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Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 35 No. 1 May 2007 3 ARE SOCIAL IDENTITY MARKERS RELATED TO THE UTILIZATION OF HIP-HOP PEDAGOGY?

Shannon M. Coffey, University ofColorado at Boulder, Eric Primm, Pikeville College, and Robert M. Regoli, University ofColorado at Boulder

ABSTRACT

This researc~ examines w.hether s~ci~1 identity.markers (e.g., the age, gender) of faculty members are re!~ted to .te~chlng rap.and hlp-hop within academia. It is argued that hip-hop pedagogy is not yet widely ~tIllzed within academia because of cultural hegemony. Two methods were used to produce the data: 1) a lIterary analyses and 2) .a s.urvey of 1.0? faculty mer:n.bers .. Our principal finding was that nearly 80 percent of t.he ~acul~ surveyed Indicated a wIllIngness to utilIze hlp-hop texts and media in their classrooms. While socI~1 l.dentIty markers appe~ t~ infl.uence one's willingness to utilize hip-hop pedagogy, the findings did not Indicate that anyone .SOClai Identity mar~er .negates one's willingness to utilize such pedagogy. Further­ more, we speculate that hlp-hop pedagogy Will lIkely support diversity within the academy when used in the classroom by faculty. The origin of the study can be traced to an undergraduate class where it was stated that hegemonic system are diminished. the American Dream is a reality that is "alive Within academia, scholars are able to ex­ and well," welfare is not necessary, teen pand their worldviews and knowledge bases mothers deserve what they get, poverty is a through accessing disciplines that focus u~on personal choi~e, and not attending college the personal voice of the author along IS an act of laziness. These claims prompted with the message of the text. Hip-hop peda­ us to query whether it is possible to reach gogy, specifically pedagogy related to rap across differences and to give life to the sta­ music, provides access to the voices of mar­ tistics and theories that are taught within ginalized youth because rap music is a me­ dium through which poor mostly African academia? If it is possible, how might the 1 academy begin to tap into unacknowledged American youth voice their concerns about privilege when this privilege has become in­ modern society. As Bakari Kitwana observes hip-hop music ' grained in our culture and been made invis­ ible through the function of hegemony? T~e previous assertions reflect the hege­ isn't entertainment alone; it's also a voice to monic system that Antonio Gramsci (1971) the voiceless. More than just a new genre ~e~c.ribes. Within this system, hegemony is of music, hip-hop since its inception has InvISible to those who benefit from it: those provided young Blacks a public platform in who occupy privileged positions. The func­ a society that rendered them mute. It has tion of hegemony as a system of oppression done the same for youth of other cultures relies upon its invisibility. Furthermore, the as well. (2005 xiii) privileged often unconsciously express he­ gemony in their use of language and in the In the thirty-plus years that have passed social construction of their worldviews. since its inception, rap music has become Theoretically the university classroom is part ofa global dialogue undertaken by youth a place where students become critically en­ from varying socio-economic backgrounds. gaged with what they are learning. However, Globalization lies at the heart ofthis dialogue, hegemony functions to determine what is for the global dialogue would not exist if hip­ taught within the university, what texts are re­ hop had not emerged during a "global infor­ quired reading, and who becomes a mem­ mation-age" (Kitwana 2005). Thru globaliza­ ber of the professorate. Hegemonic oppres­ tion, the voices of rap artists have become sion also informs which students are able to attend institutions of higher education. Un­ vastly more accessible to oppressed and acknowledged hegemony is debilitating to sympathetic groups around the world and ~ritical engagement. Thus, when hegemony contribute to developing cultural bridges IS at work, opportunities for criticism of the among such groups. (Rose 1994 101) 4 Volume 35 No. 1 May 2007 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

