3. Repertorio bibliografico 3.1. Pubblicazioni recenti su Origene e la tradizione alessandrina a cura di Lorenzo Perrone con la collaborazione di Roberto Alciati (Torino), Marie-Odile Boulnois (Paris), Alberto Camplani (Roma), Mariachiara Giorda (Torino), Attila Jakab (Budapest), Stefano Tampellini (Bologna), Andrea Villani (Göttingen)

[Indice: 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi; 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale; 2. Ellenismo e cultura alessandrina; 3. Giudaismo ellenistico; 4. LXX; 5. Aristobulo; 6. Lettera di Aristea; 7. Filone Alessandrino (1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori; 2. Edizioni e traduzioni; 3. Miscellanee e raccolte; 4. Studi); 8. Pseudo-Filone; 9. Flavio Giuseppe (1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori; 2. Edizioni e traduzioni; 3. Miscellanee e raccolte; 4. Studi); 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano (1. Il contesto religioso egiziano; 2. Il periodo delle origini; 3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo; 4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici; 5. Il monachesimo); 11. Clemente Alessandrino; 12. Origene (1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori; 2. Edizioni e traduzioni; 3. Miscellanee e raccolte; 4. Studi); 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene; 14. Dionigi Alessandrino; 15. Pierio di Alessandria; 16. Pietro di Alessandria; 17. Alessandro di Alessandria; 18. Ario; 19. Eusebio di Cesarea; 20. Atanasio; 21. I Padri Cappadoci (1. Basilio di Cesarea; 2. Gregorio di Nazianzo; 3. Gregorio di Nissa); 22. Ambrogio di Milano; 23. Didimo il Cieco; 24. Evagrio; 25. Rufino di Aquileia; 26. Teofilo di Alessandria; 27. Sinesio di Cirene; 28. Gerolamo; 29. Agostino; 30. Isidoro di Pelusio; 31. Cirillo Alessandrino; 32. Nonno di Panopoli; 33. Pseudo-Dionigi Areopagita; 34. Cosma Indicopleuste; 35. Giovanni Filopono; 36. Massimo il Confessore]*.

0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi BOSSINA L., Stoa, Ellenismo e catastrofe tedesca (EKDOSIS, 10), edizioni di pagina, Bari 2012, pp. X+219. [Premessa, VII-X. 1. Apologia a Lucerna, 3-9. 2. Stoa, Uomo greco e ritocchi, 10-19. 3. Stoicismo e semitismo, 20-42. 4. «Considerazioni d’ordine tattico», 43-61. 5. Libertà greca: tra teologia protestante e guerra fredda, 62-97. 6. «Etichette razziali», 98-106. 7. Un’altra Stoa: la critica di Eduard Schwartz, 107-116. 8. Ellenismo, plurilinguismo e profezia, 117-134. 9. Una Cipro moderna: l’Alsazia-Lorena, 135-142. 10. Università ‘ellenistica’, 143-150. Appendice: I. Ellenismo e Nuovo Testamento: E. Schwartz a H. Letzmann [8 gennaio 1906], 153-155; II. E. Schwartz, Die staatliche Zukunft der Reichslande [1917], 155-160; III. E. Schwartz, Die deutschen Elsässer [ottobre 1919], 160-164; IV. L’appello per Paul Maas: M. Pohlenz a W. Theiler [15 giugno 1934], 164-165; V. L’appello per Kurt von Fritz: B. Snell a M. Pohlenz (11 maggio 1935), 165-166; VI. La Stoa in America: due lettere di H. Fränkel a M. Pohlenz [marzo-aprile 1949], 166-169; VII. M. Pohlenz, Weltanschauliche Kämpfe im Hellenismus [6-8 ottobre 1952], 169-212. Indice dei nomi, 213-219]. [GABRA G.], List of Gawdat Gabra’s Publications, in From Old Cairo to the New World (→1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), XIII-XVI.

* Per le abbreviazioni si fa in genere riferimento a: Theologische Realenzyklopädie. Abkürzungsverzeichnis. 2. über. u. erw. Aufl., zusammengestellt von S.M. SCHWERTNER, de Gruyter, Berlin – New York 1994. I titoli di opere collettive o di raccolte vengono riportati per esteso nella sezione 1., o in relazione agli autori cui più direttamente si riferiscono e in questo caso sono facilmente ricavabili dal contesto immediato. Si riportano le rubriche anche quando mancano le relative indicazioni bibliografiche per illustrare l’articolazione tendenziale del repertorio nel suo complesso. Autosegnalazioni e ogni altra forma di aiuto sono benvenute [NdR].

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GEMEINHARDT P., «Patristik – heute eine Disziplin mit Zukunft!». Zum Gedenken an Carl Andresen (1909- 1985), ZAC 16 (2012) 41-55. [1. Biographisches. 2. Carl Andresen und Hans Lietzmann: Anknüpfung und Abgrenzung. 3. Das (Selbst-) Verständnis der Kirchengeschichte. 4. Die Patristik im Studium der Theologie. 5. Theologie und Kirche im Horizont der Antike. – Abstract: «The present paper gives an outline of Carl Andresen’s scholarly biography and then points out some of his lasting achievements for the writing of Church History. Being initially influenced by Hans Lietzmann’s concept of the history of early Christianity, Andresen developed a more theologically informed way of analysing historical phenomena (while retaining his interest in sociological, cultural and philosophical approaches to Religion). Church History is structured by certain “types” of Churches, reflecting sociological as well as ecclesiological aspects. While early Christianity inevitably belongs to the religious commonwealth of Late Antiquity, its self-understanding leads to distinguishing it from other religions. Andresen’s work thus provides a theological framework even for current historical analyses of the Ancient Church» (p. 55)]. HOEK A. VAN DEN, Book VII in the Light of Recent Scholarship: Approaches and Perspectives (with Bibliography) → 11. Clemente Alessandrino HOLZER V., Hans Urs von Balthasar. 1905-1988 (Initiations aux théologiens), Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2012, pp. 320. JULLIEN F., Bibliographie d’Antoine Guillaumont, in Monachismes d’Orient. Images, échanges, influences (→1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 13-26. KESSEL G. – PINGGÉRA K., A Bibliography of Syriac Ascetic and Mystical Literature (Eastern Christian Studies 11), Peeters, Leuven-Paris-Walpole/MA 2011, IX+223. [Introduction. I. General Literature. II. Authors and Works] MARKSCHIES CH. (Hrsg.), Berlin, 1929-1932: Eine autobiographische Skizze von Carl Andresen, ZAC 16 (2012) 11-24. –, Hellenisierung des Christentums. Sinn und Unsinn einer historischen Deutungskategorie → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale MORLET S. – PERRONE L., Bibliographie, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire → 19. Eusebio di Cesarea [NORRIS F.W.] The Works of Frederick W. Norris (Excluding Reviews), in Re-Reading Gregory of Nazianzus. Essays on History, Theology, and Culture (→ 21.2. Gregorio di Nazianzo), 277-283. RITTER A.M., Carl Andresen (1909-1985) – ein protestantischer Kirchenhistoriker in seiner Zeit, ZAC 16 (2012) 25-40. [Abstract: «The article sketches fundamental lines of the research and the person of Carl Andresen. Born in the north of Schleswig he remained a man between the borders, between Patristics and Christian Archaelogy. This was the basis for his intensive work on the subject “Antiquity and Christianity”, as it can be observed already in his book about Celsus. Finally, the theological importance of Church History was stressed by Andresen. This led him to a high estimation of “Dogmengeschichte”» (p. 40)]. [SCHÄFER P.] List of Publications by Peter Schäfer, in Envisioning Judaism 2 (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale),1357-1369. [L’elenco comprende le pubblicazioni, non numerate, dal 1970 al 2013]. SHEFER I., For Peter Schäfer on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday, in Envisioning Judaism 1, XVII-XXVIII. 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale A Companion to Augustine, ed. by M. VESSEY → 29. Agostino ALEXANDRE M., La culture grecque, servante de la foi. De Philon d’Alexandrie aux Pères grecs, in Les chrétiens et l’hellénisme. Identités religieuses et culture grecque dans l’Antiquité tardive, 31-59.

