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1 Omotic Utterance Type, Mood and Attitude Markers and Linguistic
1 Omotic Utterance type, Mood and Attitude Markers and Linguistic Typology Leiden University, 23-25 October 2008 Imperative: the grammar of a clause type Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald 1 Imperatives: the illusion of simplicity Most — if not all — languages of the world have a special, imperative, clause type, whose prototypical function is to express a directive speech act — in other words, to give orders, formulate requests, wishes, pleas, etc.1 As Whitney (1891: 215) put it, the imperative in Sanskrit 'signifies a command or injunction — an attempt at the exercise of the speaker's will upon someone or something outside of himself [themself - A. A.]. This, however (in Sanskrit as in other languages), is by no means always of the same force: the command slides off into a demand, an exhortation, an entreaty, an expression of earnest desire'. Non-imperative forms — statements, questions, exclamations — are frequently co- opted to express varied overtones of 'directive meanings', intruding into the imperative domain. Defining the exact semantic span of a versatile imperative is not an easy task. Nonetheless, in many languages imperatives stand clearly apart from other clause types in 1 The exact semantic definition of the conceptual domains covered by imperatives is a much- debated issue; for instance, van der Auwera (2006) defines them as 'constructions of grammar that typically express a state of affairs as desirable by the speaker and that furthermore appeal to the hearer(s) to fulfil the desire'; also see Jespersen (1924), Davies (1986: 43-66), König and Siemund (2007), Jakobson (1965), and many more. Yet there are hardly any problems in defining what an imperative is in each particular language. -
Local History of Ethiopia Ma - Mezzo © Bernhard Lindahl (2008)
Local History of Ethiopia Ma - Mezzo © Bernhard Lindahl (2008) ma, maa (O) why? HES37 Ma 1258'/3813' 2093 m, near Deresge 12/38 [Gz] HES37 Ma Abo (church) 1259'/3812' 2549 m 12/38 [Gz] JEH61 Maabai (plain) 12/40 [WO] HEM61 Maaga (Maago), see Mahago HEU35 Maago 2354 m 12/39 [LM WO] HEU71 Maajeraro (Ma'ajeraro) 1320'/3931' 2345 m, 13/39 [Gz] south of Mekele -- Maale language, an Omotic language spoken in the Bako-Gazer district -- Maale people, living at some distance to the north-west of the Konso HCC.. Maale (area), east of Jinka 05/36 [x] ?? Maana, east of Ankar in the north-west 12/37? [n] JEJ40 Maandita (area) 12/41 [WO] HFF31 Maaquddi, see Meakudi maar (T) honey HFC45 Maar (Amba Maar) 1401'/3706' 1151 m 14/37 [Gz] HEU62 Maara 1314'/3935' 1940 m 13/39 [Gu Gz] JEJ42 Maaru (area) 12/41 [WO] maass..: masara (O) castle, temple JEJ52 Maassarra (area) 12/41 [WO] Ma.., see also Me.. -- Mabaan (Burun), name of a small ethnic group, numbering 3,026 at one census, but about 23 only according to the 1994 census maber (Gurage) monthly Christian gathering where there is an orthodox church HET52 Maber 1312'/3838' 1996 m 13/38 [WO Gz] mabera: mabara (O) religious organization of a group of men or women JEC50 Mabera (area), cf Mebera 11/41 [WO] mabil: mebil (mäbil) (A) food, eatables -- Mabil, Mavil, name of a Mecha Oromo tribe HDR42 Mabil, see Koli, cf Mebel JEP96 Mabra 1330'/4116' 126 m, 13/41 [WO Gz] near the border of Eritrea, cf Mebera HEU91 Macalle, see Mekele JDK54 Macanis, see Makanissa HDM12 Macaniso, see Makaniso HES69 Macanna, see Makanna, and also Mekane Birhan HFF64 Macargot, see Makargot JER02 Macarra, see Makarra HES50 Macatat, see Makatat HDH78 Maccanissa, see Makanisa HDE04 Macchi, se Meki HFF02 Macden, see May Mekden (with sub-post office) macha (O) 1. -
Emmanuel Nicholas Abakah. Hypotheses on the Diachronic