These cultural bridges include the shared male, and able-bodied. Hegemony functions experience of social inequalities that have through the use of systematic and systemic resulted from globalization - such as rising oppression. These systematic oppressions unemployment, the prevalence of the under­ are interlocking and include race, class, and ground economy, and steadily increasing gender (Collins 1990). Hegemony pervades disparities between the have and the have­ existing social institutions such as the crimi­ nots (Kitwana 2002). Essentially, rap music nal justice system, education system, politi­ has become, in the words of Rose, "a con­ cal arena, and social programs. temporary stage for the theater of the power­ At the institutional level, hegemony is not less" (1994 101). readily taught or challenged. Because it is The existence of this "theater of the pow­ invisible, hegemony has a history of being erless" - which encompasses stages, stu­ ingrained within academia's codes and ped­ dios, and street corners - is vital because it agogy. Those who benefit from pedagogy, is within this theater that the voices of the those who are afforded privileged positions oppressed are able to resonate with empow­ in society, do not question their privilege be­ erment, to speak their realities, and to echo cause they are unaware of it. As a result of resistance to the hegemonic discourse. the pervasiveness of the hegemonic ideol­ Thus, even though their voices may be si­ ogy, and the subsequent status and position lenced within hegemonic social institutions, in society that the oppressed are afforded, rap artists have booked a thriving venue the oppressed are not seen as credible within mainstream society. when they question hegemonic privilege and As hip-hop became a prominent venue, power (Freire 1973). or "mainstreamed," within America and the Within academia, the written word of the larger global arena, it has taken on a dual educated white male is privileged. The oral existence - that of a transmission of knowledge has been sup­ pressed and seen as an inferior mode of highly commercialized, corporate-spon­ communication. It has traditionally been as­ sored venture as well as an indigenous art sociated with women and oppressed form that reflects (on) the brutal realities of groups. Rap music emerged from the oral black youth culture. (Dyson 2001 a 137) traditions of African American culture. His­ torically, African Americans have been ex­ Although in its commercial existence, hip­ cluded from academia (Feagin 2001). The hop is a multimillion dollar industry controlled exclusion has, to a large extent, been a re­ by white elites, its message has not been sult of racism, hegemonic oppression, and diluted or mitigated; rather, the ever evolving institutional barriers. The barriers have in­ spirit of hip-hop has created cluded slavery, legal and "customary" segre­ gation, and other forms of discrimination. a critical and conscientious forum for visit­ This discrimination includes the absence of ing social criticism upon various forms of African American writers from academic pub­ social injustice, especially racial and class lications, the canon of literature, and ranking oppression. (Dyson 2001 b 152) as seminal theorists; it also includes the denial of equal educational and employment Thus, we are asserting that the voices of rap opportunities. artists need to be widely taught since they When African Americans are included in shed light on the experiences of people who the academy, they are often given token po­ have been systematically oppressed and sitions - such as being the one African Ameri­ marginalized within contemporary societies. can writer listed in an anthology or text. Cor­ nell West was the victim of such discrimina­ HEGEMONY AND ACADEMIA tion in 2001. West left his position at Harvard One of the orienting ideas for this study is University's African-American Studies De­ the theory of hegemony proposed by Antonio partment after the academic value ofthe work Gramsci (1971), who contends that hegem­ he produced while on sabbatical - a rap al­ ony is invisible; it is the centralized power in bum titled Sketches of My Culture (2001) ­ a society, labeling itself ideal and all else was questioned by incoming president, inferior. The hegemonic aspects of Ameri­ Lawrence Summers. Cornell West chal­ can society are white, upper class, educated, lenged Summers' assumption that a rap CD Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 35 No. 1 May 2007 5

did not hold academic value (Orland 2001 1­ and History of under the guid­ 4). ance of the late professor Robert Brentano. The censorship of the voices of rap art­ As reported in Jet in 1997, the course would ists and hip-hop scholars within academia be taking is a reflection of the hegemony that exists within society at large. As Watkins contends, a look at the life and death of Shakur with an emphasis on his works... [Arvand Elihu] the evolving crusade against hard-core rap will make connections between Shakur and emboldens a larger campaign directed politics, society, history, and the soul of the against the cultural practices popularized artist. The course will look at the late con­ by black youth and the creative confidence troversial rapper as a modern contempo­ they now exude in the face of immense rary historian of this time. (1997 22) social, economic, and political transition. (1998 240) The course inspired additional instances of hip-hop pedagogy as Leila Steinberg, Tupac Censorship is a tool used by those who bene­ Shakur's former manager and guest