronounced like ‘j’ in Spanish, gh is similar to the uvular ‘r’ of most French speakers, and dh is ‘th’ of ‘the’, rather than of ‘thing’). There are also pairs of letters that are distinguished by a dot placed underneath one of them: thus t, s, d, z and their ‘emphatic’ counterparts t., s., d., and z., and which give the surrounding vowels a thicker, duller sound (thus s ‘sad’, but s. ‘sun’); z. may also be pronounced as dh. The p is the hamza, the glottal stop, as in the Cockney ‘bu’er’ (‘butter’); the q is the qayn, a voiced pharyngeal fricative that can be left unpronounced, which is what many non-Arab speakers do when it occurs in Arabic loan-words; and the h. a voiceless pharyngeal fricative that can pronounced as an ‘h’ in all positions, just as non-Arabs do in Arabic loanwords. Doubled consonants are lengthened, as in the English ‘hot tub’.

xix //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238MFM02.3D xx [19–20] 4.11.2009 2:55PM

A note on transliteration and pronunciation

The vowels are written as a, i, and u, with a, ¯ı and u signifying longer versions; thus bit and beat. W and y can function as either consonants or, when preceded by a short vowel, as part of a diphthong. Persian uses the same alphabet as Arabic, with four extra letters: p, ch, zh (as in ‘pleasure’) and g (always hard, as in ‘get’).

xx //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238MFM03.3D xxi [21–21] 4.11.2009 2:55PM

A note on dating

The Islamic calendar is lunar, and divided into twelve months of twenty-nine or thirty days each: Muh.arram, S. afar, Rab¯ıq I, Rab¯ıq II, Jumada I, Jumada II, Rajab, Shaqban, Ramad.an (the month of the fast), Shawwal, Dhu al-Qaqda, and Dhu al-H. ijja (the month of the pilgrimage). Years are numbered from the hijra (‘emigration’) of the Prophet Muh.ammad from Mecca to Yathrib (Medina), conventionally dated to 16 July 622 of the Common (or Christian) Era; this dating is known as hijr¯ı, and marked by ‘AH’. As the lunar year is normally eleven days shorter than the solar year, the Islamic months move in relation to the solar calendar, and hijr¯ı years do not correspond consistently with Western ones; AH 1429, for example, will both start and finish within 2008 CE (so indicated as ‘1429/2008’), but this is exceptional, and most overlap with two Common Era years, and so ‘460/1067f.’.

xxi //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238CHR.3D xxii [22–25] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

Chronology

224 Defeat of the Parthian king Artabanus V by Ardash¯rı I; Sasanian dynasty takes power in Iran 260 Shapur I’s victory at Edessa; capture of the Roman emperor Valerian 284–301 Reign of Emperor Diocletian; Roman army is enlarged and administration reformed 298 ‘Peace of disgrace’ concluded between Romans and Sasanians 306–37 Emperor Constantine I; conversion of the Roman empire to Christianity 363 Emperor Julian’s Persian expedition 378 Catastrophic Roman defeat by the Goths at Adrianople 387 Partition of Armenia 410 Rome is sacked by the Goths, led by Alaric 439 Vandals conquer Carthage 484 Shah F¯rı uz is defeated by the Hepthalites 527–65 Reign of Justinian; administrative reforms and military victories 528–9 al-H. arith ibn Jabala made supreme phylarch by Justinian 531–79 Reign of Shah Khusrau I; social, economic and administrative reforms undertaken 540 ‘Eternal peace’ between Romans and Sasanians, agreed in 532, is broken by Khusrau 572 Sasanian advance into southern Arabia c. 575 Birth of Muh.ammad in Mecca 602 Assassination of the last Lakhmid ruler Nuqman III

xxii //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238CHR.3D xxiii [22–25] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

Chronology

603–28 Last great war between Romans and Sasanians, the latter occupying Syria and Egypt 610–41 Reign of Emperor Heraclius c. 610 Muh.ammad delivers first revelations in Mecca 1/622 The ‘Emigration’ (hijra) of Muh.ammad and his followers from Mecca to Medina 628 The Sasanian shah Khusrau is murdered; civil war in Ctesiphon ensues 630 Emperor Heraclius restores True Cross to Jerusalem 11/632 Death of Muh.ammad in Medina 11–13/632–4 Reign of first caliph, Abu Bakr; the ‘wars of apostasy’ break out 13–23/634–44 Reign of second caliph, qUmar ibn al-Khat.t.ab: conquest of north-east Africa, the Fertile Crescent and the Iranian Plateau 23–35/644–56 Reign of third caliph, qUthman 31/651 Assassination of the last Sasanian king, Yazdegerd III, at Marw 35/656 First civil war (fitna) begins, triggered by the assassination of qUthman; the battle of the Camel 35–40/656–61 Reign of qAl¯ı ibn Ab¯Tı . alib, which ends with his assassination 41–60/661–80 Reign of the (Sufyanid) Umayyad Muqawiya ibn Ab¯ı Sufyan 61/680 Killing of al-H. usayn, the Prophet’s grandson, at Karbalap by Umayyad forces 64–73/683–92 Second civil war: the Sufyanids fall, Ibn al-Zubayr rules the caliphate from Mecca and the Marwanid Umayyads come to power 73–86/692–705 Reign of qAbd al-Malik ibn Marwan 79/698 Conquest of Carthage 86–96/705–15 Reign of al-Wal¯d,ı first of four sons of qAbd al-Malik to rule; Qutayba ibn Muslim leads conquests in Transoxania and Central Asia 92/711 T. ariq ibn Ziyad crosses the Strait of Gibraltar, and Iberia soon falls to Muslims 98–9/716–17 Failed siege of Constantinople

xxiii //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238CHR.3D xxiv [22–25] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

Chronology

99–101/717–20 Reign of qUmar II, later considered the fifth of the ‘rightly guided’ caliphs 101–2/720 Revolt of Yaz¯dı ibn al-Muhallab 104/723 Muslim campaigns beyond the Indus 106/724 Muslim defeat in Transoxania on the ‘Day of Thirst’; Muslims now on defensive in the east 114/732 Muslim army defeated near Poitiers by Charles Martel 122/740 Berber revolt; Umayyad authority dissolves in North Africa and Spain; revolt led by Zayd ibn qAl¯,ı a grandson of al-H. usayn 127–32/744–50 Reign of Marwan II, last Umayyad caliph 129/747 Abu Muslim leads the Hashimiyya in rebellion, conquering Marw in early 130/748 132/749 The qAbbasid Abu al-qAbbas acclaimed as caliph in Kufa 132/750 Umayyad caliphate falls to qAbbasid–Hashim¯ı armies; Marwan killed in Egypt. 132–7/750–4 Umayyad counter-revolts in Syria and al-Jaz¯raı 136–58/756–75 Reign of al-Mans.ur; Abu Muslim is murdered, qAbbasid power is firmly established and the ‘city of peace’ (Baghdad) is built (145/762–3) 137/754 Revolt of qAbd Allah ibn qAl¯,ı qAbbasid governor of Syria 145/762 Rebellion of the qAlid Muh.ammad, ‘the Pure Soul’; construction of Baghdad begins 170–93/786–809 Reign of Harun al-Rash¯dı 170–80/786–96 ‘Decade of the Barmakids’; vizieral family dominate qAbbasid administration and culture 180–92/796–808 Harun al-Rash¯dı makes al-Raqqa his capital 193–8/809–13 Civil war between Harun ’s two sons, al-Am¯nı and al- Mapmun; Baghdad besieged 198–218/813–33 Reign of al-Mapmun; large numbers of Turkish slave- soldiers are introduced into the army from the 820s 206/821 Appointment of T. ahir ibn al-H. usayn as governor of Khurasan; beginning of T. ahirid rule 218–27/833–42 Reign of al-Muqtas.im; caliphal court is moved to Samarrap, where it remains until 892

xxiv //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238CHR.3D xxv [22–25] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

Chronology

218–37/833–52 The mih.na: the caliphs impose the doctrine of the ‘createdness’ of the Qurpan 232/847 Turkish commanders participate in council to decide caliphal succession 232–47/847–61 Reign of al-Mutawakkil: intensive building in Samarrap, struggles with the Turkish commanders 247/861 Al-Mutawakkil is murdered in Samarrap 251/865 Civil war in Iraq between al-Mustaq¯nı and al-Muqtazz 254/868 Ibn T. ul un arrives in Egypt and begins to establish his rule there 255/869 Outbreak of Zanj revolt in southern Iraq 262/876 Yaqqub the Coppersmith is defeated near Baghdad 270/883 Defeat of the Zanj in the swamps of southern Iraq 295/908 Accession of al-Muqtadir to the caliphate, followed by the revolt of Ibn al-Muqtazz 297/909 The Fat.imid qAbd Allah the mahd¯ı is declared caliph in North Africa 309/922 Execution of the mystic al-H. allaj 317/930 The Qaramit.a attack Mecca and seize the Black Stone 320/932 Death of al-Muqtadir 323/935 Death of Mardav¯jı ibn Ziyar, warlord of northern Iran 324/936 Ibn Rapiq becomes am¯rı al-umarap in Baghdad 334/946 Ah.mad ibn Buya Muqizz al-Dawla enters Baghdad; end of the independent qAbbasid caliphate 350/961 qAl¯ı ibn Mazyad al-Asad¯ı establishes Mazyadid rule in H. illa and central Iraq 366/977 Sebüktegin seizes power in Ghazna 367–72/978–83 Rule of the Buyid qAd.ud al-Dawla in Iraq 380/990 al-H. asan ibn Marwan establishes Marwanid rule in Mayyafariq¯nı and Amida 381–422/991–1031 Reign of al-Qadir, resurgence of qAbbasid authority 389/999 Ghaznavids secure power in Khurasan 420/1029 Issuing of the ‘Qadir¯ı creed’ by the caliph al-Qadir; Mah.mud of Ghazna takes Rayy and ends Buyid rule there 421/1030 Death of Mah.mud of Ghazna 440/1048 End of Buyid rule in Baghdad 442/1050 Death of Qirwash ibn Muqallad al-qUqayl¯ı

xxv //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOA.3D xxvi [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

Abbreviations

BAR British Archaeological Reports BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research BGA Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies CII Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christanorum Orientalium EI2 Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn, 12 vols., Leiden, 1960–2004 EIr Encyclopaedia Iranica, London and Boston, 1982– IJMES International Journal of Middle East Studies JA Journal Asiatique JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society JESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society JSAI Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam JSS Journal of Semitic Studies MW Muslim World OrOcc Oriens et Occidens REI Revue des études islamiques RSO Rivista degli Studi Orientali SI Studia Islamica ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft

xxvi //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES//

9780521838238LOA.3D xxvii [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

s

ile

0 m

m

k

00

0

1

150

0 0

Sea 10 Land over 1000 metres Land over

Arabian 500

n

a

m 0

O 50 f o lf

u

G

ı

-

l

)

r

akhr a

e

. - t

s t h

. r

Is n a

K 0 0

i u -

f l

(Persepolis) a l Q

a

t y

u t

n p

4948m G b u m

u o E

5601m n (

R

M i a -

s s l a a S e ro e r n ag P i a Z s p a

C s 3760 m in a t

n Ctesiphon u o . ris R M ig . s T R a

s Mecca u e e s t Medina a a r S c h u p a u E d C e

s R

n i

Damascus

a

t n

Jerusalem u

Antioch

o

M

s

u

. r

R u

e a

il T N Black Sea Black Alexandria Constantinople . The physical geography of the Mediterranean and Near Eastern world 1 Rome Mediterranean Sea Carthage

Sahara

s

n

i

a

t

n

u

o

M

s

a tl

Toledo A //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOA.3D xxviii [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

N

A 575 M . c akhr . t O . Is

f (Persepolis) l u

4948m G

EMPIRE n a Rayy SASANIAN i a rs S e e N P Y n A ma a -

i - p R s AH. ARABIA

a B an a . S C ra . Aden al-Yama Ctesiphon YEMEN Bas if ysh

- a

A .

