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Annales Historiques De La Révolution Française, 371 | Janvier-Mars 2013, « Robespierre » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 01 Mars 2016, Consulté Le 01 Juillet 2021
Annales historiques de la Révolution française 371 | janvier-mars 2013 Robespierre Édition électronique URL : https://journals.openedition.org/ahrf/12668 DOI : 10.4000/ahrf.12668 ISSN : 1952-403X Éditeur : Armand Colin, Société des études robespierristes Édition imprimée Date de publication : 1 mars 2013 ISBN : 978-2-200-92824-7 ISSN : 0003-4436 Référence électronique Annales historiques de la Révolution française, 371 | janvier-mars 2013, « Robespierre » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 01 mars 2016, consulté le 01 juillet 2021. URL : https://journals.openedition.org/ahrf/12668 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/ahrf.12668 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 1 juillet 2021. Tous droits réservés 1 SOMMAIRE Introduction « Je vous laisse ma mémoire […] » Michel Biard Articles La souscription nationale pour sauvegarder les manuscrits de Robespierre : introspection historique d’une initiative citoyenne et militante Serge Aberdam et Cyril Triolaire Les manuscrits de Robespierre Annie Geffroy Les factums de l’avocat Robespierre. Les choix d’une défense par l’imprimé Hervé Leuwers Robespierre dans les publications françaises et anglophones depuis l’an 2000 Marc Belissa et Julien Louvrier Robespierre libéral Yannick Bosc Robespierre et la guerre, une question posée dès 1789 ? Thibaut Poirot « Mes forces et ma santé ne peuvent suffire ». crises politiques, crises médicales dans la vie de Maximilien Robespierre, 1790-1794 Peter McPhee Robespierre et l’authenticité révolutionnaire Marisa Linton Sources Maximilien de Robespierre, élève à Louis-le-Grand (1769-1781). Les apports de la comptabilité du « collège d’Arras » Hervé Leuwers Nouvelles pièces sur Robespierre et les colonies en 1791 Jean-Daniel Piquet Annales historiques de la Révolution française, 371 | janvier-mars 2013 2 Comptes rendus Lia van der HEIJDEN et Jan SANDERS (éds.), De Levensloop van Adriaan van der Willingen (1766-1841). -
Introduction
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. CHAPTER 1 Introduction French Society in 1789 Historians working on the French Revolution have a problem. All of our attempts to find an explanation in terms of social groups or classes, or particular segments of society becoming powerfully activated, have fallen short. As one expert aptly expressed it: “the truth is we have no agreed general theory of why the French Revolution came about and what it was— and no prospect of one.”1 This gaping, causal void is cer- tainly not due to lack of investigation into the Revolution’s background and origins. If class conflict in the Marxist sense has been jettisoned, other ways of attributing the Revolution to social change have been ex- plored with unrelenting rigor. Of course, every historian agrees society was slowly changing and that along with the steady expansion of trade and the cities, and the apparatus of the state and armed forces, more (and more professional) lawyers, engineers, administrators, officers, medical staff, architects, and naval personnel were increasingly infusing and diversifying the existing order.2 Yet, no major, new socioeconomic pressures of a kind apt to cause sudden, dramatic change have been identified. The result, even some keen revisionists admit, is a “somewhat painful void.”3 Most historians today claim there was not one big cause but instead numerous small contributory impulses. One historian, stressing the absence of any identifiable overriding cause, likened the Revolution’s origins to a “multi- coloured tapestry of interwoven causal factors.”4 So- cial and economic historians embracing the “new social interpretation” identify a variety of difficulties that might have rendered eighteenth- century French society, at least in some respects, more fraught and vulnerable than earlier. -
Voices of Revolt Voices of Revolt
VOICES OF REVOLT VOICES OF REVOLT SPEECHES OF MAXIMILIEN ROBESPIERRE VOICES OF REVOLT VOLUME I * SPEECHES OF MAXI MILlEN ROBES PIERRE WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH NEW YORK INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS Copyright, 1927, by INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS, INc. Printed in the U. S . .A. This book is composed and printed by union labor CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 9 Robespierre in the Club of the Jacobins 18 Robespierre as the Realpolitiker of the Revo- lution 22 Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety 2 7 The Ninth Thermidor 36 THE FLIGHT OF THE KING 41 AsKING THE DEATH PENALTY FOR Louis XVI 46 CoNCERNING THE DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS OF MAN AND OF THE CITIZEN 52 IN FAVOR OF AN ARMED PEOPLE, OF A wAR AGAINsT THE VENDEE s6 REPORT ON THE PRINCIPLES OF A REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT 61 REPORT ON THE PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL MORAL ITY • REPORT ON THE EXTERNAL SITUATION OF THE REPUBLIC • EXPLANATORY NOTES MAXIMILIEN ROBESPIERRE INTRODUCTION IN the year 1770 a boy knocked at the gate of the Lycee Louis-le-Grand. Mass was just being held, and the youth could still hear the last notes of the organ as he was resting on a bench. He had covered a long distance on his journey: he had come from Arras. "Praised be Jesus Christ," was the sexton's greet ing as he opened the gate. The boy had already been announced, and was at once led to the rector. "So your name is Maximilien Robespierre, my child?" asked the Jesuit who conducted the insti tution. The young man becomes a scholar, one of the most diligent students of the Lycee Louis-le Grand. -