lecturer fit from hegemony to silence dissident voices for the course, observed that name hegemony and question its power. Rap artists are subject to such censorship students and universities throughout the because they name hegemony within the country have requested the teaching mate­ work they produce. As scholar Tricia Rose, rials that Arvand compiled to initiate their observes, own Tupac curriculum. Tupac was finally being recognized in academia. (Shakur rappers act out inversions of status hierar­ 1999 xxi) chies, tell alternative stories of contact with police and the education process, and draw James E. Newton began teaching an ex­ portraits of contact with dominant groups perimental hip-hop course at the University in which the hidden transcript [that is pres­ of Delaware in 1999. The course was titled ent within rap] inverts/subverts the public, "Hip-Hop Cultural in American Society" and dominant transcript. (1994 101) enrolled undergraduate and graduate stu­ dents. Pamela Weiger reports that In recent years, universities within the United States have claimed to desire greater the hodge-podge knowledge inventory diversity - including intellectual and cultural Newton created covers the gamut of hip­ diversity. As bell hooks2 maintains, hop: history, music, players and slang. In addition, Newton quizzes students on their The call for the recognition of cultural diver­ ability to visually identify 50 to 75 slides of sity, a rethinking of ways of knOWing, a hip-hop's big wigs. (2000 2) deconstruction of old epistemologies, and the concomitant demand that there be a As Weiger observes, transformation in our classrooms, in how we teach and what we teach, has been a while there is still some bias in the aca­ necessary revolution-one that seeks to demic community about the scholarly value restore life to a corrupt and dying academy. of such studies-as there once was with (1994 29-30) nascent Black History courses, for sure­ hip-hop classes are starting to catch on. Therefore, some educators have been explor­ (2000 2) ing the benefits of hip-hop pedagogy (Kit­ wana 2005; the Hiphop Archive 2006a) to In the fall of 1993, Allen Carey-Webb at continue the so-called academic interest in Western Michigan University decided to re­ expanding intellectual and cultural diversity. 3 formulate one of his literature classes

HIP-HOP PEDAGOGY IN ACADEMIA to explore and address America's criminal In 1997, Arvand Elihu, an undergraduate justice crisis. In doing so, [he] redesigned a at the University of California at Berkeley, conventional 200-level Black American Lit­ taught a course titled History 98: The Poetry erature Survey course, restructuring its 6 Volume 35 No. 1 May 2007 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

curriculum and organization and dedicating ing hip-hop pedagogy within education be­ it to the theme of 'Prison, Race, and Social gan once he joined the Colorado Hip-hop Justice'. (Carey-Webb 1995 2) Coalition while a professor at the University of Colorado at Boulder. Meachem is currently The syllabus for the course included texts working with youth who aspire to be hip-hOp such as Richard Wright's Native Son (1940), stars, by assisting them with the recognition Malcolm X's, The Autobiography of Malcom of their writing and language abilities. As X (1965), and Martin Luther King Jr.'s, Where Meacham contends, Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? (1967). The course also addressed rap lyr­ If you listen to a lot of the lyrics, it's really ics- including "Trapped" by Tupac Shakur and about people telling the stories oftheir lives. "Welcome to the Ghetto" by Spice I. Accord­ Because hip-hOp is a norm, at least among ing to Carey-Webb young people, in order to teach young people effectively, teachers are going to Considering the biting social critique made have to not only understand what hip-hop by many rap artists, it isn't surprising that is all about but also use it effectively to powerful groups have made such efforts teach young people. (U Daily Archive 2003 to suppress it. ... Examining these and other 1) rap lyrics showed that the issues that we had been examining from the sixties have As the aforementioned examples dem­ by no meansgone away, and that the analy­ onstrate, the inclusion of hip-hop pedagogy sis of King, Malcom X, Davis, and others within academia has the potential to chal­ has more relevance than ever. (1995 15) lenge hegemony and to create a space for critical engagement. The professoriate is in Widener University began offering "Fresh­ a unique position: one that has the access man Seminar 101: Hip-hop" in the fall of and the status that allows for the opportunity 2002. Hip-hOp was a one credit course that to challenge hegemony through the utiliza­ tion of hip-hop pedagogy. explores the intricacies of hip-hop on an aesthetic level and examines how it has METHODS evolved from an underground sound to a The purpose