1 Hypotheses on the Diachronic Development of the Akan Language Group Emmanuel Nicholas Abakah, Department of Akan-Nzema, University of Education, Winneba [email protected] Cell: +233 244 732 172 Abstract Historical linguists have already established the constituent varieties of the Akan language group as well as their relationships with other languages. What remains to be done is to reconstruct the Proto- Akan forms and this is what this paper sets out to accomplish. One remarkable observation about language is that languages change through time. This is not to obscure the fact that it is at least conceivable that language could remain unchanged over time, as is the case with some other human institutions e.g. various taboos in some cultures or the value of smile as a nonverbal signal. Be that as it may, the mutually comprehensible varieties of the codes that constitute the Akan language group have evidently undergone some changes over the course of time. However, they lack adequate written material that can take us far back into the history of the Akan language to enable any diachronic or historical linguist to determine hypotheses on their development. Besides, if empirical data from the sister Kwa languages or from the other daughters of the Niger-Congo parent language were readily available, then the reconstruction of the Proto-Akan forms would be quite straightforward. But, unfortunately, these are also hard to come by, at least, for the moment. Nevertheless, to reconstruct a *proto-language, historical linguists have set up a number of methods, which include the comparative method, internal reconstruction, language universals and linguistic typology among others. -
The Grammar of Space of Gawwada
Proceedings, 6th World Congress of African Linguistics, Cologne 2009 523 Brenzinger, M. & A.-M. Fehn (eds.) Cologne: Köppe. Pp. 523-532. The grammar of space of Gawwada Mauro Tosco, University of Turin 1. The language and the people1 Gawwada (/kawwaɗa/; Ethnologue code: GWD)2 is a language of South-West Ethiopia and a member of the so-called Dullay dialect cluster of East Cushitic. “Gawwada” is used here for the dialect spoken in the town of Gawwada (approximately at 5°25’ N, 37°14’ E) and in the neighbouring villages. The town lies approximately 40 km.s westwards of Konso town, a dozen kilometers North of the main road leading from Konso to Jinka and the Omo valley. The Dullay-speakers have no overall ethnonym. The label “Dullay” was originally proposed by AMBORN, MINKER and SASSE (1980) and is the name of the river known in Amharic as Weyt’o; this is perhaps the most salient geographic feature of the area (actually, the river divides the westernmost group, the Ts’amakko, from all the other Dullay-speaking peoples). In Ethiopia, “Gawwada” is officially used nowadays as a cover term for all the Dullay-speaking groups except the Ts’amakko, who live on the western bank of the Weyt’o river. The practice of labelling all the Dullay-speakers except the Ts’amakko as “Gawwada” is reflected, e.g., in the 1994 Ethiopian Census, according to which there were 32,636 “Gawwada”. The census further counted 8,621 speakers of Ts’amakko, bringing the total number of the Dullay-speakers at that time to approximately 42,000. -
Similative Morphemes As Purpose Clause Markers in Ethiopia and Beyond Yvonne Treis
Similative morphemes as purpose clause markers in Ethiopia and beyond Yvonne Treis To cite this version: Yvonne Treis. Similative morphemes as purpose clause markers in Ethiopia and beyond. Yvonne Treis; Martine Vanhove. Similative and Equative Constructions: A cross-linguistic perspective, 117, John Benjamins, pp.91-142, 2017, Typological Studies in Language, ISBN 9789027206985. hal-01351924 HAL Id: hal-01351924 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01351924 Submitted on 4 Aug 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Similative morphemes as purpose clause markers in Ethiopia and beyond Yvonne Treis LLACAN (CNRS, INALCO, Université Sorbonne Paris-Cité) Abstract In more than 30 languages spoken at the Horn of Africa, a similative morpheme ‘like’ or a noun ‘manner’ or ‘type’ is used as a marker of purpose clauses. The paper first elaborates on the many functions of the enclitic morpheme =g ‘manner’ in Kambaata (Highland East Cushitic), which is used, among others, as a marker of the standard in similative and equative comparison (‘like’, ‘as’), of temporal clauses of immediate anteriority (‘as soon as’), of complement clauses (‘that’) and, most notably, of purpose clauses (‘in order to’). -