Marisa Linton, Virtue Or Glory?: Dilemmas of Political Heroism In
Virtue or Glory? 83 Virtue or Glory?: Dilemmas of Political Heroism in the French Revolution Marisa Linton At some point after Maximilien Robespierre embarked on a career in revolutionary politics he became known as “the incorruptible.” This meant that he was seen as a “man of virtue.” People nowadays do not use the term virtue when they talk about politics. Sometimes I am told this is an archaic term that the general public will no longer understand. Yet in the realm of contemporary politics, matters of morality and immorality are as topical as ever. We no longer speak about the virtue of political leaders, but we do speak about honesty and hypocrisy; corruption and integrity; the need to put the public good over cronyism and favoritism; the acceptability or otherwise of political ambition and careerism; and the proper demarcation between public and private life. For example, the recent detention for questioning of Nicolas Sarkozy, on 1 July 2014, following allegations about corruption during his time in public office, invoked some of the same issues that vexed the revolutionary generation.1 There is a difference of course between our politicians and those of the French Revolution. We do not cut the heads off our politicians when they fall short of high moral standards. But we all know that the integrity or otherwise of politicians has an impact on many peoples’ lives. We do not, however, expect our politicians to be heroes. We know that being in politics entails, in the words of Hilary Clinton, making “hard choices.”2 We might well agree with Charles Nodier who, in 1831, characterized the professional politician Marisa Linton is Reader in History at Kingston University, UK. -
Fair Shares for All
FAIR SHARES FOR ALL JACOBIN EGALITARIANISM IN PRACT ICE JEAN-PIERRE GROSS This study explores the egalitarian policies pursued in the provinces during the radical phase of the French Revolution, but moves away from the habit of looking at such issues in terms of the Terror alone. It challenges revisionist readings of Jacobinism that dwell on its totalitarian potential or portray it as dangerously Utopian. The mainstream Jacobin agenda held out the promise of 'fair shares' and equal opportunities for all in a private-ownership market economy. It sought to achieve social justice without jeopardising human rights and tended thus to complement, rather than undermine, the liberal, individualist programme of the Revolution. The book stresses the relevance of the 'Enlightenment legacy', the close affinities between Girondins and Montagnards, the key role played by many lesser-known figures and the moral ascendancy of Robespierre. It reassesses the basic social and economic issues at stake in the Revolution, which cannot be adequately understood solely in terms of political discourse. Past and Present Publications Fair shares for all Past and Present Publications General Editor: JOANNA INNES, Somerville College, Oxford Past and Present Publications comprise books similar in character to the articles in the journal Past and Present. Whether the volumes in the series are collections of essays - some previously published, others new studies - or mono- graphs, they encompass a wide variety of scholarly and original works primarily concerned with social, economic and cultural changes, and their causes and consequences. They will appeal to both specialists and non-specialists and will endeavour to communicate the results of historical and allied research in readable and lively form. -
Habitual Terror and the Legislative Body in the Revolution*
H-France Salon Volume 11 (2019) Page 1 H-France Salon Volume 11, Issue 16, #4 Habitual Terror and the Legislative Body in the Revolution* Mette Harder SUNY Oneonta On 10 Thermidor year II (July 28, 1794), in the wake of Robespierre’s fall, three members of the Committee of General Security, together with Lazare Carnot of the Committee of Public Safety, ordered a Parisian police officer to “secure and bury the corpses of the conspirators Couthon, Robespierre jeune and others, if found.”1 On the same day, Bertrand Barère, a fifth member of government, put his oversized, swooping signature on an order that transferred his colleague Maximilien Robespierre to the Conciergerie, where the latter would be sentenced to death and patched up for execution.2 The “conspirators” Augustin Robespierre and Georges Couthon, presumed dead but actually still alive – if seriously injured – as well as the elder Robespierre were all close colleagues of those who ordered their hasty interment or transfer to prison on 10 Thermidor. Yet in the strained political climate of revolutionary France in 1794, political allegiances changed quickly. A series of purges of the legislature had, since 1793, struck one group of politicians after another, forcing the rest to justify their political conduct, denounce their colleagues, and mourn their friends in silence. Knowing that one’s own head almost “touch[ed] the guillotine” had caused “the reversal of all affections” amongst France’s legislators.3 Between 1792 and 1795, a fluctuating number of around 750 Conventionnels expelled over 240 of their peers for alleged political crimes, of which 58 were executed.4 These purges of * I would like to thank Marisa Linton, Stephen Clay, and the editors of H-France Salon for their much-appreciated feedback on this essay. -