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[Philon et le statut de la paideia. Tradition philonienne. Clément d’Alexandrie. Origène. Les Cappadociens. Conclusion. – «Ainsi, de texte en texte, une représentation du statut de la paideia s’est construite. Par Ambroise, lecteur de Philon, par Jérôme, traducteur d’Origène, par Augustin, exégète des “dépouilles des Égyptiens”, elle passera au Moyen Âge. À travers la médiation philonienne, cette représentation de la subordination de la paideia prend sa source dans la tradition platonicienne. Mais la mutation religieuse imprimée par Philon à la représentation de la philosophie grecque est essentielle. Avec des variations significatives, arts libéraux et philosophie elle-même, seront ordonnées à la Sagesse, à la vraie Gnose, à l’interprétation des Écritures, à l’éloquence sacrée, plus tard à la Théologie» (p. 59)]. ANDREI O., Ripensare Caesarea Maritima, in Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana, 9-23. [«Si delineano le tematiche ermeneutiche ed i punti di riferimento storico-culturali che possono contribuire ad uno studio della scuola origeniana e della tradizione alessandrina nell’ambito di un particolare contesto locale (Caesarea Maritima, capitale della provincia romana di Giudea-Palestina) e dal punto di vistra delle interazioni e differenziazioni identitarie tra gruppi religiosi, ‘scuole’ ed istituzioni comunitarie» (p. 227)]. L’Apocrifo di Giovanni, a cura di A. CAMPLANI, Adamantius 18 (2012) 59-150. [A. CAMPLANI, Presentation of the theme section, 59-61. C. GIANOTTO, Introduzione: L’Apocrifo di Giovanni, 62-64. U.-K. PLISCH, The Right and the Left Penis. Remarks on Textual Problems in the Apocryphon of John, 65-70. B. BARC, Le mythe gnostique de Seth et de sa race est-il conforme aux Écritures hébraïques?, 71-82. D. TRIPALDI, Dio e gli dèi: tracce di teogonia egiziana nell’Apocrifo di Giovanni, 83-107. J.-D. DUBOIS, La tradition johannique dans l’Apocryphe de Jean, 108-117. Z. PLEŠE, Intertextuality and Conceptual Blending in the Apocryphon of John, 118-135. A. LOGAN, The Apocryphon of John and the Developments of the ‘Classic’ Gnostic Myth, 136-150. – Papers presented at a workshop (Rome, October 3rd, 2011). From the presentation of A. CAMPLANI: «The fundamental idea on the base of which the meeting was gathered was to give the Apocryphon of John (=AJ) its role of text, with its literary elaboration and its intertextual relations. In the past scholarship, more attention was paid to AJ as bearer of a Gnostic myth of great antiquity, whose expression in the textual surface of AJ was to be analyzed in order to reach its oldest layer, close to the very origins of Gnosticism itself. In the last years the leading interest of scholarship looks at AJ as an indipendent and self-sufficient text, with its peculiar theological position and its complicated relationship with other Gnostic texts; moreover, the same category of Gnosticism is subject to intensive debate. The meeting was designed to contribute to this new way to look at the AJ»]. BLAUDEAU PH., Le siège de Rome et l’Orient (448-536). Étude géo-ecclésiologique (Collection de l’École Française de Rome, 460), École Française de Rome, Rome 2012, pp. X+419. [Introduction, 1-11. Ch. I. Documentation: ad fontes Romanas, des sources partisanes, abondantes et stéréotypées?, 13-133. Ch. 2. Rappel des faits: le Siège apostolique à l’épreuve de l’altérité orientale, étapes d’une confrontation très imparfaitement maîtriseée (448-536), 135-153. Ch. 3. Politologie: sedes apostolica et res publica, 155-195. Ch. 4. Ecclésiologie: le principat (principatus) du Siège apostolique, 197-233; Ch. 5. Geo-ecclésialité: un déploiement limité des ambitions romaines, 235-282. Conclusion, 283-293. Annexes, 295-309; Cartes, 310-313; Bibliographie, 315-404; Index, 405-415].

BURINI DE LORENZI C., Panis quotidianus / oJ a[rto" ejpiouvsio" (Mt 6,11; Lc 11,3). Tertulliano e Origene: le due direttrici esegetiche e la loro recezione → 12. Origene (4. Studi) Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana. Multiculturalità, forme di competizione culturale e identità cristiana, a cura di O. ANDREI → 12. Origene (3. Miscellanee e raccolte) Coptic Treasures from the Vatican Library: A Selection of Coptic, Copto-Arabic and Ethiopic Manuscripts. Papers collected on the occasion of the Tenth International Congress of Coptic Studies, ed. P. BUZI – D.V. PROVERBIO (Studi e testi 472), Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Città del Vaticano 2012, pp. 188. [P. BUZI – D.V. PROVERBIO, Foreword, 7-8. Part I. D.V. PROVERBIO, Per una storia del fondo dei Vaticani copti, 11-19. P. BUZI, Stefano Borgia’s Coptic Manuscripts Collection and the “Strange Case” of the Borgiano copto Fund in the Vatican Library, 21-26. T. ORLANDI, La collezione vaticana e la

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Letteratura copta, 27-45. W.-P. FUNK, Coptic Dialects and the Vatican Library, 47-51. A. BAUSI, Ethiopian Manuscripts in the Vatican Library, 53-60. Part II: Selected examples of Coptic and Ethiopian Manuscripts from the Vatican Library (A. SIDARUS, P. BUZI, A. BOUD’HORS, N. BOSSON, S.J. VOICU, D.V. PROVERBIO]. Die Cambridge Origenists. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions → 12. Origene (3. Miscellanee e raccolte) Les chrétiens et l’hellénisme. Identités religieuses et culture grecque dans l’Antiquité tardive, Textes édités par A. PERROT (Études de littérature ancienne, 20), Éditions Rue d’Ulm/Presses de l’École normale supérieure, Paris 2012, pp. 276 (= Les chrétiens et l’hellénisme. Identités religieuses et culture grecque dans l’Antiquité tardive). [A. PERROT, Avant-propos, 7-12. M.-O. BOULNOIS, Les Pères de l’Église et l’hellénisme. Définitions et points de repère, 13-20. G. DORIVAL, Hellénisme et christianisme. Continuité et ruptures, 21-30. M. ALEXANDRE, La culture grecque, servante de la foi. De Philon d’Alexandrie aux Pères grecs, 31-59. O. MUNNICH, La place de l’hellénisme dans l’autodéfinition du christianisme. L’Apologie de Justin, 61- 122. S. MORLET, Les chrétiens et l’histoire. De Luc à Eusèbe de Césarée, 123-148. A. PERROT, Pratiques chrétiennes de silence et philosophie grecque. Le motif de l’adoration silencieuse dans l’argumentation des Pères, 149-159. PH. HOFFMANN, Un grief antichrétien chez Proclus: l’ignorance en théologie, 161-197. G. CASAS, Le néoplatonisme sans platonisme du Pseudo-Denys l’Aréopagite, 199-218. M.-Y. PERRIN, De Harnack à Érasme: aller et retour, 219-240. Bibliographie, 241-266. Index des auteurs anciens et médiévaux, 267-274; Index scripturaire, 275-276]. D’ANNA A.–VALERIANI E., L’ultimo nemico di Dio. Il ruolo dell’Anticristo nel cristianesimo antico e tardoantico (Primi secoli, 8), EDB – Edizioni Dehoniane Bologna, Bologna 2013, pp. 151. [A. D’ANNA A.–E. VALERIANI, Introduzione, 7-13. E. NORELLI, Da dove emerge l’Anticristo? Riesame dell’ ajntivcristo" nelle Lettere di Giovanni, 15-46. J.-D. KAESTLI, Un nuovo apocrifo da aggiungere al dossier dell’Anticristo: la Revelatio Iohannis recentemente scoperta, 47-69; Appendice: [fol. 26v] Apocalisse del beato Giovanni apostolo ed evangelista (a cura di J.-D. KAESTLI, traduzione dal latino all’italiano di E. NORELLI, 71-83. E. VALERIANI, L’artefice di iniquità nell’Apocalisse apocrifa di Giovanni, 85-. A. D’ANNA, Simon Mago Anticristo? Una nota sugli Atti di Pietro, 111-138. Indici, 139- 148. Indice generale, 149-151]. Il De trinitate di Agostino e la sua fortuna nella filosofia medievale. Augustine’s De trinitate and Its Fortune in Medieval Philosophy → 29. Agostino DOERING L., Ancient Jewish Letters and the Beginnings of Christian Epistolography (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, 298), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2012, pp. XIV+600. [Preface, V-VI. Ch. I. Introduction, 1-27. Ch. 2. Ancient Jewish documentary letters, 28-95. Ch. 3. Letters in the Hebrew Bible and the Greek Scriptures, 96-169. Ch. 4. Literary letters in the Dead Sea Scrolls, 170-214. Ch. 5. Letters in the Early Jewish Pseudepigrapha, 215-262. Ch. 6. Letters in Philo of Alexandria and Flavius Josephus, 263-342. Ch. 7. Early rabbinic letters, 343-428. Ch. 9. The Catholic Epistles and other early Christian letters, 429-497. Ch. 10. Conclusions, 498-514. Bibliography, 515- 560. Index of passages, 561-585; Index of modern authors, 586-594; Index of subjects, 595-600]. DÖRNEMANN M., Einer ist Arzt, Christus. Medizinales Verständnis von Erlösung in der Theologie der griechischen Kirchenväter des zweiten bis vierten Jahrhunderts, ZAC 17 (2013) 107-124. [1. Heilung des Menschen als Zentralthema der Religion. 2. Das Christentum als «therapeutische Religion». 3. Einer ist Arzt, Christus. Antiochenische Theologie und ihr medizinales Verständnis von Erlösung. 4. Jesus, der einzige Arzt für Seele und Leib: Alexandrinische Theologie und ihr medizinales Verständnis von Erlösung: 4.1. Clemens von Alexandrien; 4.2. Origenes; 4.3. Eusebius und die Kappadokier. Zusammenfassung. – Abstract: «Most of the soteriological metaphors used by the Greek Church Fathers have their origin in the philosophical traditions, but the content was Christianized. This particularly applies to the term “physician” that is attributed to God and especially to Jesus Christ. This new comprehensive meaning is grounded in the tradition of the Holy Bible and in the life and ministry of Jesus of Nazareth. The Christus medicus-motif focuses on the

