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The High Price of Sustaining a Hip-Hop Community in Neoliberal

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The High Price of Sustaining a Hip-Hop Community in Neoliberal CASH RULES EVERYTHING AROUND ME: THE HIGH PRICE OF SUSTAINING HIP-HOP COMMUNITY IN CHICAGO BY KAREEM R. MUHAMMAD DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2010 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Chair and Director of Research Professor Zsuzsa Gille Professor Anna Maria-Marshall Professor Zine Magubane, Boston College University ii Cash Rules Everything Around Me: The High Price of Sustaining a Hip-Hop Community in Chicago This dissertation, entitled “Cash Rules Everything Around Me (CREAM): The High Price of Sustaining a Hip-Hop Community in Chicago,” contributes to the literature on hip-hop and culture by providing an ethnographic study on the various ways that those who defined themselves as being hip-hop go about constructing this identity in light of the unique socioeconomic challenges that all Americans are experiencing in these uncertain economic times. A sub-cultural cooption through consumer capitalism has forced those who want to be part of hip-hop subculture to go back underground. But to label all of these individuals merely “underground” would be as equally uninformative as labeling anyone who wears baggy blue jeans and can rhyme words together as being “hip-hop.” With so much confusion and misappropriation of the culture, it appears urgently necessary to take a more academic examination of exactly what this hip-hop thing is, who is authentically hip-hop and how membership in this community is defined. “Cash Rules Everything Around Me” contrasts the Hip-Hop Nation with the Rap Industrial Complex, which presents stereotyped caricatures of hip-hop culture. A central argument of this dissertation is that neoliberalism is one of the more significant contributing factors that explains the slow encroachment of the Rap Industrial Complex where it is often mistakenly blurred with hip-hop. This dissertation separates the two and reveals several complex layers to each medium. I present how these layered identities of the Hip-Hop Nation are being undermined by consumer capitalism much like has already occurred within the Rap Industrial Complex. My nine months of field research in Chicago revealed that five major identities emerged among my research participants who are categorized as the Hip-Hop Nation: Professional Headz, Refugee Headz, Hip-Hop Fundamentalists, Black Headz and Tech Headz. These identities were characterized by the personal values that my participants indicated were most reaffirmed through hip-hop culture. At present, however, my findings in this dissertation lead me to conclude that the high cost of participating collectively in hip-hop has made it increasingly difficult to, in fact, call my Chicago respondents a hip-hop “community” more than it is a collection of individuals. One major contributing factor to this breakdown in community are the individual edicts of neoliberalism that has informed hip-hop identities and behaviors in three important ways. Neoliberal ideology has helped to facilitate the decreasing space in which hip-hop headz can gather, it makes progressive outlets more costly and it forces many of my participants into an individualistic, survival of the fittest mentality. A central premise that this research works on is that as the cost of living has gone up in other areas of American life, so has the cost of being hip-hop. Hip-hop originally thrived on public participation but in big cities like Chicago over the last 30 years, public space –like many things- has been privatized in the neoliberal belief that the market knows best. These commercial limitations on the collective experiencing of hip-hop culture in Chicago is particularly troubling among my respondents because they are overwhelmingly more educated than the general population. If hip-hop’s supposed best and brightest can’t afford to kick it, then who can? What does this say about hip-hop? What does this say about the future of the American dream? “CREAM” provides some answers. iii Representing Carlita Hilda Ronny Kerry Corey Geovonny Marc Ryan Darryl Aramis Jacqueline Hank Jeff Alfonso Scott Derek Neil Felicia Read Erica Mike Kouske C.C. Carlos Bobbi iv TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION TO THE HIP-HOP NATION.....…………1 CHAPTER 2: METHODOLOGY…………….…………………………….22 CHAPTER 3: LITERATURE REVIEW………..…………………………..35 3.1 – Neo Jim Crow………………….………….…………………………..35 3.2 – The Culture Wars………….......……………...……………………….52 CHAPTER 4: EVERYDAY PEOPLE……………………………………....73 4.1 – Everyday People……………………………………………………….73 4.2 – Black Headz…………………………………………….……......……77 4.3 – Pro Headz……………………………………………….……......……93 4.4 – Hip-Hop Fundamentalists……………………………….……...……100 4.5 – Tech Headz………………….………………………….….…......….106 4.6 – The Refugees………………….……………………….….……........109 4.7 – The Refugees: Who You Calling A Wench?.......................................118 CHAPTER 5: PEARLY WHITES: MINSTREL RAP AND THE CONNECTION TO NEOLIBERALISM……..