HSTR 352.01: French Revolution 1789-1848
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Syllabi Course Syllabi Summer 6-2016 HSTR 352.01: French Revolution 1789-1848 Linda S. Frey University of Montana - Missoula, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/syllabi Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Frey, Linda S., "HSTR 352.01: French Revolution 1789-1848" (2016). Syllabi. 4242. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/syllabi/4242 This Syllabus is brought to you for free and open access by the Course Syllabi at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Syllabi by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Summer 2016 Prof. Frey FRENCH REVOLUTION Required Reading Wright, France in Modern Times Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the French Revolution Palmer, Twelve Who Ruled Rowe, “Civilians and Warfare during the French Revolutionary Wars.” (reserve) Holtman, The Napoleonic Revolution Walter, Diary of a Napoleonic Soldier Supplementary readings are available at the reserve desk at the Mansfield Library. Exams This class is only offered for a traditional grade. Midterm (tentative date June 8) will cover Wright pp. 3-56, Tocqueville, Rowe, Palmer, and readings on reserve. Final will cover Wright, pp. 57-122, Holtman, and Walter, and readings on reserve. Papers are due June 13 at the beginning of the class hour. No electronic submissions will be accepted. LATE PAPERS WILL NOT BE ACCEPTED. Length: 5-7 pages double spaced. Style: Chicago Manual of Style, Footnotes. All papers should be submitted with the usual scholarly apparatus, that is, title page, footnotes, and bibliography. -
Tyranny Plagued the French Revolution
Coastal Carolina University CCU Digital Commons Honors College and Center for Interdisciplinary Honors Theses Studies Spring 5-7-2020 Tyranny Plagued the French Revolution Christy Leigh Salinari Coastal Carolina University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/honors-theses Part of the Other Political Science Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Salinari, Christy Leigh, "Tyranny Plagued the French Revolution" (2020). Honors Theses. 369. https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/honors-theses/369 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College and Center for Interdisciplinary Studies at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Tyranny Plagued the French Revolution By Christy Leigh Salinari Political Science Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In the HTC Honors College at Coastal Carolina University Spring 2020 Louis E. Keiner Kimberly Hurd Hale Director of Honors Assistant Professor HTC Honors College Political Science Edwards College of Humanities and Fine Arts ABSTRACT Liberty, equality, and fraternity were the three original pillars of the French Revolution at the start in 1789. The slogan became the rallying cry for the embittered French people in their initial pursuit for political and social transformation. The French Revolution is perhaps the most prominent contemporary illustration of a violent revolution which ultimately was successful, resulting in a model of democratic government. The French Revolution reached a decade in length wherein there were countless demonstrations, massacres, wars, civil unrest, and political enlightenment. -
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Albert Soboul
A SHORT HISTORY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Albert Soboul - mi A Short History of the FRENCH REVOLUTION 1789-1799 A Short History of the FRENCH REVOLUTION 1789-1799 Albert Soboul Translated by Geoffrey Symcox UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley Los Angeles London Originally published as La Révolution francaise, par Albert Soboul (Collection “Que Sais-Je?”’ no. 142) ©1965, Presses Universitaires de France University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England Copyright © 1977 by The Regents of the University of California ISBN 0-520-03419-8 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 74-16717 Printed in the United States of America 910111213 1415 Contents Translator’s Preface, vii Chronology of Principal Events, xvi Introduction: Causes and Nature of the French Revolution, 1 Chapter I 1789: Revolution or Compromise? (1789-1792) 56 Chapter II 1793: Bourgeois Republic or Popular Democracy? (1792-1795) 86 Chapter III 1795: Liberalism or Dictatorship? (1795-1799) 126 Conclusion: The French Revolution and the History of the Contemporary World 154 Selected Bibliography 169 Translator’s Preface Albert Soboul has held the Chair of the History of the French Revolution at the Sorbonne since 1967, a position formerly occupied by such illustrious figures as Georges Lefebvre, Albert Mathiez and Alphonse Aulard. Soboul may therefore be considered one of the most eminent historians of the French Revolution working in the present generation, and he is probably the leading Marxist scholar in the field today. He has written extensively on the history of the Revolution, and on the problems of its historiography: his most important single contribution is his brilliant mono- gtaph on the Parisian Sans-Culottes in the Year II, published in 1958. -