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soteriological ministry: by means of Christ and his remedies the human being who has become sick as a result of his sins can be entirely healed, in other words: the human being can once again follow his own initial destiny by being given the ability to lead his life as a creation made in the image of God. Such remedies consist of Jesus’ Christ’s instructions and doctrines as well as of the sacrament of baptism, penance and eucharist. A soul tha thas been healed causes the healing of the entire body. The reception of these remedies has a necessary result: the one who has received them must put them into practice and pass them on to the poor and sick. Such love and devotion are remedies themselves» (p. 102)]. The Early Text of the New Testament, Edited by C.E. HILL and M.J. KRUGER, Oxford UP, Oxford 2012, pp. XIV+483 (= The Early Text of the New Testament). [C.E. HILL–M.J. KRUGER, Introduction: In Search of the Earliest Text of the New Testament, 1-19. I. The textual and scribal culture of Early Christianity: 1. H.Y. GAMBLE, The Book Trade in the Roman Empire, 23-36; 2. S. CHARLESWORTH, Indicators of ‘Catholicity’ in Early Gospel Manuscripts, 37-48; 3. L. HURTADO, Manuscripts and the Sociology of Early Christian Reading, 49-62; 4. M.J. KRUGER, Early Christian Attitudes toward the Reproduction of Texts, 63-80. II. The manuscript tradition: 5. T. WASSERMAN, The early text of Matthew, 83-107; 6. P.M. HEAD, The Early Text of Mark, 108-120; 7. J. HERNÁNDEZ JR., The Early Text of Luke, 121-139; 8. J. CHAPA, The Early Text of John, 140-156; 9. C. TUCKETT, The Early Text of Acts, 157-174; 10. J.R. ROYSE, The Early Text of Acts, 157-203; 11. J.K. ELLIOTT, The Early Text of the Catholic Epistles, 204-224; 12. T. NICKLAS, The Early Text of Revelation, 225-238; 13. P. WILLIAMS, ‘Where Two or Three Are Gathered Together’: The Witness of the Early Versions, 239-258. III. Early Citations and Use of New Testament Writings: 14. C.E. HILL, ‘In These Very Words’: Methods and Standards of Literary Borrowing in the Second Century, 261-281; 15. P. FOSTER, The Text of the New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers, 282-301; 16. D.T. ROTH, Marcion and the Early New Testament Text, 302-312; 17. J. VERHEYDEN, Justin’s Text of the Gospels: Another Look at the Citations in 1Apol. 15.1-8, 313-335; 18. T. BAARDA, Tatian’s Diatessaron and the Greek Text of the Gospels, 336-349; 19. S.E. PORTER, Early Apocryphal Gospels and the New Testament Text, 350- 369; 20. D.J. BINGHAM – B.R. TODD JR., Irenaeus’s Text of the Gospels in Adversus Haereses, 370-392; 21. C.P. COSAERT, Clement of Alexandria’s Gospel Citations, 393-413. Bibliography, 414-450; Index of Biblical Citations, 451-469; Index of Greek Manuscripts, 470-475; Subject Index, 476-483]. Envisioning Judaism. Studies in Honor of Peter Schäfer on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday, edited by R.S. BOUSTAN, K. HERRMANN, R. LEICHT, A.Y. REED, and G. VELTRI, with the collaboration of A. RAMOS, I-II, Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2013, pp. XXXVII+714, XIV+715-1399 (=Envisioning Judaism 1, 2). [Volume I: Acknowledgements, V. Abbreviation List, XV-XVI. I. SHEFER, For Peter Schäfer on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday, XVII-XXVIII. List of contributors, XXIX-XXXIII. Tabula gratulatoria, XXXV-XXXVII. Part I. The History of the Jews in Antiquity: S. SCHWARTZ, Was there a «Common Judaism» after the Destruction?, 3-21; P.A. ALEXANDER, Was the Ninth of Av Observed in the Second Temple Period? Reflections on the Concept of Continuing Exile in Early Judaism, 23-38; D. MENDELS, Can We Read a Historical Text as a Musical Score? A New Approach to Polyphony and Simultaneity in 1 Maccabees, 39-61; T. RAJAK, The Maccabean Martyrs in Jewish Memory: Jerusalem and Antioch, 63-79; D.R. SCHWARTZ, Humbly Second-Rate in the Diaspora? Philo and Stephen on the Tabernacle and the Temple, 81-89; W. ECK, Wie römisch war das caput Iudaeae, die Colonia Prima Flavia Caesariensis?, 91-105; C. HEZSER, Dirt and Garbage in the Ancient Jewish Religious Imagination and in Daily Life, 107-127; J. SCHWARTZ, Jews at the Dice Table: Gambling in Ancient Jewish Society Revisited, 129-145; D. GOODBLATT, Who is the Brother of Jesus? On Tripartite Naming Formulas in Ancient Jewish and Middle Aramaic Inscriptions, 147-165; N. DE LANGE, Reflections on Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity, 167-182. Part II. History and Theology of Rabbinic Judaism: S.D. FRAADE, Moses and Adam as Polyglots, 185-194; A. OPPENHEIMER, Burial Rules and Practice in the Tannaitic Period, 195-204; G.E. GARDNER, Cornering Poverty: Mishnah Pe’ah, Tosefta Pe’ah, and the Re-Imagination of Society in Late Antiquity, 205-216; D. KRAEMER, Adornment and Gender in Rabbinic Judaism, 217-234; L.I. LEVINE, The Emergence of the Patriarchate in the Third Century, 235-264; M.R. NIEHOFF, Biographical Sketches in Genesis Rabbah, 265-286; M. VIDAS, Greek Wisdom in Babylonia, 287-305;

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R. REICHMAN, Aspects of Judicial and Legislative Decision-Making in the Talmudic Legal Discourse, 307-317; H.M. ZELLENTIN, Jerusalem Fell after Betar: The Christian Josephus and Rabbinic Memory, 319-367; R.S. BOUSTAN, The Contested Reception of The Story of the Ten Martyrs in Medieval Midrash, 369-393; M. JACOBS, The Sacred Text as a Mental Map: Biblical and Rabbinic «Place» in Medieval Jewish Travel Writing, 395-417. Part III. Tradition and Redaction in Rabbinic Literature: G. REEG, The First Chapter of Berakhot: A Compendium of Mishnaic Essentials, 421-439; H. LAPIN, Towards a Digital Critical Edition of the Mishnah, 441-464; G. STEMBERGER, Mekhilta de-R. Yishmael: Some Aspects of its Redaction, 465-474; J. HAUPTMANN, A Synchronic and Diachronic Reading of Mishnah Shabbat 2:6: On the Topic of Why Women Die in Childbirth, 475-486; L. MOSCOVITZ, Shemu‘ata Kan: Towards the Resolution of a Terminological Crux in the Talmud Yerushalmi, 487-499; R. KALMIN, Targum in the Babylonian Talmud, 501-525. Part IV. Hekhalot and Magical Studies: M.D. SWARTZ, Three-Dimensional Philology: Some Implications of the Synopse zur Hekhalot- Literatur, 529-550; A. KUYT, Visions in Hekhalot-Literature: Reflections on Terminology, 551-562; M. MEERSON, Physiognomy and Somatomancy: The Ways that Never Crossed, 563-585; Y. SHAVIT, «He was Thoth in Everything»: Why and When King Solomon Became Both Magister omnium physicorum and Master of Magic, 587-606; G. BOHAK–M. GELLER, Babylonian Astrology in the Cairo Genizah, 607-622; D.M. SALZER, How to Use the Hebrew Bible to Harm Your Neighbor: The Use of Biblical Quotations in Curse Texts Found in the Cairo Genizah, 623-635; G. BOHAK–K. HERRMANN, Tefillah Rav Hamnuna Sava: Genizah Fragments and Medieval Manuscripts, 637-655; U. HIRSCHFELDER, Torat ha-Mashiah in the Context of Apocalyptic Traditions in Ashkenazi Hekhalot Manuscripts, 657- 684; B. REBIGER, Non-European Traditions of Hekhalot Literature: The Yemenite Evidence, 685-713. Volume 2: Part V. Paths to the Divine: G. VELTRI, Do/Did the Jews Believe in God? The Skeptical Ambivalence of Jewish Philosophy of Religion, 717-732; W. HORBURY, Benjamin the Mystic (Ps 67:28 LXX), 733-749; E. IRICINSCHI, Interroga Matricem Mulieris: The Secret Life of the Womb in 4 Ezra and Sethian Cosmology, 751-770; M. HIMMELFARB, The Messiah Son of Joseph in Ancient Judaism, 771- 790; R. ENSKAT, Demiurg, Saviour, or...? Philosophical Remarks on Platonic Alternatives to Gnostic Conceptions of God and Piety, 791-797; E. PAGELS, How Athanasius, Subject to Christian Emperors, Read John’s Apocalypse into His Canon, 799-808; C. FRAENKEL, Philo of Alexandria, Hasdai Crescas, and Spinoza on God’s Body, 809-819; J. DAN, Conflicting Views of the Origins of Evil in Thirteenth- Century Kabbalah, 821-835; G. NECKER, The Female Messiah: Gender Perspectives in Kabbalistic Eschatology and Christian Soteriology, 837-856. Part VI. The Birth of Judaism from the Spirit of Christianity?: A.Y. REED, When Did Rabbis become Pharisees? Reflections on Christian Evidence for Post-70 Judaism, 859-895; A.H. BECKER, Polishing the Mirror: Some Thoughts on Syriac Sources and Early Judaism, 897-915; A. YADIN-ISRAEL, Qabbalah, Deuterôsis, and Semantic Incommensurability: A Preliminary Study, 917-939; D. BOYARIN, The Talmud in Jesus: How Much Jewishness in Mark’s Christ?, 941-964; S.J.D. COHEN, Antipodal Texts: B. Eruvin 21b-22a and Mark 7:1-23 on the Traditions of the Elders and the Commandment of God, 965-983; T. ILAN, Jesus and Joshua ben Perahiah: A Jewish- Christian Dialogue on Magic in Babylonia, 985-995; J.G. GAGER – M. AHUVIA, Some Notes on Jesus and his Parents: From the New Testament to the Toledot Yeshu, 997-1019; S. KATTAN GRIBETZ, Jesus and the Clay Birds: Reading Toledot Yeshu in Light of the Infancy Gospels, 1021-1048; E.R. WOLFSON, Patriarchy and the Motherhood of God in Zoharic Kabbalah and Meister Eckhart, 1049-1088. Part VII. Jews and Christians in the Middle Ages and Beyond: M. FISHBANE, Polysystem and Piyyut: The Poetics of a Yotzer by R. Meshullam b. Qalonymos, 1091-1120; H. LISS, «Like a Camel Carrying Silk»: Initial Considerations on the Use of the Masorah in Medieval Hebrew Commentaries, 1121-1137; A. LEHNARDT– M. QADMONIM, A Newly Discovered Ashkenazic Binding Fragment of an Unknown Maqama from the Cathedral Library of Freising, Germany, 1139-1164; Y. DWECK, A Hebrew Book List by Leon Modena, 1165-1204; P. KUHN, Steinchen, Gras und Erdenstaub. Ursprung und Bedeutung jüdischer Friedhofsbräuche, 1205-1227; M.B. LEHMANN, Rabbinic Emissaries from Palestine and the Making of a Modern Jewish Diaspora. A Philanthropic Network in the Eighteenth Century, 1229-1246; W.C. JORDAN, Learning about Jews in the Classroom. A Thirteenth-Century Witness, UCLA Library, Rouse MS 17, 1247-1260; D. STERN, Ehrard von Pappenheim. A Portrait of a Hitherto Unstudied Early Christian Hebraist, 1261-1284; R. LEICHT, Johannes Reuchlin’s Lost Polemical Manuscript and the