R NAJD ra I s i . ı r -

g T

i . fa N .

T R - a

Qura E s Mecca

e Ku Lakhm e

t Medina

al-H M a

r S R h - p Z

k A A u - E - J d Edessa I e H. R Damascus Yarmu Ghassan AKSUM

Jerusalem

.

Antioch R e

il N Black Sea Black ANATOLIA CYPRUS Alexandria

Constantinople

s

ile

0 m

m

k

00

0

1 0

. The political geography of the Mediterranean and Near Eastern world, 15 2 Rome

Mediterranean Sea

0

0

10 0

Carthage 50

BYZANTINE EMPIRE 0

Islamic empire routes Islamic expansion location) (approximate Tribes 50

Lakhm

0 0 Toledo //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOA.3D xxix [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM Kashgar L. Balkhash

NA

.

- R

s u

d n

I m

k miles

Kabul

1000 600

FA RG H A N - D

Daybul

d A

N A .

- I

T S I R

Samarqand S

I

. D R.

R G L

s n O U e -

t a S

d N r h B

Balkh

s

n Bust

a f - 400

a -

x a A r

m

l 600 800 - e

a a H

J Z Z

Sea

ra R. N -

Marw ar-Ru -

- b A -

a AN

R. S h T . g - S Arabian

R r 400

- I MAKRA A u

s S n

Bukha M - d N u R u a

x - r 200 ı - U r

O Ha m

Herat H O

r

200

- Zaranj Aral Sea K f RAZM Marw o - f r

KIRMA l N

- u 0 A 0

pu G z - Desert - M KHWA

ra U - sha - T Dasht-i-Kavı n RS

-

Shı Nı

- W N f

l A

- A FA

faha u T . M

S Is G

a I e RA S R

Z n

n A - a D a A

i B - L i n Rayy

p s e s A A r H

a T. IB d C n Pe A

J . -

AHWA l A f sit -

- I o . The expansion of Islam in the east ra f ulwa

3

. Wa AZER- .

BAIJAN

Q B ul H

G A Bas

Ardabı A R Derbend YEMEN

is R. I r R. fa R g s i - T te a Ku

ARMENIA r h A p u

RA E Mecca Medina - Mosul a AL- e S JAZI

Damascus d e SYRIA 705–50 R 705 PALESTINE Jerusalem Black Sea Black CYPRUS . t - a . EGYPT Fust RHODES Islamic conquests c. Islamic conquests c. Alexandria Mediterranean Sea CRETE Constantinople //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOA.3D xxx [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

R. ris ig T R. s te RA Mosul a Mecca - r h Medina

ARMENIA p u

AL- E

JAZI a Damascus e

SYRIA S d PALESTINE e R

Jerusalem R.

Black Sea Black e Nil . t CYPRUS - a . Fust EGYPT RHODES Alexandria

a

CRETE e

S m

Constantinople

iles

k

m

00

0

1 600

n BARQA

a 00 8

e

0

40 00

n 6 SICILY

a 00

r 4 200 r

Tripoli 200 e SARDINIA

t Carthage n

-

0 0

i . The expansion of Islam in the west 4 B

d Qayrawa

I CORSICA e Autun

R Narbonne M Barcelona

ISLANDS H BALEARIC Nîmes Poitiers

G Pyrenees 705 705–50 c. c. A

Carcassonne Toulouse M Toledo Saragossa Cordoba Bordeaux Elvira Algeciras LEÓN AL-ANDALUS

Islamic conquests Islamic conquests

N GALICIA

Seville

A

E Tangiers

C

O

C

I

T

N A L T A //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOA.3D xxxi [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

R. b Bay of Bay Bengal O . R s ge an

. G

R

R. li . I a tn R s sh i ty K Ir .

R

u s

h t

C M

L. Balkhash .

iles

h

R

s

s

u N d u

n

n I

m K A

- -

0 H

u 250 km

S A

d

R 1 n

H

N 75

NA i mya

Pamir Mts Pamir U K

- -

- A H

H

A

S

G SIND

D Ba

-

. A U 00 R B Samarqand es R t 10 H

r N - a FARGHA x US

a SOGDIA 00 J r N Balkh n - - - -

Sea 750 pu ra MAKRA N - STA - - - s TRANSOXANIA

. N SI - SA -

TURKS R u sha GHUZZ - Arabian s - . Kirma xu T O Nı

Bukha

500 KIRMA RAZM ruft - -

KHURA

250 Jı N Marw Aral Sea Zaranj

- 50 n N

- 2 KHWA A z N - - HISTA M ra N - Jurja

- O -

Gurganj A n QU T

f

T -

.

05 0 JURJA MIS

Shı - S

W

I R -

ra f

l

- A R l

QU faha

a RS

Sı

A M

r -

. u

B Is N Rayy

FA A

U G - A

R

ea .

S T

n D

n an a A

i - N i e ZISTA

p s H A N r d

s -

a L A e I J P A

C I ’ N L

G -

l A - KHU f - -

B RAYN R . o

E ra

VOLGA .

Z 800

.

ARRA lf

R A BAH a NAJD . marra

BULGARS g

l

u . - o R AL-JIBA Bas V Baghdad

s Ardabı . Sa c e G

R YEMEN

x A is R. RA I r

a ig - r s

T e fa A N t . -

ra R E

h Ku Tiblisi

a p IRAQ g M u l E Z - AL-JAZI o Mecca Medina

V Mosul IJA AR . KHAZARS H M a - IM e . S S -

Damascus d Antioch

AL- ‘AWA e AL-SHA R PALESTINE Jerusalem . R asid empire in r  e p ie R.

Tarsus le n S i

D Sea Black N

. t R Abb

- a

. q A

NUBIA Cyprus

EGYPT Y G Fust EMPIRE

. A R M t

Alexandria u R. r

P . The 5 Constantinople be u

. n R a

D a

Crete

l Barqa

a BARQA e u S t

s

i

c V

i .

t R

l r a e

s DANUBE BULGARS B e BYZANTINE Sicily

n W - L. Chad . Mediterranean Sea R BLUS e -

b Rome Tripoli

l RA

E . T

Qayrawa S . Sardinia A D R I Y I o - Q B P I R. FR A

Tunis I ine L

h H

B

R E

I

H G

.

R R A

R Corsica e

S

n ô h R

I I H

P G

K

A hert

- S M

N

Islands M Aachen

Balearic - Ta

E D

A

L

I

A

R

M

North Sea F A

sa T

-

S

B

U

I

R Toledo R Granada

Sijilma

Cordoba H

S

R.

G Islamic caliphate in the The ninth century

Fez D s

I

A

u

S

g

I

M

-

a

UMAYYADS -

R

T

AL-ANDALUS L

GALICIA D

N Seville I A

A

E

C

O

C

I

T

N A L T A //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOA.3D xxxii [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

R. b Bay of Bay Bengal O . R s ge an

. G

R

R. li . I a tn R s sh i ty K Ir . R S u h Q

C U m

L. Balkhash L .

R k s

u

R d n A I

Q 0 miles

1250 75

. INDEPENDENT ARAB GOVERNORS R 00

s 0 te r 1 a x

Ja

00

0 5

Sea 7 819–1005 GHUZZ Arabian . RIDS

R - s u x 500 867–913

O 50 2 NIDS AFFA . - Aral Sea

S S - 50 I

MA 2

- - D.

SA A

B

8 I

. 05 0 2

R

9 f

l

– l

a

4 r u

6 U G a 8 Se n

S n

an a A i e

i D s .

p 8

I r d

S

s 2

S e 9

a S L S A – D

R I P 9

G C

D F

7 MIT

A A I

8 ‘

f

J A

-

E 8 G

. A L 9 S o

L –

R - 5

U U ZANJ 868–83 IN 920 N 2

B D 8 f ISLAMIC l E

A a

g u 950

G l

H

L o QARA

G O S

PH . V I

V AL C C

- ID c E S

. A P B R B

a ‘A

g KHAZARS A l I

o V N

E e a

M S R

A e d R

. R r e p ie e R. OF n il D Sea Black N MAGYARS RUSSIA NUBIA R. ut NIDS

r EMPIRE PRINCIPALITY P -

LU

. The Islamic world in R. 868–905 - U 6 . T be u

. n R a

D a

l a

e u BULGAR KHANATE S t

s

i

c V

i . t

R BYZANTINE

l r a e

s 9 B e 0

9 W KINGDOM OF . – L. Chad R 0 0 e MORAVIA GREAT lb 8 E Mediterranean Sea OF S . D

R I KINGDOM GERMANY

o B

P A KINGDOM OF ITALY

S R. ne L

hi H

E R G m

. -

R A e raids n ô h

R ı -

N . A r al-Isla

- D OF MIDS Da Andalusian raids Aghlabid raids Qarmat North Sea 777–909 RUSTA- FRANCE

KINGDOM

S

6

2

D

R. 9 I

–

s S

9

I

u

-

8

g

R

756–1031 7 a

D

T

UMAYYADS I

N

A

E

C

O

C

I

T

N A L T A //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOA.3D xxxiii [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

T

i g r i s R . E u Damascus ph ra tes Baghdad R. Pilgrim routes Zubayda route - Kufa Bas.ra route Bas.ra Other routes

P e r s i B a N A A n J H - H - - - D . al-Qat.ıf . Wa dı al-Qura R - G A Uwal u I al-Khaybar Y l f al-Jaww N Hajar Mountains Fadak al-Rabadha al- Uqayr . J Yathrib/Medina A Dariyya - Yanbu . S.uh.ar - M BA- al-Jar A - - - T. INA Masqat. R A Z. AHIRA/ Rusta-q M JAWF - Z A Nizwa e Y OMAN Jidda Mecca - d - L T. a if A al-Akhd.ar Mountains S H. ajr e Najd of Yemen a NAJRA- N Sa da AL-JAWF Jabal Miswar . - massif YEMEN Shibam w t San a- m a -. Ma rib- r a HARAZ H. AD. UR a d Tiha-ma . H Zabı-d Mudhaykhira Shih. r al-Janad Dhu- Jibla Aden

0 250 500 750 km

0 250 500 miles 7. Arabia //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES//

9780521838238LOA.3D xxxiv [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

00 km

miles

7

400

600

00

00

5

3

00 4 r

-

0

200 30 Balkh

Samarqand

200

Kandaha 100

GHILZAIS 0

. .