of this study is to answer the multi-billion dollar industry. (Widener Univer­ question: Are social identity markers of fac­ sity 2002 1) ulty members related to utilization of hip-hop pedagogy within academia? Originally a sur­ Throughout the course, students were asked vey packet was distributed to all faculty mem­ bers in the disciplines of English, Sociology, to critique and evaluate songs and contem­ Music, and Criminology, 4 at two public uni­ porary movies, as well as track trends that versities and one public college (N = 428). are currently being marketed to the hip-hop The participants were provided with a pre­ generation through the print and broadcast addressed stamped envelope so that hand­ media, as well as those societal values and writing would not be identifiable; 107 respon­ morals that fuel hip-hop and life­ dents or 25 percent of the original popula­ style, and must acknowledge corporate tion returned the survey. The respondents America's influence on hip-hop taste. (Wid­ were asked questions about their demo­ ener University 2002 1) graphics, family structure, level of education, as well as their knowledge of, interest in, The course also analyzed the surfacing of and willingness to utilize hip-hop/rap music hip-hop culture and its sociological and his­ and texts in their classrooms. The variable, torical components of spoken word, , race, was not used in the regression model music, and break dancing. The university because the total number of respondents planned to expand the freshman seminar who self-identified as people of color (n = into an undergraduate level, three-credit 10) was not sufficient for performing any sta­ course. tistically meaningful analysis. The survey re­ Currently, at the University of Delaware, sults were aggregated so that confidentiality Shuaib Meacham is researching the use of would be maintained. hip-hop and education. His interest in apply- Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 35 No. 1 May 2007 7

Table 1 - Regression Coefficients of Independent Variables on the Willingness To Integrate Hip-hop/Rap into the Classroom Unstandardized Standard t-value Significance Coefficients Error t (constant) 1.042 0.347 3.004 0.003 Age 25 and under (a) 0.173 0.175 0.986 0.327 Age 26-35 (a) 0.272 0.113 2.405 0.018 Age 46-55 (a) 0.150 0.108 1.386 0.169 Age 56 and over (a) 0.081 0.111 0.733 0.466 Sex (b) 0.019 0.076 0.252 0.802 Social class -0.132 0.050 -2.637 0.010 Educational level -0.066 0.074 -0.889 0.376 1st generation college (c) 0.036 0.076 0.475 0.636 Interest in hip-hop 0.182 0.055 3.332 0.001 Knowledge of hip-hop -0.124 0.067 -1.852 0.067 R squared =.32 Adjusted R squared =.25 (a) Ages 36-45 are reference group (b) Women are reference group (c) 1st generation to attend college reference group

The Variables 5. Education Level: The education vari­ Eight variables were used to examine able described the highest level of edu­ whether social markers of faculty members cation attained by the respondents. It are related to the teaching of rap and hip­ was coded on a scale ranging from 1 to hop within academia. The dependent vari­ 4, where 1 = associate of arts or equiva­ able was "willingness to utilize material from lent (n=O ), 2 = bachelors of arts or sci­ rap/hip-hop culture in the classroom." The ence (n=9), 3= masters of arts or sci­ seven independent variables were: age, ence [including MFA or MBA] (n=36), and class, education level, sex, interest in hip­ 4 = doctorate ofscience [including Ph.D., hop culture, knowledge of hip-hop culture, J.D., M.D., Ed.D., or other doctorate] and whether one was a first-generation col­ (n=62). lege student. 6. First Generation to College: This vari­ able assessed whether the respondent 1. Willingness: Willingness to teach/inte­ was a first generation college student. grate material from rap/hip-hop culture The variable was coded as 1 = yes, was measured in terms of "yes" which meaning that the respondent was a first indicated "willing" and "no" which indi­ generation college student (n=38), and cated "not willing." This variable was 2 = no, meaning that the respondent was recoded for the analysis as 1 =willing not a first generation college student (n=81) and 0 =not willing (n=22) in or­ (n=68). der to make the discussion of the vari­ 7. Interest in Hip-Hop Culture: This vari­ ables more intuitive. Four respondents able measured the participants' level of did not answer this question. interest in hip-hop culture. This variable 2. Age: Age of the respondent was coded was coded on a scale of 1 to 5 with 1 = as a nominal variable with five catego­ no interest (n=12), 2 = minimal interest ries: under 25 years (n=8), 26-35 years (n=50), 3 = moderate interest (n=25), 4 (n=28), 36-45 years (n=27), 46-55 years = some interest (n=13), and 5 = very (n=22), and age 56 and above (n=22). interested (n=7). 3. Sex: The respondent's sex was coded 8. Knowledge of Hip-Hop Culture: This as 1 =female (n=58) and 2 =male (n=49). variable provided a gauge of the partici­ 4. Class: Social class was coded on a pants' level of knowledge of hip-hop cul­ scale of 1 through 5, with 1 = lower ture. The variable was coded on a scale (n=1), 2 =lower middle (working class) ranging from 1 to 5, with 1 = no knowl­ (n=18), 3 = middle (n=49), 4 = upper edge (n=13), 2 = minimal knowledge middle (n=34), and 5 = upper (n=5). (n=58), 3 = moderate knowledge (n=27), 8 Volume 35 No. 1 May 2007 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