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Archetype of the Nizzahon Vetus. A Reconstruction, 1285-1308; W. SCHMIDT-BIGGEMANN, Eine Wiedergeburt des Judentums aus dem Geist des Christentums. Schellings und Rosenzweigs spekulative Philologie der Unverfügbarkeit, 1309-1335; S.C. REIF, Has More than a Century of Genizah Research Adjusted Jewish Notions of Scholarship, History, and Identity? Some Reflections and Speculations, 1335- 1355. List of Publications by Peter Schäfer, 1357-1369. Index of Selected Ancient Sources, 1371-1396; Index of Selected Modern Authors, 1397-1399]. Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, T. I: Études d’introduction, sous la direction de S. MORLET-L. PERRONE → 19. Eusebio di Cesarea Filiación. Cultura pagana, religión de Israel, orígenes del cristianismo. Volumen IV. Actas de las VII y VIII Jornadas de Estudio «La filiación en los inicios de la reflexión cristiana», Instituto de Filología San Justino, Madrid, 16, 17 y 18 de noviembre de 2009, 15 y 16 de noviembre de 2010, ed. P. DE NAVASCUÉS BENLLOCH, M. CRESPO LOSADA, A. SÁEZ GUTIÉRREZ, Editorial Trotta-Fundación San Justino, Madrid 2012, pp. 334. [Cultura pagana. V. CRISTÓBAL, Padres, madres e hijos en el universo heroico de la Eneida, 17-34. V. CRISTÓBAL, El misterioso puer de la écloga IV de Virgilio, 35-58. M.C. ÁLVAREZ – R.M. IGLESIAS, Modelos de madres en las Metamorfosis de Ovidio, 59-83. V. BOUDON-MILLOT, Por qué los hijos se parecen a sus padres: la teoría de la generación y de la filiación en Galeno, 85-99. A. RESCIGNO, Alejandro de Afrodisia y la generación del universo, 101-121. Religión de Israel. H.-J. FABRY, Filiación y sacerdocio en el Antiguo Testamento, 125-147. Orígenes del cristianismo. B. POUDERON, La filiación en Atenágoras, 151-169. A. SÁEZ GUTIÉRREZ, La filiación en la Oratio ad Graecos de Taciano, 171-205. E. NORELLI, La filiación en la Epistula apostolorum, 207-234. P. DE NAVASCUÉS BENLLOCH, Cristo Padre en la literatura martirial, 235-255. M. AROZTEGUI ESNAOLA, Eucaristía y filiación en las teologías de los siglos II y III, 257-289. A. MASTROCINQUE, La generación de los dioses según diversas doctrinas y rituales gnósticos, 291-300. M. CECCHELLI, Filiación divina: reflexiones sobre el repertorio iconográfico cristiano preniceno, 301-312 + 29 fig.]. From Old Cairo to the New World. Coptic Studies Presented to Gawdat Gabra on the Occasion of his Sixty- Fifth Birthday, edited by Y.N. YOUSSEF and S. MOAWAD (Colloquia Antiqua, 9), Peeters, Leuven-Paris- Walpole/MA 2013, pp. XX+228, ill. (= From Old Cairo to the New World). [G.R. TSETSKHLADZE, Preface, VII; Y.N. YOUSSEF–S. MOAWAD, Preface, IX; Tabula gratulatoria, XI; List of Gawdat Gabra’s Publications, XIII-XVI; List of abbreviations, XVII; List of illustrations, XIX-XX. Ch. 1. M. KRAUSE, Laudatio, 1-4; Ch. 2. M.R.B. AWAD, Ein unpublizierter koptischer Hymnus über die drei Männer im Feuerofen in der Pariser Hs. 68 im Vergleich zu einer entsprechenden Passage in der koptischen Jahres-Psalmodie, 5-14; Ch. 3. D. BÉNAZETH, Le cavalier qui avait traversé la mer. Note sur une sculpture de Baouit au Musée Copte du Caire et au Musée du Louvre, 15-28; Ch. 4. A. BOUD’HORS, Nouveau fragment copte sahidique de l’évangile de Marc (Mc 9:15-23), 29-39; Ch. 5. J.- L. BOVOT, Lorsque les serviteurs funéraires s’approprient le dieu d’Edfou, 41-58; Ch. 6. S.J. DAVIS, The Category of Memory in Recent Scholarship on the Desert Fathers, 59-76; Ch. 7. M. VON FALCK – A. EFFLAND, Ein Torbau der 3. Zwischenzeit in Edfu, 77-96; Ch. 8. M. KUPELIAN, On the Four Apocalyptic Creatures in Coptic Art, 97-109; Ch. 9. M. MALEVEZ, Le régime alimentaire des moines errants de l’Antiquité tardive, 111-123; Ch. 10. S. MOAWAD, Liturgische Hinweise in koptischen literarischen Werken, 125-145; Ch. 11. S.G. RICHTER, Das koptische Neue Testament in der Editio Critica Maior, 147-156; Ch. 12. M. SWANSON, The Saint and the Muslim Copts: Episodes from the Life of Abba Mark of the Monastery of St Antony (1296-1386), 157-171; Ch. 13. J. VAN DER VLIET, Christus Imperat: An Ignored Coptic Dating Formula, 173-184; Ch. 14. W. AWAD–E. LUCCHESI, Les deux lettres dogmatiques du pape copte Matthieu IV, 185-201; Ch. 15. Y.N. YOUSSEF, A New Document Concerning the Myron, 203-217. List of contributors, 219-220; General Index, 221-225; Index of Biblical Citations and Quotations, 227]. GROSSO M., Detti segreti. Il Vangelo di Tommaso nell’antichità (Multa paucis, 13), Bonanno, Acireale–Roma 2012, pp. 324. [1. Voci nuove e antiche intorno al Vangelo secondo Tommaso: 1.1. Tra Nag Hammadi e Claremont: orientamenti della critica, 11-23; 1.2. Da tentativo a vangelo manicheo: le testimonianze antiche, 23-34. 2. Per una storia della ricezione del Vangelo secondo Tommaso: 2.2. Storia degli effetti e storia della