R N

10

-

R d

n -

ra s a

- u m

x el

0 0 O H STA Bukha - ÖZBEGS SI Herat I S A L Marw D

Sarakhs B f

A - N

s

- A - Aral Sea u .

Khwa s

ÖZBEGS T S

- -

N A n -

- R z U - Kirma

. Mashhad H d

R - Bandar Abba ba

k K e Turshı -

r KIRMA t

A

Hormuz

N

A

d Astara

G

a

- Yazd

R

b

a

U f

-

h

G a a z

r r - a F f

h ra n

s -

A - l N

- S

. The Islamic east Shı

-

A N u 8

faha R R A . a n - e Is A - S Z A G

ja - n D a - A F Qumm i hı M p - n ku s l - La a - a Ba - N - N i C A L n A s I - r - N G T e

A Ardabı S

V . I P

- R

IR I s

z

Qazvı R

T H a - n

S r E - A U H H G L ra - K . A Ganja A S Tabrı . B K - S R A Bas

N Julfa r R u A A K I n D Hamadha - Q Tiblisi G R Baghdad

R KURDISTAN O U E Khoi AZERBAIJAN ris R. G K Tig Erivan Nakhchiva Chaldiran

R. tes ra 1500 metres Land over h p u E

DIYARBAKR

R

I

D A

Black Sea Black

G

L

U D MARASH ELBISTAN //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOA.3D xxxv [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

BYZANTINE EMPIRE Kamkh

Malat.ya - Zibat.ra T. uwana . - R - Hisn Mansur es R . . . t Amida U ra H h G Mar ash p Hisn al-Saqa-liba U - u . . . H . Kaysum E - T R - - Sumaysat - n Haruniyya - a L h . y - A a Ayn Zarba Duluk Ruha- Adana S - Tarsus al-Mas.s.ıs.a Saru-j m - a - Harran k Qurus . k a u - IM l L - S. -B r l- Dabiq A a d a Alexandretta a W li u . l A k M ba - Manbij h Ja AL -ar R Aleppo y . Hisn Maslama Antioch Di . . al-Suwaydiyya Qinnasrı-n . - - R Balis al-Raqqa/al-Rafiqa s e t - n al-Khunasira o . r - O Ma arrat al-Nu man - - - al-Rus.afa al-Ladhiqiyya Apamea IN Jabala QINNASR CYPRUS Shayzar Hama Qast.al - Ant.art.us Salamiyya Rah. ba H. OMS. H. oms. Tripoli Arqa Palmyra -an - bn al-Bakra Lu l al-Qaryatayn ba Ja Ba albaak Beirut D AMA SC Sidon Ayn al-Jar US Damascus - - ya Baniyas athaniy al-B AL - Acre -URDU Jabiya -NN Tiberias Fıq al - -H Adhri at . a Caesarea - Fih.l - w Baysan Bus.ra r Jerash a - - n Jaffa Nabulus - - al-Ramla INJericho Amman - ST. Asqalan A Jerusalem IL a F - alq Gaza al-Khalıl -B al Dead Sea Ma a-b al- Arı-sh S. ughar

Arandal Adhruh Ma a-n

al-H. umayma 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 km

0 50 100 150 200 miles

9. Syria //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOA.3D xxxvi [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

0 200 400 600 800 km

400 Barca 0 100 200 300 500 miles Rosetta Damietta CYRENAICA Alexandria Land over 1000 metres (BARCA) Suez 1 Nile cataract Mean annual rainfall less than 125mm Cairo south of this line Al Fayyum Siwa Oasis Trade routes

EGYPT N Libyan Asyut ile R A . Qusayr Thebes Qus Kharga Oasis Luxor R Desert R Medina Aswan Yanbu 1 Berenice e A OR NOBATIA NUBAW . al- B Aidhab Begrash Alla Ibrim qi E d (Faras) 2 J B Selima Oasis (Prim) A Halfa Derheib Jidda Mecca N ( B

Du (Adu) L Sai I. I E S U 3 M

M 4 Suakin e Khandag Y A B 5 Napata E Old Dongola S a MAKURIA OR MUKURRA ) ZAGHAWA I Meroë A t Uri ba 6 ra Mean annual rain A R Dahlak Is. fallle . north of t hisl ss than Soba Massawa ine 125m Y m ALODIA OR ALWA Adulis E G M E Z E I Axum R Sennar N A B B . lu KORDOFAN d a Aden

le e i a l Roha

y A N N b z DARFUR i e (Lalibela) A r l t a e i l

k h a L. Tana . W B Zeila ETHIOPIA Ab ay R hazal . al G hr Ba Sudd 10. Egypt //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES//

9780521838238LOA.3D xxxvii [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM

s

km 500

Banghasi

300 mile 400

Sirta

200

00

3

0

20

100

00 1

Sicily

0 0 Tripoli

S sa - D I

M Nafu

Sardinia S

A

D Gafsa

Tunis I Gabis T

B S

A U L

R

Nafta H A

Annaba

G

Corsica M

-

A A

Biskra T

Tubna

U K Jijili S

Bijaya

D I

Barcelona M

. Spain and North Africa A hert

-

s 11 T

Ta e S

e U n R e r y P

Saragossa Huesca

R

Valencia - A

Tlemcen Almería R

Malila D

Toledo I S Granada

S

M

D D León

Cordoba I

- U Nakur

sa A Oviedo

- S

N

Y

Fez

Tatuan I

- A

Y

Mérida

B

R A

Sijilma

D

M

Santiago I U Seville Tangier Aghmat Oporto Nafis //INTEGRAFS1/CUP/3-PAGINATION/INTEGRA_WMS/CIW/2-FIRSTPROOF/FROM_WMS/APPLICATION_FILES// 9780521838238LOA.3D xxxviii [26–38] 4.11.2009 2:56PM C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 650 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

16 Numismatics stefan heidemann

Islamic coins as a historical source At least since Leopold von Ranke (1795–1886), the historical-critical approach to any study of history has demanded parallel independent proof in order to establish firmly a given historical fact. Historians of Islamic societies have almost no primary documents or archives for the period prior to the fifteenth century. In contrast to the scarce primary documents, the secondary sources – literary and historical accounts, especially from the ninth to the tenth centu- ries – are abundant. This gross imbalance between the lack of primary documents, produced in the course of the events, and chronicles written much later has led scholars to depend greatly upon medieval but secondary authors. Since they typically wrote from the point of view of a city, a ruling house, a ruler or a religious community or school of law their accounts are necessarily biased. Without independent documents or material evidence the modern historian is often unable to corroborate or to refute these literary accounts; sometimes even important lacunae in our knowledge may remain unnoticed. After being widely neglected following the First World War the study and use of Islamic numismatic documents have again become a prospering academic subject, particularly in the 1990s.** Islamic coins of the classical period can be characterised above all as bearers of texts of up to 150 words (fig. 16.35). The texts on coins struck during the first six-and-a-half centuries of Islam often mention up to five names, providing the entire hierarchy of power – from the local governor up to the caliph at the time and location of minting. They usually name the mint town, sometimes even the urban quarter, usually the year, and sometimes even the month and the day. Religious legends provide hints of the political orientation of the ruler

** See the chapter bibliography below.

650 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 651 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

Numismatics

who commissioned the coin. The inclusion of the name onto the coin protocol (sikka) and in the Friday prayer (khut.ba) served in their time as proof of who the actual ruler was. Both had a similar political value. The reference to the hierarchy of rulers in the Friday prayer was purely verbal and therefore transient, whereas on coins the protocol can be found permanently stored on a metal object that was frequently reproduced, like a ‘bulletin of state’.As what are normally precisely datable archaeological artefacts, they open a 1418 further dimension of information.

Coins as source of economic and legal history Money as a means of coordinating human decisions and economic exchange is a complex social invention. It must always adjust to the prevailing economic, political and juridical conditions. Seen from another angle, its design and evolution reveal much about the societies creating it. In the pre-modern world the supply of coins – the physical instruments for the exchange of goods and services – were usually scarce. However, in order to function as an ‘absolute price’ (thaman mut.laq)or‘equivalent’ (thaman) – that is, as money – at least one certain type of coin has to be available in sufficient quantities. Non- physical forms of money, bills of exchange (h.awala) and cheques (suftaja), were developed in the Middle East, but they were used only among small communities bound by ties of trust and kinship, such as, for example, in networks of long-distance merchants in major trade cities. The value of coins was determined by market forces. It always exceeded the value of the same amount of metal as a mere commodity, although it was bound to the metal content, the difference being smaller for high-value coins than for petty coinage. If a coin-type was generally accepted and was in sufficient supply, it was maintained over a long period and remained stable in design and usually in metallic content. Two separate currencies always existed side by side, serving distinct needs within different social classes: high-value money, usually gold or pure silver coins; and petty coinage, usually debased silver, billon or copper coins. Gold coins, and, to a certain extent, silver coins, constituted the principal currency for wholesale and long-distance merchants (tujjar and jallabun) as well as for

1418 S. Heidemann, ‘Settlement patterns, economic development and archaeological coin finds in Bilad as∧-S∧am: The case of the Diyar Mud.ar’, in K. Bartl and A. Moaz (eds.), Residences, castles, settlements: Transformation processes from Late Antiquity to early Islam in Bilad al-Sham. Proceedings of the International Conference held at Damascus, 5–9 November 2006, Orient-Archäologie 24 (Rahden, 2009).

651 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 652 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

The New Cambridge History of Islam

fiscal administration and state expenditure. It was also the money of high- ranking state officials and military, who needed it to store wealth, to transfer it conveniently over long distances and to make payments of large sums. High- value coins could be traded between regions, and stood in competition with other similar coins. Geographically well-defined borders of currency zones hardly existed. If they did exist, then it was for economic reasons and fiscal measures. The second currency type fulfilled the needs for daily purchases. It was the money of small dealers, artisans, workers (suqa and baqa) in the urban market (suq) and, of course, of the rest of the urban population. The urban population was dependent for their livelihood on income that usually came from their activities within the boundaries of a city or town, and thus on purchases within the urban markets. The majority of the people in pre- modern societies – the rural population, peasants and nomads – relied mainly on subsistence. Only certain extra requirements and excess produce were bought and sold in the suq. The ratio in price between high-value and petty coinage was usually determined by supply and demand. The demand for small coins far exceeded their supply, as the central authorities usually neglected to provide a sufficient supply. This allowed a much higher profit for those who could provide these means of exchange – in other words, the local fiscal and political authorities or private money-changers. Petty coins could also be imported from other regions at a profit. During the third/ninth century the legal prescriptions for money became fully developed, the most important among them being the theory of value and the prohibition of riba (illegitimate profit according to the shar¯ıqa). Islamic law forbids two equal amounts of precious metal from being valued differently in one single transaction. This is the core of the prohibition of riba. Islamic legal theory determined the value of money to be identical with the intrinsic value of the bullion. Only silver and gold were the commodities that could be legally used for any transaction as ‘absolute price’. Muslim jurists of the fifth/eleventh century, however, were aware of the contradiction between observed empirical reality and normative imperative of the revealed law. They recognised that the fluctuating value of coins was based on the interest of the public in it – that is, on the market forces. In order to facilitate a monetary economy in the period of regional currencies with different finenesses and weights the jurists invented several legal arguments to ensure that market exchanges were in accord with Islamic law.