Some Translation and Exegetical Problems in the Pastoral Epistles of the Kronkron (Akuapem-Twi Bible) By
Some Translation and Exegetical Problems in the Pastoral Epistles of the kronkron (Akuapem-Twi Bible) By Emmanuel Augustus Twum-Baah July 2014 Some Translation and Exegetical Problems in the Pastoral Epistles of the kronkron (Akuapem-Twi Bible) A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Award of Master of Philosophy Degree in Religious Studies By Emmanuel Augustus Twum-Baah July 2014 i Declaration I hereby declare that this thesis of which is a record is the result of my own work and that no part of it has been presented for another degree in this university or elsewhere, and that all sources of information used have been duly referenced by way of footnotes. Emmanuel Augustus Twum-Baah …………………… ...………………………. (Student) Signature Date Certified by: Rev. Jonathan E. T. Kuwornu-Adjaottor …………………… ......………………………. (Supervisor) Signature Date Certified by: Rev. Dr. Nathan Iddrisu Samwini …………………… ........….……………………. (Head of Department) Signature Date ii Abstract The present 2012 Akuapem-Twi Bible had been the labour of several revision exercises from its existence as fragments of Bible books till the New Testament was completed and later the first full version published in 1871. Over the years the task of revision work had aimed at eliminating ambiguous phrases and words in the Akuapem-Twi Bible that are not translated in accordance with the thought pattern and worldview of the Akuapem people. However after the 2012 publication of the Akuapem-Twi Bible, there still exist a number of translation and exegetical problems in the translated text; clear examples are 1 Timothy 6:10a, 2 Timothy 1: 10b, 2:20b, Titus 1: 7, 11b which are in focus for this study. -
Noun Phrase Constituency in Australian Languages: a Typological Study
Linguistic Typology 2016; 20(1): 25–80 Dana Louagie and Jean-Christophe Verstraete Noun phrase constituency in Australian languages: A typological study DOI 10.1515/lingty-2016-0002 Received July 14, 2015; revised December 17, 2015 Abstract: This article examines whether Australian languages generally lack clear noun phrase structures, as has sometimes been argued in the literature. We break up the notion of NP constituency into a set of concrete typological parameters, and analyse these across a sample of 100 languages, representing a significant portion of diversity on the Australian continent. We show that there is little evidence to support general ideas about the absence of NP structures, and we argue that it makes more sense to typologize languages on the basis of where and how they allow “classic” NP construal, and how this fits into the broader range of construals in the nominal domain. Keywords: Australian languages, constituency, discontinuous constituents, non- configurationality, noun phrase, phrase-marking, phrasehood, syntax, word- marking, word order 1 Introduction It has often been argued that Australian languages show unusual syntactic flexibility in the nominal domain, and may even lack clear noun phrase struc- tures altogether – e. g., in Blake (1983), Heath (1986), Harvey (2001: 112), Evans (2003a: 227–233), Campbell (2006: 57); see also McGregor (1997: 84), Cutfield (2011: 46–50), Nordlinger (2014: 237–241) for overviews and more general dis- cussion of claims to this effect. This idea is based mainly on features -