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ricezione, 35-41; 2.2. Il Vangelo secondo Tommaso come oggetto di ricezione letteraria, 41-55. 3. «Tramandano testualmente dal Vangelo secondo Tommaso»: lo Pseudo-Ippolito e i Naasseni: 3.1. La «notizia sui Naasseni», 57-63; 3.2. La «notizia» e il Vangelo secondo Tommaso, 63-65; 3.3. I testi, 65-108. 4. «Taccio per ora su quella parabola del Vangelo...»: Clemente Alessandrino: 4.1. Clemente e le parole di Gesù trasmesse al di fuori dei quattro vangeli, 109-115; 4.2. I testi, 115-144; 4.3. Osservazioni conclusive, 144. 5. «Quasi Salvatore dicente»: Origene: 5.1. Origene e il Vangelo secondo Tommaso, 145- 148; 5.2. I testi, 148-178; 5.3. Osservazioni conclusive, 178-179. 6. «Un intelletto celeste nell’uomo interiore»: lo Pseudo-Macario: 6.1. Il corpus pseudomacariano, 181-186; 6.2. Il Vangelo secondo Tommaso e lo Pseudo-Macario, 186-191: 6.3. I testi, 191-242; 6.4. Osservazioni conclusive, 242-243. 7. «Pestifera verba ex venenoso fonte»: la versione di Agostino: 7.1. Un rapporto controverso, 245-254; 7.2. I testi, 254-267; 7.3. Osservazioni conclusive, 267. 8. Conclusioni, 269-272. Appendice I: Le attestazioni del titolo, 273-281; Appendice II: tabella dei paralleli, 283-298. Bibliografia generale, 299- 324]. Histoire de la littérature grecque chrétienne: De Paul apôtre à Irénée de Lyon, sous la responsabilité de B. POUDERON et E. NORELLI (Initiation aux Pères de l’Église), Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2013, pp. 1012. [Avant-propos, 17-19. Introduction: Le christianisme aux Ier et IIe siècles: du groupe des disciples à l’Église constituée (X. LEVIEILS), 23-58. Première partie. Les héritages juifs: La réception de la Septante (G. DORIVAL), 61-90; Héritages juifs dans la première littérature chrétienne (M. ALEXANDRE), 91-261. Deuxième partie. Les écrits fondateurs du christianisme: Les formes prélittéraires, ou l’Évangile avant l’Écriture (M. GOURGUES), 265-282; Les lettres de Paul et la tradition paulinienne (R. PENNA), 283-305; Les évangiles synoptiques et les Actes des apôtres (M. QUESNEL), 307-330; La littérature johannique (J. ZUMSTEIN), 331-344. Troisième partie. Prolongements et diversifications des premiers écrits chrétiens: les écrits sur Jésus et ses disciples: Les premières Apocalypses chrétiennes (T. NICKAS), 347-370; Les évangiles dits apocryphes (S.C. MIMOUNI, T. NICKLAS, R. BEYERS), 371-411; Les traités pesudo-épistolaires (S.C. MIMOUNI, PH. BOBICHON), 413-454; Les premiers écrits sur les apôtres (J.-M. PRIEUR), 455-485; Les dialogues de révélation (J.-D. DUBOIS), 487-497. Quatrième partie. Discipline ecclésiastique et pastorale: vers des écritures normatives: Les ouvrages de discipline ecclésiastique et de morale (W. RORDORF, B. POUDERON), 501-513; Lettre d’Églises et d’évêques (E. VALERIANI), 515-531; Premières homélies chrétiennes (J. REYNARD), 533-552; Problèmes de tradition et d’autorité (M.C. PENNACCHIO), 553-568; Les oracles montanistes (M.C. PENNACCHIO), 569-577. Cinquième partie. Aux sources de la poésie et de l’hagiographie chrétiennes: La premières poésie chrétienne: Ier-IIIe siècle (T. NICKLAS), 581-590; Les «Oracles sibyllins» (J.-M. ROESSLI), 591-618; La plus ancienne littérature martyriale (PH. BOBICHON), 619-647. Sixième partie. Les écrits apologétiques (B. POUDERON), 651-759. Septième partie. L’essor de la théologie; premières hérésies: La redécouverte des gnostiques antiques (J.-D. DUBOIS), 763-809; Marcion (E. NORELLI), 811-837; Naissance de la littérature anti-hérétique (J.-D. DUBOIS), 839-845. Huitième partie. Iréné de Lyon, ou l’invention de la théologie: Le théologien et son œuvre (Y.- M. BLANCHARD), 849-887; Le texte d’Irénée, ses sources, son vocabulaire (J. LEAL), 889-912. En guise de conclusion (E. NORELLI), 915-991. Bibliographie, 989-997. Index des auteurs et des textes cités, 993-. Les auteurs, 999-1002. Table des matières, 1003-1012]. Homer and the Bible in the Eyes of Ancient Interpreters, edited by Maren R. NIEHOFF (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture, 16), Brill, Leiden – Boston 2012, pp. X+372 (= Homer and the Bible in the Eyes of Ancient Interpreters). [Contributors, VII-X. Setting the stage: M.R. NIEHOFF, Why Compare Homer’s Readers to Biblical Readers?, 3-14; M. FINKELBERG, Canonising and Decanonising Homer: Reception of the Homeric Poems in Antiquity and Modernity, 15-28; G.G. STROUMSA, Scripture and Paideia in Late Antiquity, 29-41; F. PONTANI, ‘Only God Knows the Correct Reading’: The Role of Homer, the Quran and the Bible in the Rise of Philology and Grammar, 43-83. Greek-Speaking Interpreters: F. SCHIRONI, The Ambiguity of Signs: Critical shmei'a from Zenodotus to Origen, 87-112; R. NÜNLIST, Topos didaskalikos and anaphora – Two Interrelated Principles in Aristarchus’ Commentaries, 113-126; M.R. NIEHOFF, Philo and Plutarch on Homer, 127-153; K. BERTHELOT, Philo and the Allegorical Interpretation of Homer in

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the Platonic Tradition (with an Emphasis on Porphyry’s De antro nympharum, 155-174; S. WEISSER, The Dispute on Homer: Exegetical Polemic in Galen’s Criticism of Chrysippus, 175-197; C. ASLANOV, Homer with the Bible: Homerisms in the Graecus Venetus, 199-218. Hebraic or Aramaic Speaking Interpreters: G. DARSHAN, The Twenty-Four Books of the Hebrew Bible and Alexandrian Scribal Methods, 221-244; Y. MOSS, Noblest Obelus: Rabbinic Appropriations of Late Ancient Literary Criticism, 245-267; Y. PAZ, Re-Scripturizing Traditions: Designating Dependence in Rabbinic Halakhic Midrashim and Homeric Scholarship, 269-298; Y. F URSTENBERG, The Agon with Moses and Homer: Rabbinic Midrash and the Second Sophistic, 299-328; I. ROSEN-ZVI, Midrash and Hermeneutic Reflectivity: Kishmu’o As a Test Case, 329-344; J. LEVINSON, From Narrative Practise to Cultural Poetics: Literary Anthropology and the Rabbinic Sense of Self, 345-367. Index, 369-372]. JACOBS A.S., Christ Circumcised. A Study in Early Christian History and Difference (Divinations: Reading Late Ancient Religion), University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 2012, pp. XI+314. [Preface, IX-XI. Introduction: Splitting the difference, 1-14. 1. Circumcision and the cultural economy of difference, 15-40. 2. (De-Judaizing Christ’s circumcision: the dialogue of difference, 41- 71. 3. Heresy, theology, and the divine circumcision, 72-99. 4. Dubious differences: Epiphanius on the Jewish Christians, 100-118. 5. Scriptural distinctions: reading between the lines, 119-145. 6. «Let us be circumcised»: ritual differences, 146-177. Conclusion, 179-189. Notes, 191-267. Bibliography, 269- 308. Index, 309-311]. JEANMART G., Le mensonge et les vertus de la vérité. Une histoire → 29. Agostino Lessico, argomentazioni e strutture retoriche nella polemica di età cristiana (III-V sec.), a cura di A. CAPONE (Recherches sur les rhétoriques religieuses, 16), Brepols, Turnhout 2012, pp. IX+452 (= Lessico, argomentazioni e strutture retoriche nella polemica di età cristiana). [G. FREYBURGER–L. PERNOT, Préface, V. Introduzione, VII-IX. I Parte. Temi e aspetti della polemica religiosa: G. RINALDI, Contumeliae communes. Circolazione di testi e argomenti nelle controversie religiose di età romana imperiale, 3-66; M. VERONESE, “Tacere ultra non oportet”. Aspetti della polemica anticristiana nell’Ad Demetrianum, 67-85; D. MICALELLA, La polemica di Giuliano contro i Cinici, 87-99; A. CATALDO, Gal 2, 11-14 in the Two Antagonists of Macarius Magnes’ Apokritikos, 101-115; V. NOVEMBRI, La polémique contre les médecins et la médecine des païens dans l’hagiographie chrétienne: le dossier des saints Côme et Damien, 117-135; I. AULISA, La polémique entre juifs et chrétiens dans les textes hagiographiques du haut moyen âge, 137-172. II Parte. Lessico e strutture retoriche del discorso polemico: O. VOX, Das Plagiat als polemisches Motiv und die Refutatio omnium haeresium, 175-188; P. SANTORELLI, Un dio da distruggere: modalità del discorso polemico in Arnobio, 189-214; L. FERRERES, Texto y tradición textual en el De laude martyrii, 215-222; I. TRABACE, Dalla polemica all’omelia: tradizione origeniana e radici bibliche nell’Omelia sul salmo 29 di Basilio di Cesarea, 223-240; V. UGENTI, Justin et la Bible: lexique et stratégies interprétatives, 241-251; A. CAPONE, The Narrative Sections of Macarius Magnes’ Apocriticus, 253-270; A. FILIPPO, Le clausole metriche nel terzo libro dell’Apocritico di Macario di Magnesia, 271-330; V. ZANGHI, The ‘Polemic Lexicon’ in Some Hagiographical Episodes of Late Antiquity. The Dialogue between the Saint and the Devil, 331-353. III Parte. Religione e retorica: sviluppi successivi: S. TUZZO, L’esaltazione della castità delle vergini cristiane nei drammi di Rosvita (Dulcitius e Pafnutius), 357-373; L. RIZZO, The Debate on Human Will in Erasmus of Rotterdam and Luther, 375-391. Conclusioni, 393-400. Bibliografia, 401-434. Indice, 435-449]. Le donne nello sguardo degli antichi autori cristiani. L’uso dei testi biblici nella costruzione dei modelli femminili e la riflessione teologica dal I al VII secolo, K.E. BØRRESEN – E. PRINZIVALLI (La Bibbia e le donne. Collana di Esegesi, Cultura e Storia 4), Il pozzo di Giacobbe, Trapani 2013, pp. 299. [G. ARAGIONE, La ricezione della Scrittura nei discorsi sulle donne nei secoli I-II, 13-60. M. SCOPELLO, L’apporto della Bibbia alla costruzione letteraria del personaggio femminile dell’anima in un trattato di Nag Hammadi, 61-75. E.PRINZIVALLI, La donna, il femminile e la Scrittura nella tradizione origeniana, 77-96. J. BØRTNES, Sorelle nella verginità: Gorgonia e Macrina commemorate dai loro fratelli, 97-115. S. ASHBROOK HARVEY, Le donne bibliche nella tradizione siriaca, 117-136. P.F. MORETTI, La Bibbia e il discorso dei Padri latini. Da Tertulliano a Girolamo, 137-173. C. MORANO RODRIGUEZ, Cambiamenti sociali ed evoluzione dell’immagine della donna nel cristianesimo primitivo. Approccio filologico alle