652 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 653 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

Numismatics

The majority of the jurists did not regard copper coins – the generic term is fals/fulus – as money or ‘absolute price/equivalent’; if they regarded them at all, then they did so only as a substitute for money. Copper coins could serve 1419 in some, but not all, legal transactions, as did gold and silver.

The development of the representation of a new universal religion and its empire: Zubayrid and Kharijite challenge and Umayyad reform Coins and their imagery are our only contemporary continuous primary source for the genesis of the self-representation of the new religion and its empire in the seventh century. Our understanding on these early coins has 1420 grown quickly since the 1990s. The Islamic armies swiftly conquered three major zones of monetary circulation, and took over much of their fiscal organisation: the former Byzantine territories in the centre; the Sasanian empire in the east; and Germanic North Africa and Spain. In the Byzantine territories the workhorse of the fiscal cycle, of taxation and state expenditure, was the gold solidus or nomisma of about 4.55 grams (fig. 16.1). The money used for the daily

1419 C. M. Cipolla, Money, prices and civilization in the Mediterranean world (Princeton, 1956), pp. 27–37; R. Brunschvig, ‘Conceptions monétaires chez les juristes musulmanes (VIIIe–XIIIe siécles)’, Arabica, 14 (1967); Avram L. Udovitch, Partnership and profit in medieval Islam (Princeton, 1970), pp. 55–6; S. Heidemann, Die Renaissance der Städte in Nordsyrien und Nordmesopotamien: Städtische Entwicklung und wirtschaftliche Bedingungen in ar-Raqqa und H. arran von der Zeit der beduinischen Vorherrschaft bis zu den Seldschuken, Islamic History and Civilization, Studies and Texts 40 (Leiden, 2002), pp. 356–61, 367. 1420 M. Bates, ‘History, geography and numismatics in the first century of Islamic coin- age’, Schweizerische Numismatische Rundschau, 65 (1986); S. Heidemann, ‘The merger of two currency zones in early Islam: The Byzantine and Sasanian impact on the circulation in former Byzantine Syria and northern Mesopotamia’, Iran, 36 (1998); L. Treadwell, The chronology of the pre-reform copper coinage of early Islamic Syria, Supplement to Oriental Numismatic Society Newsletter 162 (London, 2000); S. Album and T. Goodwin, The pre-reform coinage of the early Islamic Period, Sylloge of Islamic Coins in the Ashmolean 1 (London, 2002); A. Oddy, ‘Whither Arab- Byzantine numismatics? A review of fifty years’ research’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 28 (2004); T. Goodwin, Arab-Byzantine coinage, Study in the Khalili Collection 4 (London, 2005); C. Foss, Arab-Byzantine coins: An introduction, with a catalogue of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection (Cambridge, MA, 2009). For the economic and political history see esp. J. Johns, ‘Archaeology and the history of early Islam: The first seventy years’, JESHO, 46 (2003); M. G. Morony, ‘Economic boundaries? Late Antiquity and early Islam’, JESHO, 47 (2004). For the iconocgraphic development see S. Heidemann, ‘The development of the representation of the early Islamic empire and its religion on coin imagery’, in Angelika Neuwirth, Nicolai Sinai and Michael Marx (eds.), The Qurpan in context: Historical and literary investigations into the Qurpanic milieu (Leiden, forthcoming).

653 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 654 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

The New Cambridge History of Islam

purchases, the copper follis (pl. folles)(fig. 16.2), was sold by the treasury as well. In 629/30 Heraclius (r. 610–41) had concentrated all minting in the imperial capital, Constantinople. During the Sasanian occupation between 606–7 and 628 irregular mints were established in Syria, supplementing the 1421 circulating stock of copper coins. In the Sasanian empire the money of the fiscal cycle was the uniform silver drahm of about 4.2 grams, which was struck in the days of Khusrau II (r. 590/591–628) in about thirty-four mints (fig. 16.3). Almost nothing is known about late Sasanian copper coinage. Tiny coppers, which are now rare, probably circulated in the major urban centres. Their issues became especially rich in design under Arab rule, and constitute 1422 an excellent source for art history. In Spain and North Africa monetary economy had receded since the Roman empire, since the fifth century. The third of the solidus, the tremisses (c. 1.5 g), was the main and only coin struck in Spain and the rest of western Europe (cf. fig. 16.4). In North Africa Carthage was the only mint to continue striking petty coinage. In the first decades after the battle of Yarmuk in 636 CE and the establish- ment of the Taurus border zone, Byzantine coppers remained in circulation, and were with few interruptions almost continuously supplemented by new imports from Byzantium. In contrast, the influx of nomismata dropped con- siderably. The obverse of the follis shows the emperor – here (fig. 16.2) the standing figure of Constans II (r. 641–68) wearing a crown with cross, holding a globus cruciger in one hand and a long cross in the other. On the reverse the m indicates the Greek numeral 40, the mark of value of the Byzantine standard copper coin. According to archaeological finds, an end to the importing of these coins can be discerned in the late 650s. The importing obviously disregarded political boundaries. The selling of coppers was profitable for the Byzantine treasury. Early Islam, outside the H. ijaz, was the elite religion of a tribally organised military. During the period of conquest the Islamic religion possessed only a rudimentary theology, which was probably even more basic among military units. Contemporary Byzantium might have perceived the conquest as a menacing rebellion and – if they had noticed the religious dimension at all – an Arab heresy of Judaeo- Christian origin. This perception would not necessarily have challenged the universal claim of the all-embracing Roman empire, since the idea of Rome

1421 H. Pottier, Le monnayage de la Syrie sous l’occupation perse (610–630) Cahiers Ernest Babelon 9 (Paris, 2004). 1422 R. Gyselen, Arab-Sasanian copper coinage, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Denkschriften 284,Veröffentlichungen der numismati- schen Kommission 34 (Vienna, 2000).

654 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 655 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

Numismatics

was neutral to religion. In these early days the Umayyads in Damascus did not develop an imperial state ideology of their own. As leaders of the victorious Arab armies they were probably content with their de facto rule and modest fiscal exploitation. Numerous attempts to conquer Constantinople might be interpreted as the inheritance by the rising Islamic Arab power of the universal Roman claim. The minting of the first copper coins in the former Byzantine territories commenced after 636 CE. These imitations supplemented the circulating 1423 stock and followed even weight reductions in Byzantium. We do not know who the regulating authorities were, but it is possible that military authorities in the garrisons, local authorities in the cities, money changers or merchants were involved in their production. Beginning in the 660s with the Sufyanid reforms, some sort of coordination, if not central policy, can be assumed. In a study, Luke Treadwell focused his attention on the develop- ments in the mints of the provincial capitals Damascus, Tiberias and H. ims.. Although these ‘imperial image’ coppers still depict Byzantine emperors with cross insignias, they now have carefully prepared flans and carefully engraved dies. The mints were named on the coins, in Greek, Arabic or both. Validating expressions were included, such as KAΛON or t.ayyib (both meaning ‘good’), or japiz (‘current’)(figs. 16.5, 16.6). No attempt to represent the new state or religion was made; petty coinage first of all served as means of exchange. The 1424 Sufyanid government set up a ‘very loose tributary state’. As a centralised state, the Sasanian empire fell while at its apogee – at least as far as its administration, its army, which was based on cash payments, and its monetary economy were concerned. Silver coins were the backbone of the fiscal cycle, and were available in enormous quantities. The typical late Sasanian drahm (fig. 16.3) of about 4.2 grams shows on the obverse the portrait of the shahanshah – either Khusrau II (r. 590–628) or Yazdegerd III (r. 632–51) – with an enormous winged crown as sign of their royalty. On the reverse, the fire altar served as the central symbol of the dualistic Iranian religion, Zoroastrianism. Priest attendants stand on either side, and beside them are abbreviations indicating the mint and the regnal year of the ruler. Dies were probably cut in a central workshop and then distributed to the provincial mints, a recurrent phenomenon in the later Islamic coinage. In his twentieth regnal year, 651, the last shahanshah Yazdegerd III was assassinated in Marw,

1423 H. Pottier, I. Schulze and W. Schulze, ‘Pseudo-Byzantine coinage in Syria under Arab rule (638-c.670): Classification and dating’, Revue numismatique belge, 154 (2008). 1424 C. F. Robinson, Empire and elites after the Muslim conquest: The transformation of northern Mesopotamia, Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization (Cambridge, 2000), p. 166.

655 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 656 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

The New Cambridge History of Islam

the last eastern remnant of his empire. The coins in the conquered territories are almost indistinguishable from the coins under the authority of Yazdegerd III, except that mints lay outside his shrinking realm. For some time after 31/ 651 coins continued to be struck with the names and portraits of Khusrau II or Yazdegerd III and with the fire altar. Frequently – but not always – additional Arabic validating marks were set on the margin, such as bism Allah (‘in the name of God’)orjayyid (‘good’), as on Syrian copper coins. The resulting picture for the early decades seems to correspond to a situation in which the Sasanian administration remained operational, but broken down to a 1425 provincial level and now responsible to Arab governors. Starting in about 40/661, with Muqawiya’s regime, the names of Khusrau II and Yazdegerd III were replaced, first occasionally and then regularly with the names of the provincial governors in Pahlavi, placed in front of the traditional portrait of the shahanshah. In many mints, but not in all, the dating shifted to the hijra year (fig. 16.7) The Zubayrid and Kharijite challenges between 681 and 697 – the period of the second fitna – mark the watershed towards the initial inclusion of Islamic symbols in the coin imagery and finally to a clear iconographic expression of religion and state. qAbd Allah ibn al-Zubayr was a close, venerated and merited member of the family of the Prophet. He emphasised the religious–political character of his caliphate and demanded a state in accordance with the principles of Islam, whatever this meant at that time. After Muqawiya’sdeathin60/680 he strongly opposed the Sufyanid regime, and was supported in many parts of the empire. As early as 62/681f. his name was put on coins of Kirman. The coins show in 64/684 that he assumed the caliphal title ‘am¯rı of the believers’ (fig. 16.8). In 67/687 his brother Mus.qab secured Bas.ra, Iraq and the territories to the east as far as S¯stı an. The Umayyads seemed to have lost their cause. Between 66/685 and 69/688f., in the city of Bishapur, Muh.ammad rasul Allah (Muh.ammad is the messenger of God) was placed for the first time on coinage, on that of the Zubayrid governor of the east. The coin image itself remained as before, the portrait of the shahanshah and the fire altar. The Zubayrids thus propagated the new Islamic imperial rule with reference to the Prophet and putative founder of the state. Probably in 70/689f. the Zubayrid authorities created a coin with the name of Muh.ammad in front of the portrait of the shahanshah and in the margin a reference to Muh.ammad, for the first time including the profession of faith and the unity of God, the shahada,in