Similative Morphemes As Purpose Clause Markers in Ethiopia and Beyond Yvonne Treis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Archive Ouverte a LUniversite Lyon 2 Similative morphemes as purpose clause markers in Ethiopia and beyond Yvonne Treis To cite this version: Yvonne Treis. Similative morphemes as purpose clause markers in Ethiopia and beyond. 2016. <hal-01351924> HAL Id: hal-01351924 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01351924 Submitted on 4 Aug 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destin´eeau d´ep^otet `ala diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publi´esou non, lished or not. The documents may come from ´emanant des ´etablissements d'enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche fran¸caisou ´etrangers,des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou priv´es. Similative morphemes as purpose clause markers in Ethiopia and beyond Yvonne Treis LLACAN (CNRS, INALCO, Université Sorbonne Paris-Cité) Abstract In more than 30 languages spoken at the Horn of Africa, a similative morpheme ‘like’ or a noun ‘manner’ or ‘type’ is used as a marker of purpose clauses. The paper first elaborates on the many functions of the enclitic morpheme =g ‘manner’ in Kambaata (Highland East Cushitic), which is used, among others, as a marker of the standard in similative and equative comparison (‘like’, ‘as’), of temporal clauses of immediate anteriority (‘as soon as’), of complement clauses (‘that’) and, most notably, of purpose clauses (‘in order to’). -
An Acoustic-Articulatory Study of Bilingual Vowel Production: Advanced Tongue Root Vowels in Twi and Tense/Lax Vowels in Ghanaian English
Journal of Phonetics 62 (2017) 65–81 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Journal of Phonetics journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/Phonetics Research Article An acoustic-articulatory study of bilingual vowel production: Advanced tongue root vowels in Twi and tense/lax vowels in Ghanaian English Sam Kirkham *, Claire Nance Department of Linguistics and English Language, County South, Lancaster University, Lancaster LA1 4YL, United Kingdom article info abstract Article history: This article investigates the acoustic and articulatory correlates of vowel contrasts in bilingual speakers. We anal- Received 30 August 2016 yse data from bilingual speakers of Twi (Akan) and Ghanaian English, with the aim of examining how the produc- Received in revised form 14 February 2017 tion of the advanced tongue root vowel contrast in Twi relates to the production of the tense/lax vowel contrast in Accepted 17 March 2017 Ghanaian English. These data are compared to tense/lax vowel data from monolingual British English speakers. The acoustic results show that Twi and Ghanaian English mainly rely on F1 for distinguishing [ATR] and [TENSE] Keywords: vowels, whereas British English uses F1, F2, F3 and duration for the [TENSE] contrast. The ultrasound tongue Advanced tongue root imaging data show tongue root distinctions across all languages, while there are consistent tongue height distinc- Tense/lax vowels tions in British English, no height distinctions in Ghanaian English, and small height distinctions for some vowels in Ultrasound tongue imaging Twi. Twi has the weakest correlation between F1 and tongue root advancement, which suggests that the [ATR] Bilingualism contrast may involve additional strategies for pharyngeal cavity expansion that are not present in [TENSE] vowels. -
32 Warumungu (Australian – Pama-Nyungan)
Warumungu (Australian – Pama-Nyungan) 707 32 Warumungu (Australian – Pama-Nyungan) JANE SIMPSON 1 Introduction Warumungu is a language spoken by a few hundred people in the central part of the Northern Territory of Australia around Tennant Creek. The speakers have suffered greatly from the invasion of their country and their dispossession. Through some successful land claims, they have regained some of this country, and many continue to work to overcome the tragic effects of the invasion on their families, health, culture and language. The language is undergoing rapid change (as are many surviving Australian languages), and the morphology used by younger speakers differs greatly from that used by older speakers. The analysis here is based largely on analysis of older speakers’ speech as in Hale 1959 and Heath 1977. (For annotated list of abbreviations used in this chapter, see appendix at end of chapter.) Warumungu is a Pama-Nyungan language.1 It is both a neighbour and a close relative of Warlpiri, whose morphology has been widely discussed (e.g. K. Hale 1973b, 1982, 1983; Nash 1986). Like Warlpiri and many other Pama- Nyungan languages, Warumungu is a suffixing language (although new verbs may be formed by compounding ‘preverbs’ with the verb root). Phonologically, Warumungu is set apart by the presence of three realizations of stops. Gram- matically, it is a language with an Ergative-Absolutive case-marking system, but with subject–object cross-referencing by pronominal clusters. Word order is reserved mostly for pragmatic functions, while the main grammatical func- tions are expressed by nominal suffixes and pronominal clusters. -