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traduzioni bibliche latine e alla relativa esegesi, 175-189. K.E. BØRRESEN, Modelli di genere in Agostino, 191- 207. C. MILITELLO, Giovanni Crisostomo ad Olimpia. L’uso della Scrittura nelle lettere dall’esilio, 209-240. S. BOESCH GAJANO, Gregorio Magno, le donne, la Bibbia: realtà ed esegesi, pp. 241-261]. Lire les Pères de l’Église entre la Renaissance et la Réforme. Six contributions éditées par A. VILLANI, avec une préface de B. POUDERON (Collection Christophe Plantin, 2), Beauchesne, Paris 2013, pp. 175 (= Lire les Pères de l’Église entre la Renaissance et la Réforme). [B. POUDERON, Préface, 7-11. A. VILLANI, Introduction, 13-19. A. VILLANI, Cristoforo Persona et la première traduction en latin du Contre Celse d’Origène, 21-54. E. FIORI, La perte de l’ordre sacramentel et le centre du monde. Un point crucial de la réception de Denys l’Aréopagite chez Marsile Ficin, 55-67. M. RIBREAU, Luther lecteur du Contra Iulianum d’Augustin. Du Commentaire de l’Épître aux Romains au traité Du serf arbitre, 69-96. L. BOSSINA, Tradurre un titolo. Nilo di Ancira e il suo Discorso ascetico fra Cinque e Seicento, 97-122. B. VILLANI, Trois traducteurs du De adoratione de Cyrille d’Alexandrie au XVIe siècle: Jean Œcolampade, Bonaventure Vulcanius et Antonio Agelli, 123-148. M. CASSIN, Le discours Sur la divinité du Fils et de l’Esprit de Grégoire de Nysse. Intérêt littéraire et controverses religieuses, 149-173. Les auteurs, 175]. MARKSCHIES C., Hellenisierung des Christentums. Sinn und Unsinn einer historischen Deutungskategorie (Forum Theologische Literaturzeitung, 25), Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, Leipzig 2012, pp. 141. [Vorbemerkung, 5-12. Einführung, 15-32. I. Die Geschichte des Begriffs «Hellenisierung» von den Anfängen bis ins lange 19. Jahrhundert, 33-61. II. Die Geschichte der Anwendung des Begriffs «Hellenisierung» im 20. Jahrhundert, 63-97. III. «Hellenisierung» als Bezeichnung für Transformationsprozesse des antiken Christentums?, 99-125. Literaturverzeichnis, 127-141]. Monachismes d’Orient. Images, échanges, influences. Hommage à Antoine Guillaumont, sous la direction de F. JULLIEN et M.-J. PIERRE (Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études. Sciences Religieuses, 148), Brepols, Turnhout 2011, pp. 340 (= Monachismes d’Orient. Images, échanges, influences). [Avant-propos, 7-11. F. JULLIEN, Bibliographie d’Antoine Guillaumont, 13-26. Première partie: transmission et élaboration de la culture monastique. P. GEHIN, D’Égypte en Mésopotamie : la réception d’Évagre le Pontique dans les communautés syriaques, 29-49. J.-P. MAHE, Les pères syriens et les origines du monachisme géorgien d’après le nouveau manuscrit sinaïtique, 51-64. M-J. PIERRE, Raïthou, Pharan, la sainte montagne et les trois Moïse. Éléments d’histoire monastique à l’époque de Jean Climaque, 65-122. P. GIGNOUX, Réflexions sur l’hagiographie et le multilinguisme des chrétiens syro- orientaux, 123-132. G. LUSINI, Le monachisme en Éthiopie. Esquisse d’une histoire, 133-147. Deuxième partie: le moine et ses représentations. F. JULLIEN, Types et topiques de l’Égypte: réinterpréter les modèles aux VIe-VIIe siècles, 151-163. B. HEYBERGER, Monachisme oriental, catholicisme et érudition (XVIIe-XXe siècles), 165-183. M. TARDIEU, Mor Gabriel (Tūr ‘Abdīn) vu par Cāno, 185-203. B. VOILE, Note sur la représentation du moine dans le renouveau monastique copte contemporain (1950-1970). Tradition et reconstruction?, 205-214. Troisième partie: les formes de la vie monastique. A. BOUD’HORS, Aspects du monachisme égyptien: les figures comparées de Chénouté et Frangé, 217-225. U. ZANETTI, Le dossier d’Abraham et Georges, moines de Scété, 227-237. C. CREMONESI, The Meaning of Illness: Metamorphoses of Wounds from Symeon the Elder to Symeon the Younger, 239-252. S.M. SALIBA, Pourquoi les monastères maronites doubles du Liban ont-ils si longtemps perduré? 253-266. La recherche archéologique. M. RASSART-DEBERGH, Bilan des fouilles au désert des cellules, les Kellia, 269-289. J-F. SALLES, Chronologies du monachisme dans le golfe Arabo-Persique, 291-312. Quatrième partie. Les monachismes non chrétiens. J.-N. ROBERT, Une source des paradoxes du monachisme bouddhique japonais: le moine dans le Sûtra du Lotus, 315-325. J.-D. DUBOIS, Y a-t-il eu des moines manichéens dans le site de Kellis?, 327-337. Table des matières, 339-340]. MORLET S., Les chrétiens et l’histoire. De Luc à Eusèbe de Césarée, in Les chrétiens et l’hellénisme. Identités religieuses et culture grecque dans l’Antiquité tardive, 123-148. [Historiographie juive, historiographie grecque. Le regard des premiers chrétiens sur l’histoire grecque. Les Actes des apôtres: le genre introuvable. L’Histoire ecclésiastique: une histoire «à la grecque»? Conclusion. – «Le sujet même de cette première historiographie chrétienne, inconnu, et pour cause, de l’historiographie grecque, devait nécessairement conduire les historiens chrétiens à une imitation