1425 S. Sears, ‘A monetary history of Iraq and Iran, ca. CE 500 to 750’, Ph.D. thesis, University of Chicago (1997).

656 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 657 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

Numismatics

1426 Arabic: lailaha illa Allah wah.dahu. In 72/691f. the Zubayrid governor of the province of S¯stı an, in south-eastern Iran, replaced the Zoroastrian fire altar with the profession of the new faith (shahada). Iraj Mochiri read the Pahlavi script thus: ‘Seventy-two / One God but He / another God does not exist / Muh.ammad [is] the messenger of God / SK [mint abbreviation for S¯stı an]’ 1427 (fig. 16.9). Clearly dated, the shahada appears here on a contemporary document in Pahlavi script and in the Persian language. Together with the Prophetic mission of Muh.ammad, it is the first symbol of the Islamic religion and its empire known. The Zubayrid governor had targeted the ideological– religious deficiencies of the Umayyad regime. In the same year the Marwanids re-conquered Iraq, and in 73/692 the caliphate of qAbd Allah ibn al-Zubayr was brutally suppressed in Mecca. The Marwanid activities that followed can be seen as aimed at integrating the defeated moderate Zubayrid movement in ideological terms, and as well as a forceful reaction to the ongoing Kharijite menace. At this point in history at the latest, the idea was created of an Islamic universal empire in its own ideological right. In 72/691f. qAbd al-Malik built the present Dome of the Rock and the al-Aqs.a Mosque in Jerusalem as probably the first architectural manifestations of the new Islamic empire. The choice of Jerusalem placed the imperial religion in the tradition of Judaism and Christianity and in the centre of the medieval world. Between 72/691f. and 77/696f. the Marwanid government experimented with new symbols as representations of religion and imperial power, not all of which are well understood today. Most famous is the image of the standing caliph on gold, silver and copper coins in Syria and northern Mesopotamia (figs. 16.10, 16.11). On the Syrian silver drahms and on some copper coins qAbd al-Malik asserted his claim to being khal¯fatı Allah (the deputy of God), to enhance 1428 his politico-religious leadership (fig. 16.11). However, the recurrent theme of

1426 L. Ilisch, ‘The Muhammad-drachms and their relation to Umayyad Syria and northern Mesopotamia’, Supplement of the Journal of the Oriental Numismatic Society, 193 (Autumn 2007). 1427 M. I. Mochiri, ‘A Pahlavi forerunner of the Umayyad reformed coinage’, JRAS,(1981). Further discussion in S. Sears, ‘A hybrid imitation of early Muslim coinage struck in Sijistan by Abu Bardhaqa’, American Journal of Numismatics, 1 (1989); and L. Ilisch, Review ofAmerican Journal of Numismatics, 1, Der Islam, 69 (1992). 1428 For the iconographic interpretation see N. Jamil, ‘Caliph and Qut.b: Poetry as a source for interpreting the transformation of the Byzantine cross on steps on Umayyad coin- age’,inJeremyJohns(ed.),Bayt al-Maqdis: Jerusalem and early Islam, Oxford Studies in Islamic Art 9,part2 (Oxford, 1999); L. Treadwell, ‘The “orans” drachms of Bishr ibn Marwan and the figural coinage of the early Marwanid period’, in Johns (ed.), Bayt al-Maqdis: Jerusalem and early Islam; L. Treadwell, ‘“Mihrab and qAnaza” or “sacrum and spear”? A reconsideration of an early Marwanid silver drachm’, Muqarnas, 30 (2005).

657 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 658 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

The New Cambridge History of Islam

all experiments in coin design was the inclusion of the name of the founder of the religion and the putative founder of the empire, Muh.ammad rasul Allah, sometimes together with the shahada. This was the symbol of Islam comparable to cross, fire altar and menorah. The Zubayrid idea was firmly adopted. Between 77/696 and 79/699,justafterthefinal defeat of the Kharijite caliph Qat.ar¯ibnal-Fujı apa, the definitive symbolic representation of Islam and the Islamic empire on coinage were launched. In 77/696 new d¯nı ars were produced (fig. 16.12) – probably in Damascus – bearing the new religious symbols of the Islamic empire: the shahada,encircledbytherisala, the Prophetic mission of Muh.ammad (Q 9:33), and on the opposite side the word of God, the surat ikhlas (Q 112)andthedateofminting.Latein78/697f. al-H. ajjaj ibn Yusuf, the governor of the east, ordered the reform of the dirhams in his realm, similar to the new d¯nı ars, but stating the mint name also, as on Sasanian drahms. The reform started in Kufa, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Jayy and Shaqq al-Taymara in al-Jibal, as far as we can currently tell. The following year saw the application of the new design in more than 1429 forty mints (fig. 16.13). Precious-metal coins remained anonymous until the time of the qAbbasid al-Mans.ur (r. 136–58/754–75). The image and the name of the ruler were taken out of any representation of the empire. This constituted a historically unprecedented breach with a tradition of Hellenistic coin imagery going back about a millennium. The epigraphic image of the profession of faith and the words of God can be read as ‘the sovereignty belongs to God’, almost a concession to Kharijite thinking. Anonymity did not mean modesty, because the new Islamic universal emperor claimed nothing less than being khal¯fatı Allah: the deputy of God.

Umayyad and early qAbbasid coinage The new currency system of the empire consisted of an almost pure gold d¯nı ar regulated to the mithqal weight (4.2 g), an almost pure silver dirham regulated to a dirham weight (2.8–2.9 g) and unregulated copper coins which had a token character. This became the standard model for currency in the emerging Islamic law. Although the Umayyad empire was far from a centralised state, the coinage does show a high degree of organisation and centralisation, owing

1429 M. Klat, Catalogue of the post-reform dirhams: The Umayyad dynasty (London, 2002); L. Ilisch in Dr. Busso Peus Nachf. Münzhandlung Frankfurt, Katalog 369 (31 October 2001), no. 1467, pp. 80–1.

658 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 659 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

Numismatics

1430 to its Sasanian heritage. It can be supposed that the gold coinage, which mentions no mint, would have been struck almost exclusively at the caliph’s court, first in Damascus and later in Baghdad. Mints for thulths(tremisses)and some d¯nı ars were set up in al-Andalus and Ifr¯qiyaı (Qayrawan) (fig. 16.4). With qAbd al-Malik’s reforms all old Byzantine gold coinage vanished immediately from circulation in Egypt, Syria and northern Mesopotamia, indicating a tight fiscal regime on the gold circulation in the former Byzantine territories. During the reign of Harun al-Rash¯dı (r. 170–93/786–809) the production of gold d¯nı arsin more than one mint became apparent, as indicated by the inclusion of the names of provincial governors and specific mint marks (fig. 16.14). The organisation of silver coinage serving the fiscal authorities in the former Sasanian east was different. The new design soon spread to all mints in the east and the capital Damascus; in 97/715f. it was adopted in Ifr¯qiya,ı and finally, in 100/718f., in al-Andalus. It was struck in about a hundred mints. After the foundation of Wasit. in Iraq and the move of al-H. ajjaj to his new capital in 83/ 703f., Wasit. became the paramount silver mint of the empire until the qAbbasid coup d’état. For a brief time between 84/703f. and 89/707f. Wasit. was the only 1431 dirham mint except for Damascus; all others were closed down. Between 132/749f. and 147/765f. Bas.ra and Kufa became the principal silver mints of the empire. This paramount role then shifted in 146–7/765–7 to Mad¯natı al-Salam and to Rayy/al-Muh.ammadiyya, the first after the foundation of the palace city in Baghdad – the mint was opened in 146/765f. – and the latter after the 1432 establishment of the heir apparent in Rayy in 145/762f. The qAbbasid takeover had little impact at first on the coin design; except that the surat al-ikhlas.,which was associated with the Umayyads, was replaced by Muh.ammad rasul Allah, stressing the connection of the qAbbasids to the family of the Prophet (fig. 16.15). In Rayy in 145/762f., the year of the menacing qAl¯dı revolt and its repres- sion, the heir apparent, Muh.ammad (r. 158–69/775–86), began to insert the newly adopted honorific title (laqab) al-Mahd¯ı and his name into the dirham coin protocol, abandoning the anonymity of precious metal coinage (fig. 16.16). 1433 Later he continued this as caliph. From now on, until the coinage reform of

1430 A. S. DeShazo and M. L. Bates, ‘The Umayyad governors of al-qIraq and the changing annulet patterns on their dirhams’, Numismatic Chronicle, 14 (1974); M. Bates, ‘The dirham mint of the northern provinces of the Umayyad caliphate’, Armenian Numismatic Journal, 15 (1989). 1431 R. Darley-Doran, ‘Wasit., The mint’, EI2, vol. XI, pp. 169–71 . 1432 T. S. Noonan, ‘Early qAbbasid mint output’, JESHO, 29 (1986). 1433 M. L. Bates, ‘Khurasan¯ı revolutionaries and al-Mahd¯ı’s title’, in F. Daftary and J. W. Meri (eds.), Culture and memory in medieval Islam: Essays in honour of Wilferd Madelung (London and New York, 2003).

659 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 660 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

The New Cambridge History of Islam

al-Mapmun (r. 194–218/810–33), various names appear on the coinage – the caliph, the heir apparent, viziers, governors, officials – sometimes as many as four names, giving a kaleidoscope of the administrative structure of the empire, 1434 which is not yet fully understood (figs. 16.17, 16.22). The circulation of silver coins was far from uniform, unlike the new gold d¯nı ars. Umayyad and Sasanian dirhams still circulated until the early fourth/ tenth century. Some regions maintained, along with the imperial coinage, a local one, usually debased silver of Sasanian appearance, notably in T. abaristan (an exception as they are of pure silver) (fig. 16.18), S¯stı an and the oasis of 1435 Bukhara(fig. 16.19). The copper coinage was of almost no concern to the central government; it was left for the regional or local Umayyad and qAbbasid authorities to supply, and for some supplemental coinage even private commercial enterprises can be assumed. According to Islamic law copper coins did not constitute money that was legally valid in all transactions. Thus a huge variety of copper coins with many names of local am¯rı s and officials existed. Images were occasionally applied too. Thus the copper coins are an excellent source for local admin- 1436 istration, history and art history (fig. 16.20). This decentralised production resulted in temporary and regional shortages in petty coinage, frequently bridged by cast imitations (fig. 16.21) and importation from other regions. In the period of Harun al-Rash¯dı the growing demand in northern Mesopotamia exceeded by far the regular production of copper coinage. Coins were thus cast until their model was unrecognisable, and plain copper sheets were cut 1437 into mainly octagonal pieces.