4 = good knowledge (n=5), and 5 = ex­ related and build upon one another. As the cellent knowledge (n=4). findings indicate, when the respondent's social class increased they were less will­ ANALYSIS AND RESULTS ing to integrate hip-hop/rap material. This is The dependent variable in the study was consistent with the origins and much of the "willingness to utilize texts from rap/hip-hop content of hip-hop culture. Hip-hop culture culture in the classroom." This variable was arose from the African American community regressed onto age, class, education level, -specifically the youth- born of their experi­ interest in hip-hop culture, knowledge of hip­ ences in American inner-cities such as the hop culture, sex, and whether the respond­ Bronx and Compton. Rap music is a me­ ent was a first generation college student. dium through which poor, mostly African The regression coefficients for this model American youth, voice their concerns about are shown in Table 1. social inequalities and systematic oppres­ The Multiple R squared for this analysis sion. Thus, the correlation between social was .32. The analysis revealed no relation­ class and one's willingness to utilize hip­ ship between the dependent variable and a hop pedagogy may be due to the resonance, respondent's sex, level of education, nor or lack thereof, that hip-hop culture has with whether they were a first generation college a person's experiences and cultural back­ student. When examining the coefficients for ground. An alternative explanation for this age, some of the anticipated effects were relationship is that those in the upper observed. In general, one might expect classes are distancing and differentiating younger individuals as compared to older themselves from an art-form, lifestyle, and individuals to be more willing to integrate hip­ culture intricately tied to the lower classes hop/rap into their teaching since this is a rela­ (Bourdieu 2002). tively young musical genre. However, the only Our findings also indicate that age is a cohort significantly more willing to integrate significant social identity marker. Of interest the material into their classes than the com­ is that the two age groups that were com­ parison age cohort 5 was the age group, 26­ posed of respondents under age 36, tended 35 (p =.018). One explanation for why the to more highly rate their level of exposure to youngest age group, those 25 and younger, hip-hop culture, knowledge of hip-hop cul­ did not have significantly different levels of ture, and interest in rap music than did mem­ willingness to utilize this material is the rela­ bers of the other age groups. These ages tively small number of respondents in this correspond with the general definition of the category (n=8). Hip-Hop Generation (Generation X) - the Upon examining the coefficients for so­ generation that came of age when hip-hop cial class the anticipated relationship was and rap were becoming prominent forces of observed. As the respondent's social class social critique (Kitwana 2002; Chang 2005). increased they were less willing to integrate If the faculty that are currently teaching, es­ hip-hop/rap into their classes (p = .01). Also, pecially those from the baby-boomer gen­ as predicted, as the respondents' level of eration (1946-1964) are willing to set the interest in hip-hop culture increased, so did ground work for the inclusion of hip-hop their willingness to use hip-hop/rap in the pedagogy in academia, then as more mem­ classroom (p =.001). The final variable that bers of the Hip-Hop Generation attain their approached significance was level of knowl­ doctorate degrees and become professors, edge of hip-hop culture (p =.067). However, the inclusion of this pedagogy may be well the direction of this relationship was in the underway. Furthermore, a generation of stu­ opposite direction than would be anticipated. dents will not miss the potential opportunity The coefficient for this variable suggests that for critical engagement in higher education as one's knowledge of hip-hop culture in­ through hip-hop pedagogy. creases, they are less likely to integrate the Most ofthe respondents (nearly 800/0) indi­ material into their classes. 