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très limitée des modèles grecs. Par ailleurs, l’historiographie chrétienne revêt jusqu’à Eusèbe une dimension théologique et apologétique très importante. Elle suppose l’intervention constante de Dieu dans l’histoire, là où l’historiographie grecque s’efforce de ne pas faire intervenir les dieux, et elle est inséparable d’une tentative pour définir une identité religieuse, à une époque où cette identité faisait l’objet de débats à l’intérieur même de la communauté chrétienne» (p. 148)]. MUEHLBERGER E., Angels in Late Ancient Christianity, Oxford UP, Oxford 2013, pp. XI+279. [Introduction, 1-28. 1. Late ancient theories of angels: Evagrius of Pontus and Augustine of Hippo compared, 29-57. 2. Locating Christ in Scripture: angels in the development of theological reading, 58-88. 3. Angels as equipment for living: the companion angel tradition in Evagrian Christianity, 89- 118. 4. Crossing over: the companion angel tradition in exemplary lives, 119-147. 5. Defining others: asceticism and the discourse of the angelic life, 148-175. 6. Bringing angels into the world: catechesis and the Christian imagination, 176-202. Conclusion: the limits of angelology, 203-214. Notes, 215- 256. Bibliography, 257-272. Index, 273-279]. Papyrologie und Exegese. Die Auslegung des Neuen Testaments im Licht der Papyri, Heraugegeben von J. HERZER (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament. 2. Reihe, 341), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2012, pp. XXIII+237 (= Papyrologie und Exegese. Die Auslegung des Neuen Testaments im Licht der Papyri). [Vorwort und Einführung, V-; Abkürzungsverzeichnis, XV-. L.W. HURTADO, The Early New Testament Papyri: A Survey of Their Significance, 1-18. J. HENGSTL, Rechtsterminologie in den griechischen Papyri und ihre Bedeutung für die Interpretation neutestamentlicher Texte, 19-45. R. SCHOLL – M. HOMANN, Antike Briefkultur unter Familienmitgliedern, 47-126. P. ARZT-GRABNER, Die Stellung des Judentums in neutestamentlicher Zeit anhand der Politeuma-Papyri und anderer Texte, 127-158. K.-H. OSTMEYER, Politeuma im Neuen Testament und die Politeuma-Papyri von Herakleopolis, 159-171. R. MAZZA, The Papyrological Commentary of the Gospel of Mark: Themes, Issues, and Some Results of a Work in Progress, 173-193. M. MEISER, Heilungsvollzüge und ihre Beschreibung in frühjüdischer Literatur und im Markusevangelium, 195-216. Autorenverzeichnis, 217-218. Stellenregister, 219-231; Sach- und Personenregister, 232-235; Register griechischer Begriffe, 236-237]. Re-Reading Gregory of Nazianzus. Essays on History, Theology, and Culture → 21.2. Gregorio di Nazianzo RINALDI G., Contumeliae communes. Circolazione di testi e argomenti nelle controversie religiose di età romana imperiale, in Lessico, argomentazioni e strutture retoriche nella polemica di età cristiana, 3-66. [1. I costi degli specialismi. 2. Occasioni, luoghi e modelli di dialogo. 3. Incidenze pagane sull’esegesi biblica patristica. 4. Ai giudei come poi ai cristiani. 5. Tra gnostici e pagani. 6. Tra marcioniti e pagani. 7. Le quaestiones: dal dialogo vivo al topos scolastico. 8. Persistenze oltre il limes. 9. Osservazioni finali. – Abstract: «The research assumes that the dialogue / confrontation between different religious groups in the Roman Empire was much closer than it appears at first evaluation; the surviving forces, in fact, offer one particular view. It follows that the study of religious history of the period cannot be limited to that of a single component. We examine the influence of arguments by pagan intellectuals against biblical exegesis and Christian writers. Moreover allegations made against the Jews recur later on also against the Christians. Among the Gnostics, Marcionites and pagans we find sharing issues. The patristic literature of the Quaestiones et responsiones offers controversial topics that have to do with pagans or heretical areas» (p. 66). Numerosi riferimenti a Origene e Eusebio di Cesarea]. – Pagani e cristiani a Cesarea Marittima, in Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana, 25-94. [1. Una premessa. 2. Cesarea e Roma: 2.1. L’età ellenistica; 2.2. Cesarea erodiana; 2.3. L’organizzazione romana; 2.4. La Cesarea di Erode Agrippa I; 2.5. La seconda organizzazione romana. 3. Il Bellum Iudaicum e l’avvento dei Flavi. 4. Il II secolo. 5. L’età dei Severi: 5.1. Da Settimio ad Alessandro Severo; 5.2. Da Massimino il Trace a Decio; 5.3. L’età di Valeriano e Zenobia. 6. La scuola di Bar Qappara. 7. Origene, la sua presenza, la sua scuola: 7.1. La Cesarea di Origene; 7.2 Un teatro di scontri; 7.3. Il potere di Roma; 7.4. Il confronto con i giudei; 7.5. Le denominazioni cristiane; 7.6. La paideia classica. 8. Un confronto. 9. La tetrarchia. 10. A mo’ di conclusione. – Abstract: «An investigation about the relationships among the religious denominations in the city of Caesarea

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Maritima during the Roman Empire. Particular attention is paid to the presence of the representatives of the Roman government, to the dialogue/conflict among the different Christian bodies. To study the religious aspects of the city of Caesarea is prominent the utilization of the archaeological evidence. Caesarea offers a good pattern of religious interactions and polemics through which the Christian identity has been built»]. The History of Byzantine and Eastern Canon Law to 1500, ed. W. HARTMANN – K. PENNINGTON (History of Medieval canon Law), The Catholic University of America Press, Washington 2012, pp. XVI+356. [S. WESSEL, The Formation of Ecclesiastical Law in the Early Church, 1-23. H. OHME, Sources of the Greek Canon Law to the Quinisext Council (691/2): Councils and Church Fathers, 24-114 (Introduction: the Organization of the Material and the Most Important Editions, 24. The Canons of the Apostles, 28. The Synod of Nicaea (325), 34. The Synod of Ancyra (314), 39. The Synod of Neocaesarea (between 315 and 319), 41. The Synod of Gangra (ca. 340-342), 42. The Synod of Antioch (ca. 330), 44. The Synod of Laodicea (before 380), 47. The Synod of Constantinople (381), 49. The Synod of Ephesus (431), 53. The Synod of Chalcedon, 57. The Synod of Serdica (343), 66. The Synod of Carthage (419), 74. The Synod of Constantinople (394), 75. The Synod of Constantinople (691/2) (Quinisext Council), 77. The Canons of the Fathers, 84. Origin and Content, 84. Dionysius of Alexandria (†264-265), 89. Peter of Alexandria (†311), 90. Gregory Thaumaturgus (Wonderworker) )[210]-[270]), 93. Athanasius of Alexandria ([295]-373), 94. Basil the Great (330-79), 97. Gregory of Nyssa (3317340-[395]), 103. Gregory of Nazianzus (†390), 105. Amphilochius of Iconium (340-45; 394- 403), 106. Timothy of Alexandria (†385), 107. Theophilus of Alexandria ([345]-412), 108. Cyril of Alexandria ([380]-444), 109. Gennadius of Constantinople ([400]-471), 111. Cyprian of Carthage (†258), 112). S. TROIANOS, Byzantine Canon Law to 1100, 115-214. H. KAUFHOLD, Sources of Canon Law in the Eastern Churches, 215-342 (The Common Heritage of Canon Law in the Eastern Churches, 215. Melkites, 220. Sources of Melkite Canon Law, 222. Following the Muslim Conquest, 224. Anonymous Arabic Canonical Collections, 225. The Genesis, Translator or Editor of the Collections of Synods, 228. Legal Works Surviving Outside the Canon Collections, 236. Western Syrians (Jacobites), 238. Western Syrian Sources of Canon Law, 240. Pseudo-Apostolic Texts, 241. Synodal Canons, 244. Translations of Greek Canon Law Writings, 246. Canons of Western Syrian Fathers, 248. Monastic Canons, 251. Eastern Syrian Legal Sources, 252. Bar Hebraeus, 252. Other Sources, 253. India, 254. Maronites, 255. Maronite Canonical Sources, 256. Copts, 263. Coptic Sources of Ecclesiastical Law, 264. Pseudo-Apostolic Sources, 266. Early Greek Synods, 270. Canons of the Greek Church Fathers, 274. Coptic Synods, 277. Native Sources of Canon Law, 277. Monastic Rules, 280. Later Chronological Collections of Canon Law, 281. Systematic Collection of Canon Law, 283. Nubia, 287. Ethiopians, 288. Sources of Ethiopian Canon Law, 288. Eastern Syrians (Nestorians), 295. Eastern Syrian Sources of Canon Law, 296. Greek Synods, 297. Pseudo-Apostolic Texts, 300. Eastern Syrian (Nestorian) Synods (Synodicon orientale), 301. Canons and Canon-Law Writings of Individual Persons, 303. Syrian Law Books, 304. Other Legal Sources, 307. Canonical Collections, 308. Armenians, 314. Georgians, 326]. The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, Proceedings of the Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (Olomouc, October 21-23, 2010), edited by M. HAVRDA, V. HUŠEK, J. PLÁTOVÁ → 11. Clemente Alessandrino STEMBERGER G., Ebraismo a Caesarea Maritima. Personalità rabbiniche e temi esegetici al tempo di Origene ed Eusebio, in Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana, 95-104. [1. Il movimento rabbinico a Caesarea Maritima. 2. R. Hoshaja, il contemporaneo di Origene. 3. R. Abbahu, contemporaneo di Eusebio. 4. Alcune conclusioni. – Abstract: «This paper offers a brief survey of the rabbinic movement in Caesarea in the 3rd and early 4th centuries, the time of Origen and Eusebius. It focuses on the best-known rabbis active at Caesarea in this period, R. Hoshaya and R. Abbahu and their alleged reactions to Christian ideas and biblical interpretations. Some example of their interpretation of the book of Genesis, as attributed to them in the midrash Bereshit Rabbah, indicate how deeply they were immersed in the Hellenistic culture of Caesarea, and illustrate their approach to the Bible»].