Studies in African Linguistics Volume 41, Number 2, 2012 WU Tong 吴桐
Studies in African Linguistics Volume 41, Number 2, 2012 PRENOMINAL RELATIVE CLAUSES IN ETHIOPIAN LANGUAGES: FROM INSIDE AND FROM OUTSIDE WU Tong 吴桐 NanKai University 南开大学 1. Introduction The Ethiopian Language Area – including Ethiopia and Eritrea, as traditionally conceived – has been the subject of many studies for more than half a century (Leslau 1945, Greenberg 1959: 24, Ferguson 1970, 1976, Heine 1975: 41, Appleyard 1989, Zarborski 1991, 2003, 2010, R. Hayward 2000, Crass 2002, Bender 2003, Bisang 2006, Crass & Meyer 2008), in spite of recent questioning of its integrity (Tosco 2000).* Studies supporting an Ethiopian Language Area identify a number of properties shared by Ethiopian languages.1 For example, Ferguson 1976 listed 26 features, Zaborski 2003 listed 28 features, and Crass & Meyer 2008 listed another 12 features. This study, to some extent following the above tradition, discusses a syntactic structure until now largely neglected, i.e., prenominal relative clauses. It aims to present a synthetizing study of the structure in Ethiopian languages. The Ethiopian Language Area seems to be the only area in Africa where there is strong concentration of languages with prenominal relative clauses (Dryer 2005). Even if Wu 2011’s typological study on prenominal relatives includes many prenominal-relative-clause languages, Ethiopian prenominal-relative-clause languages are poorly represented and only briefly discussed. This study can, therefore, be considered a * I thank Hayat Omar and Chloé Darmon for having helped me with Amharic data and Jason Overfelt for Tigrigna. I also thank the Laboratoire Dynamique du Language (CNRS, UMR 5596), where part of the work was done. I am indebted also to Marc Lee and the editorial office of Studies in African Linguistics for their proofreading and stylistic improvement. -
THEIL+Is+Omotic+Afroasiatic.Pdf
Is Omotic Afroasiatic? A Critical Discussion. Rolf Theil Department of Linguistics and Scandinavian Studies University of Oslo, Norway 1 Introduction Omotic, a group of 25–30 languages spoken in southwestern Ethiopia, is regarded as a family whose interior classification is presented in Table 1. The three main branches, South Omotic, North Omotic, and Mao, are very distantly related. Table 1: The branches of the Omotic language family (Hayward 2003) South Omotic Hamar, Aari, Dime North Omotic DIZOID Dizi, Sheko, Nayi TA-NE LANGUAGES Gonga Kafa, Shakicho (Mocha), Shinasha, Anfillo Gimojan Gimira Bench, She Ometo-C'ara C’ara North Ometo Wolaitta, Gamo, Gofa, Dawro, Malo, Basketo, Oyda East Ometo Zayse, Zargulla, Harro and other lacustrine varities, Koorete South Ometo Maale Yem (earlier known as 'Janjero') Yem Mao Mao of Begi, Mao of Bambeshi, Diddesa OM(otic)1 is generally regarded as a branch Afroasiatic. This paper is a discussion of the arguments for this AA affiliation, the OM Theory (Lamberti 1991). I claim to show that no con- vincing arguments have been presented, and that OM should be regarded as an independent language family. No closer 1 Cf. list of abbreviations at the end of the paper. genetic relations have been demonstrated between OM and AA than between OM and any other language family. 2 Joseph H. Greenberg Greenberg (1963) divided the languages of Africa into 4 fami- lies, Niger-Kordofanian, AA, Nilo-Saharan, and Khoisan. He divided AA into 5 branches, SE(mitic), EG(yptian), BE(rber), CH(adic), and CU(shitic), and CU into 5 subbranches, North, Central, East, West, and South CU.