1434 N. D. Nicol, ‘Early qAbbasid administration in the central and eastern provinces, 132–218 AH/750–833 AD, Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington (1979); N. Lowick and E. Savage, Early qAbbasid coinage: A type catalogue 132–218 H/AD 750–833. A posthumous work by Nicholas Lowick, ed. Elisabeth Savage, distributed MS (London, 1996). 1435 For T. abaristan: H. M. Malek, The Dabuyid Ispahbads and early qAbbasid governors of T. abaristan: History and numismatics, Royal Numismatic Society Special Publication 39 (London, 2004). For S¯stı an: S. Sears, ‘The Sasanian style drachms of Sistan’, Yarmouk Numismatics, 11 (1999). 1436 H. Bone, ‘The administration of Umayyad Syria: The evidence of the copper coins’, PhD. thesis, Princeton University (2000); Lowick and Savage, Early qAbbasid coinage; S. Shamma, A catalogue of qAbbasid copper coins: Thabat al-fulus al-qabbasiyya (London, 1998). Single studies: see L. Ilisch, ‘Die Kupferprägung Nordmesopotamiens unter Harun ar-Ras∧¯dı und seinen Söhnen (786–842 AD)’, in International Association of Professional Numismatists (eds.), Numismatics: Witness to history, IAPN publication 8 (Basle, 1986); S. Heidemann, ‘Die frühe Münzprägung von ar-Raqqa/ar-Rafiqa als Dokumente zur Geschichte der Stadt’, in S. Heidemann and A. Becker (eds.), Raqqa, vol. II: Die islamische Stadt (Mainz, 2003). 1437 S. Heidemann, ‘Der Kleingeldumlauf in der G∧az¯raı in früh-qabbasidischer Zeit und die Münzemissionen aus al-Kufa ’, in Heidemann and Becker (eds.), Die islamische Stadt.

660 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 661 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

Numismatics

The reforms of al-Mapmun and al-Muqtas.im billah The devastating war of succession between al-Am¯nı (r. 193–8/809–13) and al- Mapmun marked a turning-point. The latter initiated a reform in the design of the coinage, which went along with a reorganisation of coin production as a whole. The reform started with the first changes in design 201/816f. (fig. 16.22) and found its definitive appearance in 206/821f. (fig. 16.23). The new style was 1438 consecutively adopted during the following years in almost all mints. First of all, gold and silver coins were given a standardised design based on the dirham without altering the weight standards. The most obvious change in the design was a second marginal obverse legend praising the victory of God (Q 30:4–5). This design continued with few alterations until the fifth/eleventh century. Whereas the old style preferred an angular Kufic script, the new style exhibited a neat curvilinear calligraphy. The new style coinage of al-Mapmun once again became anonymous. The number of mints was reduced to the major capitals of the empire. The production of silver and gold coinage dropped considerably, and even more under his successors. Al-Muqtas.im billah (r. 218–27/833–42) dismissed anonymity again, and added his name to the new design on the reverse in 219/834 (fig. 16.24). This became the rule. From 236/850 under al-Mutawakkil qala Allah (r. 231–47/ 847–61) the name of the heir apparent was also included. The production and distribution of dies was almost centralised. The extent of the new capital city of Samarrap, built and provisioned entirely by tax money, is impressive proof 1439 of the high degree of the empire’s centralisation at its peak. In the wake of the second devastating war of succession in 251–2/865–6 al-Muqtazz billah (r. 252–5/866–9) resumed the production of precious- metal coins on a large scale. Many mints were set up in the provinces. Weakened, the empire gradually lost its grip on its peripheral provinces. In Panjh¯r/Transoxaniaı in 259/872f. Yaqqub ibn al-Layth (r. 247–65/861–79)

1438 T. El-Hibri, ‘Coinage reform under the qAbbasid caliph al-Mapmun ’, JESHO, 36 (1993); S. Shamma, Ah.dath qas.r al-Mapmun kama tarw¯hı a al-nuqud (Irbid, 1995). 1439 M. Bates, The expression of sovereignty in the Abbasid caliphate, 218–334 H/833–946 CE (forthcoming); L. Ilisch, ‘Stempelveränderungen an islamischen Münzen des Mittelalters als Quelle zur Münzstättenorganisation’, in T. Hackens and R. Weiller (eds.), Actes du 9ème congrès international de numismatique. Berne, Septembre 1979: Proceedings of the 9th International Congress of Numismatics, Berne, September 1979 (Louvain-la Neuve and Luxemburg 1982). Cf. L. Treadwell, ‘Notes on the mint at Samarra’, in C. Robinson (ed.), A medieval Islamic city reconsidered: An interdisciplinary approach to Samarra, Oxford Studies in Islamic Art 14 (Oxford, 2001).

661 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 662 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

The New Cambridge History of Islam

was probably the first provincial ruler to add his name to the caliph’s protocol on silver coins as proof of his autonomy (fig. 16.25). At least from 266/879f. on, with the rule of Ah.mad ibn T. ul un in Egypt, the inclusion as an autonomous am¯rı into the coin protocol became a regular feature (fig. 16.26). His model was followed by the Samanids in Transoxania and many other ruling houses. Sikka and khut.ba in the name of the regional ruler became a sign of autonomy within the frame of the qAbbasid empire until its end in 656/1258. In the qAbbasid core provinces the inclusion of the vizier’s honorific title (laqab)in291/903f. and in 320/932f. set precedents for the imperial govern- ment. In 324/936 the first am¯rı al-umarap, Ibn Rapiq, had abolished the dis- tinction between civil and military administration. The am¯rı al-umarap Bajkam was the first to be included in the coin protocol in 329/940 (fig. 16.27). In 334/ 945 the caliph delegated his power to the Buyids (fig. 16.28) and following them to the Saljuqs (figs. 16.31, 16.32), and these always – with few exceptions – appear on the coinage with flourishing honorific titles (figs. 16.28, 16.32) until the sixth/twelfth century when the caliph freed himself from Saljuq political 1440 domination. Autonomous rulers who depended on the Buyids, such as 1441 the qUqaylids in northern Mesopotamia (fig. 16.29), and the H. asanwayhids in Kurdistan, among others, acknowledged the Buyids as overlords and added their names to the hierarchy of power listed in the coin protocol. Others at 1442 1443 the periphery, such as the Ikhsh¯didsı in Egypt or the Sallarids in Azerbaijan (fig. 16.30) acknowledged only the caliph. Sometimes further mint marks, names of die-engravers and dynastic emblems (tamghas) were added (figs. 16.34, 16.35). For the historian the sikka became an unrivalled tool for defining length of reigns, the extent of territories, especially for local dynasties, and shifting political–religious allegiance (cf. fig. 16.39), which are not in the focus of the main chronicles. During the middle decades of the third/ninth century copper coinage vanished almost completely from the urban markets from Spain to Iran (fig. 16.20), remaining only in certain limited regions such as Samanid Transoxania (fig. 16.32). Fragmentation of the circulating precious-metal coins served the needs of small change in the rest of the Islamic empire.

1440 L. Treadwell, Buyid coinage: A die corpus (322–445 AH) (Oxford, 2001). 1441 qA. Quch an¯,ı ‘The territory of Abu al-Nadjm Badr b. H. asanuyah based on his coins’, Iranian Journal of Archaeology and History, 8, 2 (1994) (in Persian). 1442 J. L. Bacharach, Islamic history through coins: An analysis and catalogue of tenth-century Ikhshidid coinage (Cairo, 2006). 1443 R. Vasmer, ‘Zur Chronologie der Gâstaniden und Sallariden’, Islamica, 3 (1927).

662 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 663 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

Numismatics

Coins were circulating more and more by weight expressed in standard 1444 dirhams and d¯nı ars instead of by tale or count. Starting slowly, probably in the time of al-Muqtadir billah (r. 295–320/908–32), the fineness of the silver coinage dropped, varying from region to region, and the strict weight regulation was abandoned. After the political, economic and military collapse of the central lands of the qAbbasid empire during the fourth/ tenth century the silver dirham declined to a debased copperish coin with no 1445 regulated fineness or weight. Now different kinds of dirhams were used, each current only within a limited region. Amounts of money were expressed in 1446 terms of monies of account. Actual payments of coins were transacted by weighing the coins. In the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries the number of coins being struck diminished dramatically in the central lands of the empire. In the narrative sources these coins are referred to as ‘black dirhams’ (dirham aswad), because of their dark appearance (fig. 16.39). In Egypt they were then 1447 called dirham wariq, the ‘silver[ish] dirham’. Legal texts addressed them more appropriately as darahim maghshusha, ‘debased dirhams’. The monetary sector of the urban economy in the core lands of the Islamic empire – northern Syria, northern Mesopotamia, Iraq and western Iran – shrank to a low that may not have been experienced since Hellenistic Antiquity. This monetary situation caused frequent complaints by jurists and theolo- gians. It was open to unintended violations of the riba prohibition, the unequal market value of the same amount of precious metal: dirham aswads from different circulation zones might contain a different amount of silver alloy; the intrinsic amount of silver in foreign dirhams might be unknown (majhul), or the coins might be valued differently in the market with no regard to the real content of precious metal. In order to avoid riba and to facilitate com- merce, jurists allowed transactions with dirham aswads only as long as they 1448 involved current dirhams circulating within a single zone (rapij f¯ı l-balad). In order to distinguish one issue of black dirhams from the other the issuing authorities gradually diverged from the classical coin design. To remedy this

1444 L. Ilisch, ‘Whole and fragmented dirhams in Near Eastern hoards’,inK.Jonssonand B. Malmer (eds.), Sigtuna Papers: Proceedings of the Sigtuna symposium on Viking-age coinage 1–4 June 1989,Stockholm, Commentationes de nummis saeculorum in Suecia repertis. Nova Series 6 (London, 1990). 1445 T. S. Noonan, ‘The start of the silver crisis in Islam: A comparative study of Central Asia and the Iberian peninsula’, M. Gomes Marques and D. M. Metcalf (eds.), Problems of medieval coinage in the Iberian area, vol. III (Santarém, 1988). 1446 ‘Monies of account’ are denominations not actually struck, or no longer struck, but used to determine legally amounts of money in transactions, contracts or debts. 1447 M. Bates, ‘Wariq’, EI2, vol. IX, p. 147. 1448 Heidemann, Renaissance, pp. 369–80.

663 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 664 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

The New Cambridge History of Islam

unsatisfactory monetary situation, sporadic attempts at coinage reform were made in some regions, but were of no avail in the long run (fig. 16.28).