Actas Colóquio – Literatura E História
João Medina Estética e Terror: o romance “Os deuses têm sede” de Anatole France “Que a guilhotina salve a pátria (...). Santa guilhotina, salva a pátria!” Fala de Gamelin em Os Deuses têm Sede, de Anatole France. “(...) quem se recusar a obedecer à vontade geral será obrigado a fazê-lo por todo o corpo; o que não significa outra cosia senão que será forçado a ser livre.” Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Do Contrato Social, livr. I. cap.VII. O romance histórico de Anatole France Os Deuses têm Sede, publicado em 1912, situado no período do Terror (1793 em diante, até aos começos do Directório), pertence ao período de desilusões do seu autor, já depois de o affaire Dreyfus ter tido o seu desfecho favorável ao capitão alsaciano, entretanto oficialmente reabilitado e reintegrado no exército. O seu autor tinha já 68 anos (nascera em 1844). Em 1908 publicara uma história paródica da França em tons ácidos e nada complacentes para com os seus compatriotas, sobretudo os contemporâneos, intitulada A Ilha dos Pinguins. Nesse mesmo ano saíra uma Joana de Arc escrita em veia semelhante de sarcasmo e desencanto. Com o romance histórico de 1912 adensava-se a sua visão pessimista e impiedosa, atendendo em especial aos seus pressupostos político-ideológicos de republicano socializante e dreyfusista empenhado no affaire, ao qual dedicara, aliás, alguns anos antes, uma tetralogia sob o título geral de História contemporânea: os romances O Olmo do Mail, O Manequim de Vime (1897), O Anel de Ametista (1898) e O Sr. Bergeret em Paris (1901), de que se fez na época tradução portuguesa111. -
The Innocence of Jacques-Pierre Brissot
This is a repository copy of The innocence of Jacques-Pierre Brissot. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/1194/ Article: Burrows, S. (2003) The innocence of Jacques-Pierre Brissot. The Historical Journal, 46 (4). pp. 843-871. ISSN 0018-246X https://doi.org/10.1017/S0018246X03003327 Reuse See Attached Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ The Historical Journal, 46, 4 (2003), pp. 843–871 f 2003 Cambridge University Press DOI: 10.1017/S0018246X03003327 Printed in the United Kingdom THE INNOCENCE OF JACQUES-PIERRE BRISSOT* SIMON BURROWS University of Leeds ABSTRACT. Even during his lifetime, the French revolutionary Girondin leader Jacques-Pierre Brissot de Warville’s reputation was tarnished by allegations that, before 1789, he was a swindler, police spy, and political pornographer. These charges resurfaced in 1968 in a celebrated article by Robert Darnton, which found miscellaneous, fragmentary evidence to support them, above all in the papers of the pre-revolutionary police chief, Lenoir. Although Darnton’s view has been challenged by several historians, no critic has supplied any substantive new evidence, and hence the Brissot debate remains mired in assertions and counter- assertions. This article finally offers such evidence, drawing both on Darnton’s main source, the Lenoir papers, and on sources unavailable to him in 1968, notably records of Brissot’s Lice´e de Londres and his embastillement, now on deposit in the Archives Nationales. -
Camille Desmoulins
KEY PEOPLE LF3 / 01 CAMILLE DESMOULINS Lucie Simplice Camille Desmoulins was 29 years old when he uttered the words that brought him to prominence in France’s revolution. On 12 July 1789, hearing that Necker had been dismissed, he bounded up on to a coffee table amidst the milling mob outside the Palais Royal and implored the crowd ‘to arms, to arms!’ His career as a politician, journalist and rabble-rouser to that point had been somewhat underwhelming but on that warm July afternoon, Desmoulins lost the stammer that had impeded his progress and aroused the horde to pilfer weapons and then on to storm the Bastille. Desmoulins’ background and beliefs suit the archetype of a revolutionary and it is important to mention this background when ascertaining his role in inspiring the revolution. He was decidedly bourgeois – his father, a lawyer and his education, liberal. He earned a scholarship to the College Louis-le-Grand in Paris which also educated Robespierre (but it is unlikely they were school friends given the age difference). Desmoulins was a student of the Classics and particularly of the Roman Republic. By 1785, Desmoulins had secured a position as an advocate at the Paris Parlement and presumably witnessed the despotism of King Louis XVI at close quarters. While passionate, he was not a gifted orator, and, due to his stammer, he turned to writing and was sufficiently skilled that the Comte de Mirabeau hired him in the spring of 1789. He ran for election to the Estates-General but failed; nonetheless, he was a witness to the proceedings and was clearly indignant at the turn of events in late June and early July.