6 (This unantici­ cated that they would choose to teach/inte­ pated finding is discussed below.) grate hip-hop texts into their courses in some manner, the most of which was DISCUSSION through class discussion topics or through The social identity markers that influence film or music. If one has minimal knowledge the utilization of hip-hop pedagogy are inter- of hip-hop culture, intuitively it makes sense Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Vmume35No.1May2007 9 to integrate/teach hip-hop through the utiliza­ through the media, then one's knowledge of tion of class discussion topics. This method hip-hop culture has very likely been influ­ would encourage students to become criti­ enced by hegemonic media portrayals of this cally engaged with what they are learning, culture: depictions or assertions concerning while the professor would not have to be "the the inherently misogynistic and violent na­ expert" in the setting of a classroom discus­ ture of rap music and the artists producing it sion. (Dyson 2001a; Chang 2005). As Dyson ob­ The utilization of class discussion topics serves, could be beneficial if students were asked to critically look at what the artists are address­ early seeds of suspicion have often­ ing within the lyrics they are producing. Hip­ bloomed into outright rejection of hip-hop hop pedagogy has the potential to engage as a vital source of art and imagination for students with what is being taught and to black youth. (2001a 110) provide validity for what the faculty are teach­ ing. As Meacham puts it, This could account for the prior finding since most respondents (66%) indicated that their without engagement, you can't connect stu­ primary source of exposure to hip-hop cul­ dents to skills in a way that will make them ture was via the media. want to learn... Hip-hop grabs them right off the bat. (U Daily Archive 2004 1) CONCLUSION In an age where the disparity between the The by-product of critical engagement is the have and the have-nots is steadily increas­ formation of a critical worldview which ulti­ ing (Kitwana 2005), when youth who are work­ mately leads to the exposure of hegemony ing class, first generation, and/or from vari­ and makes its effects less detrimental. ous under-represented racial/ethnic back­ Conversely, the utilization of class discus­ grounds are being locked out of higher edu­ sion topics could be potentially dangerous if cation, something needs to be done. The the function of the hegemonic ideology per­ potential contributions that the aforemen­ vaded the classroom. As hooks states, tioned youth could bring to the academic dis­ course are being wasted. Thousands of If we examine critically the traditional role young men and women are in dead-end jobs of the university in the pursuit of truth and that barely allow them to make ends meet, the sharing of knowledge and information, thousands more are confined in over-crowd­ it is painfully clear that biases that uphold ed prisons, and still others are engaged in and maintain white supremacy, imperialism, the under-ground economy. How is the aca­ sexism, and racism have distorted educa­ demic discourse going to address the ab­ tion so that it is no longer about the practice sence of the voices of these marginalized, of freedom. (1994 29) disenfranchised, and disaffected youth? How can the pertinent social issues and cri­ Given the current demographics of aca­ ses that America is facing be addressed, if demia, both of students and faculty, ele­ the voices of those most adversely affected ments of voyeurism and Orientalism (Said are absent? 1979) could pervade the discussion. Taking The academy, in theory, is an institution rap lyrics out ofthe context ofthe cultural and that provides for critical engagement and the social issues that the rap artists are address­ generation of knowledge. College graduates ing has the potential to lead to the formation, make up less than 5 percent of the world's or reaffirmation of hegemonic stereotypes. population and are granted the greatest ac­ This relates to one of the study's more cess to positions of social and economic interesting findings: as noted earlier, as one's power. Thus, we find it extremely discourag­ level of knowledge of hip-hop culture in­ ing that students can graduate from college creases one is less likely to integrate hip­ firmly believing hegemonic stereotypes. hop texts into their classroom. This counter­ Humanity pervades the intellectual work intuitive finding may be due to the particular that scholars are engaged in. The theories, sources from which this knowledge about statistical analyses, and research that are hip-hop culture was attained. If one's primary undertaken within academia occur within exposure to hip-hop culture has been specific social and cultural contexts. It is im- 10 Volume 35 No. 1 May 2007 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