The eleventh century: the currency system at the brink of the reform In the periphery, however, in Central Asia and in Egypt, a high level of monetary economy and an army based on cash payment remained. The Samanids had the advantage of rich silver mines in present-day Afghanistan, and the resulting huge volume of coinage fostered a trade with these coins which, via the Volga river, reached the countries around the Baltic Sea in the fourth/tenth century (fig. 16.31). Although by contrast the dirhams of the Ghaznavids (384–582/994–1186) with a high silver content in the late fourth/ tenth and first half of the fifth/eleventh centuries were a regional coinage, they were nevertheless struck in abundant quantities. As early as the Samanid period the d¯nı ar of N¯shı apur gained fame for its purity and stability (fig. 16.34). It became one of the preferred trade coins circulating between Iraq, eastern northern Mesopotamia and Central Asia. It maintained its leading position into the Saljuq period while the d¯nı ars of the other eastern Iranian and Transoxanian mints, Ghazna, Herat, Marw, Balkh, Bukhara and others debased, sometimes to such an extent that they consisted almost of pure silver and served only as regional standard currency (fig. 16.35). Sporadic attempts at coinage reforms were made in some regions. The situation was different in Egypt. The Ismaq¯lı ¯Shı ¯ıqite Fat.imids chal- lenged the qAbbasid claim of universal rulership both ideologically and mili- tarily, and thus their coinage named only the Fat.imid caliph. After their conquest of Egypt their coins presented a visual distinction to the classical late qAbbasid coinage, moving towards a design consisting mainly of rings of concentric inscriptions (figs. 16.36, 16.37). The Fat.imids profited from the North African gold trade as well as from trade with the northern Italian mercantile republics. The Fat.imid d¯nı ar (fig. 16.36) of a regulated weight and an undisputed pure gold content became the preferred trade coinage for the Islamic Mediterranean, the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf and Iraq. On the level of the petty coinage the North African–Egyptian dirham suffered the same 1449 decline as it did in the entire Islamic world (fig. 16.37). Copper coinage was also abandoned. A debate between Paul Balog and Michael Bates centring around the question whether the abundant glass tokens of the Egyptian

1449 N. D. Nicol, A corpus of Fat.imid coins (Trieste, 2006).

664 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/626159/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238C16.3D 665 [650–665] 4.11.2009 12:41PM

Numismatics

Fat.imid and Ayyubid period served the purposes of daily purchases has not yet 1450 been settled (fig. 16.38).

Outlook: the reform Islamic coinage of the middle Islamic period was quite different from the degenerated state of the classical coinage system. The renewal commenced slowly from the end of the fifth/eleventh century and ended at about the middle of the seventh/thirteenth. The ‘black dirham’ (fig. 16.39) disappeared mostly in the course of the sixth/twelfth century. In Syria Nur al-D¯nı Mah.mud (r. 541–69/1150–74) issued it for the last time in 546/1151f. in Aleppo, although it continued to be struck in Mosul into the 650s/1250s and in Egypt into the Mamluk period. In the last decades of the fifth/eleventh century copper coinage resumed in northern Syria, northern Mesopotamia and the Caucasus through the appearance of imported Byzantine folles, called in Arabic sources qirt.as or qart.¯sı (pl. qarat.¯sı ). In the middle decades of the sixth/ twelfth century a successful indigenous copper-coin production commenced, mainly in the Zangid and Artuqid realm (fig. 16.40). Regional copper coinages spread to the other western Saljuq successor states. In 571/1175f. – after almost 250 years – the Zangids in Aleppo and the Ayyubids in Damascus reintroduced a dirham of almost pure silver with a regulated weight of about 2.8 grams (fig. 16.41). The success of the reform was achieved through the northern Italian trade of European silver. The reform spread from the Levant to the entire Middle East. Once again a currency system was established that con- 1451 formed to the requirements of Islamic law.

1450 P. Balog, ‘Fat.imid glass jetons: Token currency or coin-weights? JESHO, 24 (1981); M. L. Bates, ‘The function of Fat.imid and Ayyubid glass weights’, JESHO, 24 (1981). 1451 S. Heidemann, ‘Economic growth and currency in Ayyubid Palestine’, in R. Hillenbrand (ed.), Ayyubid Jerusalem: The Holy City in context (London, forthcoming).

665 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/625861/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238BIB.3D 777 [701–785] 4.11.2009 10:48AM

Bibliography

Sharon, Moshe, ‘The birth of Islam in the Holy Land’, in Moshe Sharon (ed.), Pillars of smoke and fire: The Holy Land in history and thought, Johannesburg, 1988, 225–35. Shoshan, Boaz, Poetics of Islamic historiography: Deconstructing T. abar¯ı’s History, Leiden, 2004. Steinschneider, M., al-Fara¯b¯ı, Mémoires de l’Academie Impériale de Sciences de Saint- Petersbourg 7, 8, 4, St Petersburg, 1869. Torrey, Charles Cutler, The Jewish foundations of Islam, New York, 1933. Waldman, Marilyn Robinson, ‘New approaches to “biblical” materials in the Qurpa¯n’, MW, 75 (1985), 1–16. Wansbrough, John, Qurpanic studies, Oxford, 1977. The sectarian milieu: Content and composition of Islamic salvation history, Oxford, 1978. Watt, William Montgomery, Muh.ammad at Mecca, Oxford, 1953. Muh.ammad at Medina, Oxford, 1956. Muhammad, Prophet and statesman, Oxford, 1961. Wellhausen, Julius, Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz, Berlin, 1902; trans. Margaret Graham Weir as The Arab kingdom and its fall, Calcutta, 1927. Muhammad in Medina, daß ist Vakidi’s Kitab al-Maghazi in verkürzter deutscher Wiedergabe herausgegeben, Berlin, 1882. Prolegomena zur ältesten Geschichte des Islams, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten 6, Berlin, 1899.

Chapter 16: Numismatics Practical suggestions for further reading Bacharach, Jere L., Islamic history through coins: An analysis and catalogue of tenth-century Ikhshidid coinage, Cairo, 2006. Broome, Michael, A handbook of Islamic coins, London, 1985. Brunschvig, Robert, ‘Conceptions monétaires chez les juristes musulmanes (VIIIe–XIIIe siècles)’, Arabica, 14 (1967), 113–43. Cipolla, Carlo M., Money, prices and civilizationintheMediterraneanworld,Princeton, 1956. Heidemann, Stefan, ‘Economic growth and currency in Ayyubid Palestine’, in Robert Hillenbrand (ed.), Ayyubid Jerusalem: The Holy City in context, 1187–1250, London, 2009, 275–99. ‘Settlement patterns, economic development and archaeological coin finds in Bila¯d aš-Ša¯m: The case of the Diya¯r Mud.ar’, in K. Bartl and A. Moaz (eds.), Residences, castles, settlements: Transformation processes from Late Antiquity to early Islam in Bilad al- Sham. Proceedings of the International Conference held at Damascus, 5–9 November 2006, Orient-Archäologie 24, Rahden, 2009, 489–513. (ed.), Islamische Numismatik in Deutschland: Eine Bestandsaufnahme, Jenaer Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient 2, Wiesbaden, 2000. Johns, Jeremy, ‘Archaeology and the history of early Islam: The first seventy years’, JESHO, 46 (2003), 411–36. Noonan, Thomas S., ‘Early qAbba¯sid mint output’, JESHO, 29,(1986), 113–75. ‘The start of the silver crisis in Islam: A comparative study of Central Asia and the Iberian peninsula’, in Mário Gomes Marques and D. Michael Metcalf (eds.), Problems of medieval coinage in the Iberian area, vol. III, Santarém, 1988, 119–44.

777 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/625861/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238BIB.3D 778 [701–785] 4.11.2009 10:48AM

Bibliography

Phillips, Marcus, ‘Currency in seventh-century Syria as a historical source’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 28 (2004), 13–31.

Primary sources Album, Stephen, Arabia and East Africa, Sylloge of Islamic coins in the Ashmolean 10, Oxford, 1999. A checklist of Islamic coins, 2nd edn, Santa Rosa, 1998. Iran after the Mongol invasion, Sylloge of Islamic coins in the Ashmolean 9,Oxford, 2001. Album, Stephen, and Tony Goodwin, The pre-reform coinage of the early Islamic period, Sylloge of Islamic coins in the Ashmolean 1, London, 2002. Bone, Harry, ‘The administration of Umayyad Syria: The evidence of the copper coins’, Ph.D. thesis, Princeton University, 2000. Diler, Ömer, Islamic mints, 3 vols., Istanbul, 2009. Djaparidze, Gotcha I., ‘Nouvelles additions à l’ouvrage de Zambaur: Die Münzprägungen des Islams’, Bulletin d’Etudes Orientales, 32–3 (1980–1), 89–97. Goodwin, Tony, Arab-Byzantine coinage, Study in the Khalili Collection 4, London, 2005. Gyselen, Rika, Arab-Sasanian copper coinage, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Denkschriften 284, Veröffentlichungen der numis- matischen Kommission 34, Vienna, 2000. Ilisch, Lutz, Sylloge Numorum Arabicorum Tübingen: Palästina IVa Bila¯d aš-Ša¯m, Tübingen, 1993. International Numismatic Commission, A survey of numismatic research 1972–1977, ed. Robert A. G. Carson et al., Berne, 1979. A survey of numismatic research 1978–1984, ed. Martin Price, London, 1986. A survey of numismatic research 1985–1990, ed. Tony Hackens et al., Brussels, 1991. A survey of numismatic research 1990–1995, ed. Cécile Morrisson and Bernd Kluge, Berlin, 1997. A survey of numismatic research 1996–2001, ed. Carmen Alfaro, Madrid, 2003. Klat, Michel, Catalogue of the post-reform dirhams: The Umayyad dynasty, London, 2002. Kochnev, Boris and Michael Fedorov, Sylloge Numorum Arabicorum, Buh^a¯ra¯, Samarqand Mittelasien, 25a, Berlin, 2008. Leimus, Ivar, Sylloge of Islamic coins Estonian public collections, Thesaurus historiae 2, Tallinn, 2007. Lowick, Nicholas, and Elisabeth Savage, Early qAbba¯sid coinage: A type catalogue 132–218 H/AD 750–833. A posthumous work by Nicholas Lowick, ed. Elisabeth Savage, distributed manuscript, London, 1996. Malek, Hodge Mehdi, The Da¯buyid Ispahbads and early qAbba¯sid governors of T. abarista¯n: History and numismatics, Royal Numismatic Society Special Publication 39, London, 2004. Mayer, Leo Ari, The bibliography of Moslem numismatics India excepted, Oriental Translation Fund 35, London, 1954. Mayer, Tobias, Sylloge der Münzen des Kaukasus und Osteuropas im Orientalischen Münzkabinett Jena, Orientalisches Münzkabinett Jena 1, Wiesbaden, 2005. Sylloge Numorum Arabicorum: Nord- und Ostzentralasien XVb, Mittelasien II, Tübingen, 1998.