…………………………...130 5.1 - The Dandy Zip Coon……………………….………………………...130 5.2 – The Wench……………………………………….…………………..136 5.3 - The Real Hip-Hop is Over Here?.........................................................141 5.4 - Data Analysis………………………………………………………...145 5.5 – Findings…………………………………………………………...…148 CHAPTER 6: PRIVATIZATION AND PUBLIC ACCESS TO HIP-HOP…...…………………………………...………………………....156 6.1 - Chi City…...………………………………...………………………..156 6.2 - The People Under the Stairs……...…………..………………………171 CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSIONS………..………………………….……....194 7.1 – Conclusions…………………………………………………………..194 7.2 – Acknowledgements………………..………………………....…........204 Bibliography…………………………….…………...…………....….…....206 Appendix A- IRB Questionnaire…….….…………………………….......223 Appendix B - Questions for Interview Sessions and Field Work… ….......225 Appendix C - Hip-Hop Questionnaire …………………………………....232 Vita……………………………………….……………………...……......234 Author’s Biography………………………………….……………..……..239 1 CHAPTER 1 - INTRODUCTION TO THE HIP-HOP NATION Introduction “I live this shit!” Alfonso tells me as he diligently crumbles a palm full of marijuana into dust. “I live this shit” he repeats for emphasis. Alfonso is a hip-hop MC (master of ceremonies) of several years. He, and many of those who I label in my dissertation as professional headz in my nine months of field research on Chicago hip- hop, made it a point to distinguish themselves from rappers who didn’t really live according to values that he feels are representative of authentic hip-hop culture. Rappers rhyme because rapping is viewed as a highly rewarding, marketable skill. However possessing this skill, in the view of Alfonso and most of my other 24 research participants, does not necessarily make a rapper part of the larger community that I refer to throughout this paper as the Hip-Hop Nation. This community that I study ethnographically for nine months in Chicago defined themselves in contrast to those who exclusively engage hip-hop at the commodity level. On one side of this spectrum stands self-professed MC’s such as Alfonso who made it clear to me that while they felt that they should be well compensated for their craft, their placement within the culture of hip- hop distinguished them from rappers who were exclusively concerned with how they can make money off of rap music. MC’s, as my research participants described them, attempt to make a larger contribution to all aspects of hip-hop culture even if it isn’t profitable. 32-year-old Alfonso feels that it is crucial to establish the difference between true purveyors of the subculture like himself who have given blood, sweat and tears for hip- hop culture and those who are just along for the ride until the money runs out, saying: 2 (Hip-hop nation) means a lot to me. It’s not a broad scale term. The actual Hip-Hop Nation is a small collective of hip-hop itself. A lot of people say they’re in the Hip-Hop Nation, but they’re not. A lot of people are looking like a nation member, sounding like a nation member and they ain’t. It’s a lot of people in the Hip-Hop Nation who are in power to see it fall. It means a lot to me cause I live this shit. I live this shit! With no conviction, no stutter! I live this shit! I understand it. I’m fighting for it. I’m doing it. I live it. Soon as I leave here I’m going to the studio. When I leave the studio, I’m going to work on my show, think about my songs. When I’m washing my motherfucking body I’m gone have a beat in my head and scrubbing my underarm to some rap. On my way to work, I’m gone think of some lyrics and write them down in the middle of driving. I’m gone spit that shit and think of new shit while I’m driving. When I go to work it’s to finance it. When I turn on my computer, I turn my music back on. When I’m at work I use the jargon, I use the humor. I used what I learned from it to bridge gaps in between us. I live this shit! But “Cash Rules Everything Around Me” (CREAM) argues that the economic reality of 21st century life for young, black Americans like Alfonso is that exactly how much you can “live this shit” is highly dependent on your socioeconomic positioning. Like everything else in America, being able to live according to the hip-hop values identified in my fieldwork has become increasingly difficult if you don’t have money to spend. I hypothesize that today’s labor market conditions have made it where individuals who say they reject the commercial aspects of, what I call here; The Rap Industrial Complex, are finding it difficult to participate in hip-hop culture in ways that are collectively progressive. Recent shifts in western capitalism over the past 30 years have called for people to find more personalized solutions to challenges in areas of life that are generally taken care of by the federal government in other industrialized societies. This is particularly true in inner-cities which have historicially been the epicenter of the Hip-Hop Nation.
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