perative that scholars are aware of the so­ that the contributions "New York Ricans" have cial and cultural contexts that inform the in­ made to hip-hop culture since its inception, have tellectual work they are undertaking. For in­ gone largely unacknowledged. stance, discussions of statistics that do not 2Feminist theorist bell hooks contentiously chooses emphasize that the numbers being cited rep­ to spell her name in lower case letters. 30ver 100 college level courses have utilized hip­ resent men and women, flesh and blood, hop pedagogy at institutions such as the Uni­ sever the connection between the statistics versity of Pennsylvania, the University of Cali­ and humanity. When the connection to hu­ fornia - Berkeley, Davis, Los Angeles, Irvine, manity is not acknowledged within academic and Riverside, Harvard University, and the Uni­ discourse, the theories, statistics, and re­ versity of Chicago (Hiphop Archive 2006a). search become meaningless. Furthermore, critical engagement with hip-hop Currently, there is a class of rap artists ­ has also begun to take place during profes­ Gramsci's Organic Intellectuals (1971) -who sional conferences and symposiums (Hiphop are engaged in the production of intellectual Archive 2006b). Additional information on hip­ hop courses and conferences can be ac­ work. The voices of these organic intellectu­ cessed through the Hiphop Archive. als give life to the statistics - making them 4 These departments were selected because the harder to ignore - providing depth and under­ study is cross-disciplinary, drawing on both standing of poor, African American youth and Sociology and English texts and theories (Crimi­ the current criminal justice system. The per­ nology departments were included since Crimi­ sonal experiences that rap artists, such as nology is a sub-discipline of Sociology). The Tupac Shakur, document within their lyrics inclusion of the Department of Music was nec­ and texts provide tangible illustrations of the essary because hip-hop culture originated with lived realities of systematic oppression and a musical style. 5 The age group 36-45 was selected as the com­ social inequality. Therefore, the inclusion of parison group because they were the least the voices of rap artists within the academic likely to integrate hip-hop material into their discourse is vital- their voices must be heard, classes, thus, the direction of all the age com­ listened to, and taught if social change is parisons in the final analysis were in the same going to occur. direction. Our findings suggest a strong willingness 6 A second regression was performed, in part be­ among faculty to look at a form of teaching cause of the unexpected direction of the rela­ that offers a direct critique to the hegemonic tionship as well as the small number of re­ forces that are ingrained within the institu­ spondents (n=9) that reported good or excel­ lent knowledge of hip-hop culture. This vari­ tional structure of academia. While social able was transformed into a dichotomous vari­ identity markers do appear to influence one's able with the 9 subjects reporting good or ex­ willingness to utilize hip-hop pedagogy, the cellent knowledge of hip-hop culture in one findings did not indicate that any specific so­ category and the rest of the subjects in the cial identity marker negates one's willing­ other. The results were nearly identical to what ness to utilize such pedagogy. More impor­ was originally reported. Subjects with good to tantly, hip-hop pedagogy has the potential to excellent knowledge were less willing to inte­ instill diversity within the academy that ex­ grate rap/hip-hop material into their teaching (p tends beyond a theoretical ideology and be­ = .03). The R-squared for this model increased slightly from the one reported in the paper (R2 = comes practice. If our goal is for academia .33). to be an accessible, inclusive environment that provides a space for critical engagement REFERENCES and actively practices diversity, we must Bourdieu P. 2002. Distinction: A Social Critique of make sure that what is included within the the Judgment of Taste. Translated by R Nice. curriculum reflects these goals. Cambridge, MA: Harvard U Press. Chang J. 2005. Can't Stop Won't Stop: A History ENDNOTES of the Hip-Hop Generation. NY: St. Martin's Press. 1 As Bakari Kitwana (2005) and Raquel Z. Rivera Carey-Webb A. 1995. Teaching to the contempo­ (2003) have written, youth from various racial/ rary crisis: notes on English 223-Prison, Race, ethnic backgrounds have contributed to hip­ and Social Justice. College Literature 22 3. hop. For example, Kitwana (2005 126) notes Collins PH. 1990. Black Feminist Thought: Knowl­ that whites and hip-hop enthusiasts in coun­ tries such as Japan, Brazil, Indonesia, and Is­ edge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Em­ powerment. NY: Routledge. rael have been creating their own "interpreta­ Dyson ME. 2001 a. Holler If You Hear Me: Search- tions" of hip-hop, and Rivera (2003) observes Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 35 No. 1 May 2007 11

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