778 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/625861/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238BIB.3D 779 [701–785] 4.11.2009 10:48AM

Bibliography

Miles, Georges Carpenter, ‘Additions to Zambaur’s Münzprägungen des Islams’, American Numismatcs Society Museum Notes, 12 (1971), 229–33. Nicol, Norman Douglas, A corpus of Fa¯t.imid coins, Trieste, 2006. The Egyptian dynasties, Sylloge of Islamic coins in the Ashmolean 6, Oxford, 2007. Schwarz, Florian, Sylloge Numorum Arabicorum Tübingen: Balh^ und die Landschaften am obereren Oxus XIVc H^ura¯sa¯n III, Tübingen, 2002. Sylloge Numorum Arabicorum Tübingen, G.azna/Ka¯bul XIV d H^ura¯sa¯n IV, Tübingen and Berlin, 1995. Sears, Stuart, ‘A monetary history of Iraq and Iran, ca. CE 500 to 750’, Ph.D. thesis, University of Chicago, 1997. Shamma¯, Sam¯r,ı A catalogue of qAbba¯sid copper coins: Thabat al-fulus al-qabba¯siyya, London, 1998. Treadwell, Luke, Buyid coinage: A die corpus (322–445 AH), Oxford, 2001. von Zambaur, Eduard, Die Münzprägung des Islams, ed. Peter Jaeckel, Wiesbaden, 1968.

Secondary sources Balog, Paul, ‘Fa¯t.imid glass jetons: Token currency or coin-weights?’, JESHO, 24 (1981), 93–109. Balaguer Prunés, Anna M., Las émisiones transicionales árabe-musulmanas de Hispania, Barcelona, 1976. Bates, Michael L., ‘The dirham mint of the northern provinces of the Umayyad caliphate’, Armenian Numismatic Journal, 15 (1989), 89–111. The expression of sovereignty in the Abbasid caliphate, 218–334 H/833–946 CE (forthcoming). ‘The function of Fa¯t.imid and Ayyubid glass weights’, JESHO, 24 (1981), 63–92. ‘History, geography and numismatics in the first century of Islamic coinage’, Schweizerische Numismatische Rundschau, 65 (1986), 231–61. ‘Khura¯sa¯n¯ı revolutionaries and al-Mahd¯ı’s title’, in Farhad Daftary and Josef W. Meri (eds.), Culture and memory in medieval Islam: Essays in honour of Wilferd Madelung, London and New York, 2003, 279–317. DeShazo, Alan S., and Michael L. Bates, ‘The Umayyad governors of al-qIra¯q and the changing annulet patterns on their dirhams’, Numismatic Chronicle, 14 (1974), 110–18. El-Hibri, Tayyeb, ‘Coinage reform under the qAbba¯sid caliph al-Mapmun ’, JESHO, 36 (1993), 58–83. Foss, Clive, Arab-Byzantine coins: An introduction, with a catalogue of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, Cambridge, MA, 2009. Heidemann, Stefan, ‘The development of the representation of the early Islamic empire and its religion on coin imagery’, in Angelika Neuwirth, Nicolai Sinai and Michael Marx (eds.), The Qurpan in context: Historical and literary investigations into the Qurpanic milieu, Leiden (forthcoming). ‘Die Entwicklung der Methoden in der Islamischen Numismatik im 18. Jahrhundert: War Johann Jacob Reiske ihr Begründer?’, in Hans-Georg Ebert and Thoralf Hanstein (eds.), Johann Jacob Reiske, Persönlichkeit und Wirkung,Beiträgezur Leipziger Universitäts- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, series B, no. 6, Leipzig, 2006, 147–202.

779 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/625861/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238BIB.3D 780 [701–785] 4.11.2009 10:48AM

Bibliography

‘Die frühe Münzprägung von ar-Raqqa/ar-Ra¯fiqa als Dokumente zur Geschichte der Stadt’, in Stefan Heidemann and Andrea Becker (eds.), Raqqa, vol. II: Die islamische Stadt, Mainz, 2003, 115–40. ‘Der Kleingeldumlauf in der G^az¯raı in früh-qabba¯sidischer Zeit und die Münzemissionen aus al-Kufa ’, in Stefan Heidemann and Andrea Becker (eds.), Raqqa, vol. II: Die islamische Stadt,Mainz,2003, 141–60. ‘The merger of two currency zones in early Islam: The Byzantine and Sasanian impact on the circulation in former Byzantine Syria and northern Mesopotamia’, Iran, 36 (1998), 95–112. ‘Das Projekt, die Sylloge, der Bestand’, in Tobias Mayer, Sylloge der Münzen des Kaukasus und Osteuropas im Orientalischen Münzkabinett Jena, Orientalisches Münzkabinett Jena, 1, Wiesbaden, 2005,xi–xxii. Die Renaissance der Städte in Nordsyrien und Nordmesopotamien: Städtische Entwicklung und wirtschaftliche Bedingungen in ar-Raqqa und H. arra¯n von der Zeit der beduinischen Vorherrschaft bis zu den Seldschuken, Islamic History and Civilization, Studies and Texts 40, Leiden, 2002. Ilisch, Lutz, ‘Die Kupferprägung Nordmesopotamiens unter Ha¯run ar-Rašı¯d und seinen Söhnen (786–842 AD)’, in International Association of Professional Numismatists (eds.), Numismatics: Witness to history, IAPN publication 8, Basle, 1986, 101–21. ‘The Muhammad-drachms and their relation to Umayyad Syria and northern Mesopotamia’, Supplement of the Journal of the Oriental Numismatic Society, 193 (Autumn 2007), 17–24. Review of American Journal of Numismatics, 1, Der Islam, 69 (1992), 381–2. ‘Stempelveränderungen an islamischen Münzen des Mittelalters als Quelle zur Münzstättenorganisation’, in Tony Hackens and Raymond Weiller (eds.), Actes du 9ème congrès international de numismatique. Berne, Septembre 1979: Proceedings of the 9th International Congress of Numismatics, Berne, September 1979, Louvain-la Neuve and Luxemburg, 1982, 777–83, pl. 93–4. ‘Whole and fragmented dirhams in Near Eastern hoards’, in Kenneth Jonsson and Britta Malmer (eds.), Sigtuna Papers: Proceedings of the Sigtuna symposium on Viking-age coinage 1–4 June 1989, Stockholm, Commentationes de nummis saeculorum in Suecia repertis, Nova Series 6, London, 1990, 121–8. Jamil, Nadia, ‘Caliph and Qut.b: Poetry as a source for interpreting the transformation of the Byzantine cross on steps on Umayyad coinage’, in Jeremy Johns (ed.), Bayt al-Maqdis: Jerusalem and Early Islam, Oxford Studies in Islamic Art 9, part 2, Oxford, 1999, 11–57. Mochiri, Malek Iraj, ‘A Pahlavi forerunner of the Umayyad reformed coinage’, JRAS (1981), 168–72. Morony, Michael G., ‘Economic boundaries? Late Antiquity and early Islam’, JESHO, 47 (2004), 166–94. Nicol, Norman Douglas, ‘Early qAbba¯sid administration in the central and eastern provinces, 132–218 AH/750–833 AD’, Ph.D. thesis, University of Washington, 1979. Oddy, Andrew, ‘Whither Arab-Byzantine numismatics? A review of fifty years’ research’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 28 (2004), 121–52. Pottier, Henri, Le monnayage de la Syrie sous l’occupation perse (610–630)/Coinage in Syria under Persian rule (610–630), Cahiers Ernest Babelon 9, Paris, 2004.

780 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/625861/WORKINGFOLDER/CIW/9780521838238BIB.3D 781 [701–785] 4.11.2009 10:48AM

Bibliography

Pottier, Henri, Ingrid Schulze and Wolfgang Schulze, ‘Pseudo-Byzantine coinage in Syria under Arab rule (638–c. 670): Classification and dating’, Revue numismatique belge, 154 (2008), 87–155. Qucha ¯n¯,ı qAbd Alla¯h, ‘The territory of Abu al-Nadjm Badr b. H. asanuyah based on his coins’, Iranian Journal of Archaeology and History, 8, 2 (1994), 46–65 (in Persian). Robinson, Chase F., Empire and elites after the Muslim conquest: The transformation of northern Mesopotamia, Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization, Cambridge, 2000. Sears, Stuart, ‘A hybrid imitation of early Muslim coinage struck in Sijistan by Abu Bardha¯qa’, American Journal of Numismatics, 1 (1989), 137–69. ‘A monetary history of Iraq and Iran, ca. CE 500 to 750’, Ph.D. thesis, University of Chicago, 1997. ‘The Sasanian style drachms of Sistan’, Yarmouk Numismatics, 11 (1999), 18–28. Shamma¯, Sam¯r,ı Ah.da¯th qas.r al-Mapmun kama¯tarw¯ha¯al-nuqı ud, Irbid, 1995. Treadwell, W. Luke, The chronology of the pre-reform copper coinage of early Islamic Syria, Supplement to Oriental Numismatic Society Newsletter 162, London, 2000. ‘“Mihrab and qAnaza” or “sacrum and spear”? A reconsideration of an early Marwanid silver drachm’, Muqarnas, 30 (2005), 1–28. ‘Notes on the mint at Samarra’, in Chase Robinson (ed.), A medieval Islamic city reconsidered: An interdisciplinary approach to Samarra, Oxford Studies in Islamic Art 14,Oxford,2001, 141–56. ‘The “orans” drachms of Bishr ibn Marwa¯n and the figural coinage of the early Marwanid period’, in Jeremy Johns (ed.), Bayt al-Maqdis: Jerusalem and Early Islam, Oxford Studies in Islamic Art 9, part 2, Oxford, 1999, 223–69. Udovitch, Avram L., Partnership and profit in medieval Islam, Princeton, 1970. Vasmer, Richard, ‘Zur Chronologie der Gâsta¯niden und Salla¯riden’, Islamica, 3 (1927), 165–86, 482–5.

Chapter 17: Archaeology and material culture Practical suggestions for further reading Creswell, K., A short account of early Muslim architecture, rev. and suppl. James Allan, Aldershot, 1989. Hodges, Richard, and David Whitehouse, Mohammed, Charlemagne and the origins of Europe: Archaeology and the Pirenne thesis, London, 1983. Hoyland, Robert, ‘New documentary texts and the early Islamic state’, BSOAS, 69, 3 (2006), 395–416. Johns, Jeremy, ‘Archaeology and the history of early Islam: The first seventy years’, JESHO, 46, 4 (2003), 411–36. Kennedy, Hugh, ‘From polis to madina: Urban change in Late Antique and early Islamic Syria’, Past and Present, 106 (February 1985), 3–27. Kennet, Derek, ‘On the eve of Islam: Archaeological evidence from eastern Arabia’, Antiquity, 79 (2005), 107–18. King, Geoffrey, and Averil Cameron (eds.), The Byzantine and early Islamic Near East, vol. II: Land use and settlement patterns, Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 1, Princeton, 1994.

781