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Studia Patristica. Vol. LVI. Papers presented at the Sixteenth International Conference on Patristic Studies held in Oxford 2011, edited by M. VINZENT, Volume 4: Rediscovering Origen → 12. Origene (3. Miscellanee e raccolte) TERRACCIANO P., Omnia in figura. L’impronta di Origene tra ’400 e ’500 → 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene Tractatio Scripturarum. Philological, Exegetical, Rhetorical and Theological Studies on Augustine’s Sermons → 29. Agostino Le vie del sapere in ambito siro-mesopotamico dal III al IX secolo. Atti del convegno internazionale tenuto a Roma nei giorni 12-13 maggio 2011, a cura di C. NOCE, M. PAMPALONI SJ, C. TAVOLIERI (Orientalia Christiana Analecta, 293), Pontificio Istituto Orientale, Roma 2013, pp. 373. [M. PAMPALONI SJ, Prefazione, 7-8; J. MCCANN SJ, Saluto del Rettore, 9-10. C. NOCE – C. TAVOLIERI, Introduzione, 11-16. P. BETTIOLO, Le scuole nella Chiesa siro-orientale: status quaestionis e prospettive della ricerca, 17-46. S. ELM, Storia di Roma – storia di Antiochia: la storiografia romana tardoantica riflette una prospettiva antiochena?, 47-58. E. ABATE, Le catene della tradizione nella Mišnah, 59-73. A. KOFSKY, Theology and Hermeneutics among Syriac Christianity, Greek Christianity and Contemporaneous Judaism (4th-5th centuries): Paradigms of Interaction, 75-90. R. ROUX, Sapere teologico e sapere profano all’inizio del VI secolo: l’esperienza di Severo di Antiochia a Beirut, 91-103. E. WATTS, Libanius’ Pro Templis and the Art of Seeing Syria through Rhetoric, 105-114. G.J. REININK, The School of Seleucia and the Heritage of Nisibis, the ‘Mother of Sciences’, 115-131. E. VERGANI, Poesia e conoscenza nei madrâšê di Efrem: tra Nisibi e dintorni, 133-148. V. BERTI, Provvidenza, libertà e legame anima-corpo nella lettera 2 di Timoteo I a Rabban Bokhtišo‘, archiatra di Hârûn al-Rašid, 149-175. S. CHIALÀ, Lettura e cultura negli ambienti monastici siro-orientali, 177-190. M. DEMICHELIS, Basra, cradle of Islamic culture. An Analysis of the Urban Area that was the Early Home of Islamic Studies, 191- 220. S. SCHMIDTKE, Biblical Predictions of the Prophet Muhammad among the Zaydis of Yemen (6th/12th and 7th/13th centuries), 221-240. D. THOMAS, Explanations of Christian Doctrines in the World of Early Islam, 241-252. C. BAFFIONI, Il «computo delle proposizioni» nel MS Esad Effendi 3638 e la tradizione siro-araba, 253-278. A.M. ROBERTS, The Crossing Paths of Greek and Persian Knowledge in the 9th - Century Arabic ‘Book of Degrees’, 279-303. S. DUKOURI, Teaching the Hearts: Râbi‘a al-‘Adawiya’s role in the Spiritual Formation of the Intellectual Élite in al-Basra, II Century of the Hegira,305-319. C. NOCE, Una vita tra silenzio e canto. Alcune considerazioni sul ruolo svolto dalla musica nella formazione religiosa delle donne cristiane in ambito siro-occidentale, 321-349. C. TAVOLIERI, Una vita tra silenzio e canto. L’importanza dell’educazione musicale delle donne in alcuni esempi tratti dalla letteratura siriaca, 351-373]. WALLRAFF M., Kodex und Kanon. Das Buch im frühen Christentum (Akademieunternehmen «Die alexandrinische und antiochenische Bibelexegese in der Spätantike – griechische christliche Schriftsteller» der Berlin-Brandenburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Hans-Lietzmann-Vorlesungen, 12), De Gruyter, Berlin 2013, pp. XVII+78, ill. [C. MARKSCHIES, Vorwort, V-XV. Kodex und Kanon. Das Buch im frühen Christentum, 1: 1. Medienhistorische Vorüberlegungen, 3-8. 2. Der Kodex im frühen Christentum, 8-25. 3. Der Kanon im frühen Christentum, 25-37. 4. Das spätantike Buch als Gesamtkunstwerk, 37-48. 5. Performative Valenz des Buches, 48-53. 6. Ausblick: Kodex und Koran, 54-62. Ill., 63-78]. Zugänge zur Gnosis. Akten zur Tagung der Patristischen Arbeitsgemeinschaft vom 02.-05.01.2011 in Berlin- Spandau, herausgegeben von C. MARKSCHIES und J. VAN OORT (Studien der Patristischen Arbeitsgemeinschaft, 12), Peeters, Leuven – Walpole/MA 2013, pp. XVII+352 (= Zugänge zur Gnosis). [C. MARKSCHIES, Vorwort, VII-XVII. C. MARKSCHIES, Von Afrika bis China – Varietäten von Gnosis, 1-24. J. HALFWASSEN, Gnosis als Pseudomorphose des Platonismus: Plotinus Gnosis-Kritik, 25-42. K. HERRMANN, Jüdische Gnosis? Dualismus und «gnostische» Motive in der frühen jüdischen Mystik, 43- 90. H. STRUTWOLF, Theologische Gnosis bei Clemens Alexandrinus und Origenes, 91-112. I. DUNDERBERG, Valentinian Theories on Classes of Humankind, 113-128. E. THOMASSEN, Saved by Nature? The Question of Human Races and Soteriological Determinism in Valentinianism, 129-149. K. BRIX, Kosmokreuz oder Holzkreuz im Evangelium Veritatis NHC I,3?, 151-167. D.M. BURNS,

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Cosmic Eschatology and Christian Platonism in the Sethian Gnostic Apocalypses Marsanes, Zostrianos, and Allogenes, 169-189. U.K. PLISCH, (K)ein Buch des Allogenes. Einige Beobachtungen zur vierten Schrift des sogenannten Codex Tchacos (Al Minya-Codex), 191-199. H. LUNDHAUG, Shenoute of Atripe and Nag Hammadi Codex II, 201-226. G.W. MOST, Do Gnostics Tell Stories Differently from Other People? Narratological Reflections on Gnostic Narratives, 227-244. N.A. PEDERSEN, Die Manichäer in ihrer Umwelt. Ein Beitrag zur Diskussion über die Soziologie der Gnostiker, 245-275. D. DURKIN- MEISTERNST, Die Orientierung der Bilder in manichäischen Bücherfragmenten in der Turfansammlung, 277-284. M. KRUTZSCH, Beobachtungen zur Herstellungstechnik früher gnostischer Kodizes, 285-293. P. KOSLOWSKI, Gnosis: Philosophie des Absoluten und absolute Philosophie. Theosophische Gnosis und Gnostizismus als Typen der Aufhebung der Differenz von Philosophie und Theologie, 295-318. Indices, 319-327. Abbildungen, 329-352]. 2. Ellenismo e cultura alessandrina DARSHAN G., The Twenty-Four Books of the Hebrew Bible and Alexandrian Scribal Methods, in Homer and the Bible in the Eyes of Ancient Interpreters, 221-244. [I. The homeric corpus and the Hebrew Bible: 1.1. The number of books within the Homeric corpus; 1.2. The number of books within the Hebrew Bible; 1.3. Gematria, inverted nunin and cancellation dots; 2. The significance of the time framework of these processes; 3. The standardisation of the biblical text. 4. Conclusion. – «In this paper, I have suggested that it is not coincidental that both the Homeric and biblical corpora are organised in twenty-four books, nor is it accidental that the two fixed sets of literary works were standardised within the same time period. The perfect number of twenty-four was adopted from the Alexandrian scribes responsible for transmitting the works of Homer in conjunction with other scribal and library practices. Alongside this method there arose an alternative, Hebrew-centered system, which promoted a division based on the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet. Being a secondary model from its inception, this principle of twenty-two gradually disappeared from use» (p. 238)]. SAUDELLI L., Eraclito ad Alessandria. Studi e ricerche intorno alla testimonianza di Filone → 7. Filone Alessandrino (4. Studi) SCHIRONI F., The Ambiguity of Signs: Critical shmei'a from Zenodotus to Origen → 12. Origene (4. Studi) 3. Giudaismo ellenistico ARZT-GRABNER P., Die Stellung des Judentums in neutestamentlicher Zeit anhand der Politeuma-Papyri und anderer Texte, in Papyrologie und Exegese. Die Auslegung des Neuen Testaments im Licht der Papyri, 127-158. [1. Politeuma. 2. Geschichtlicher Hintergrund zum jüdischen Politeuma von Herakleopolis. 3. Die Politeuma-Papyri und das jüdische Politeuma von Herakleopolis. 4. Das jüdische Politeuma von Alexandria. 5. Weitere jüdische Politeumata der frühen Kaiserzeit. 6. Mögliche Hinweise auf zeitgenössische Politeumata in neutestamentlichen Texten. 7. Zusammenfassung und Schlussfolgerungen. – «Die Papyri des Politeuma der Juden von Herakleopolis in Ägypten haben unser Wissen über Urspung, Struktur und Bedeutung dieser Einrichtung der hellenistischen und römischen Zeit ganz wesentlich erweitert und um zahlreiche bisher unbekannte Details vermehrt. Insgesamt sind die Belege für jüdische Politeumata (und Politeumata insgesamt) nicht sehr zahlreich, wenngleich weit verstreut. Papyri und Inschriften belegen derartige Organisationen neben Herakleopolis auch für Leontopolis und zwei weitere Orte in Ägypten) sowie für Berenike in der Cyrenaica. An einem Politeuma der Juden von Alexandria ist nicht mehr zu zweifeln» (p. 155)]. DARSHAN G., The Twenty-Four Books of the Hebrew Bible and Alexandrian Scribal Methods → 2. Ellenismo e cultura alessandrina OSTMEYER K.-H., Politeuma im Neuen Testament und die Politeuma-Papyri von Herakleopolis, in Papyrologie und Exegese. Die Auslegung des Neuen Testaments im Licht der Papyri, 159-171. [1. Problemstellung. 2. Politeumata in der Umwelt des Neuen Testaments. 3. Politeuma und Neues Testament. 4. Politeuma im Himmel und auf Erden. 5. Resümee: Die Bedeutung der Politeuma- Papyri für das Verständnis des Neuen Testaments. – «Die Politeuma-Papyri von Herakleopolis

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spiegeln ein reales, irdisches polivteuma. Sie bieten indirekte Anknüpfungspunkte für das Verständnis der Briefe des Paulus und seines Ideals eines himmlischen polivteuma (z.B. Phil 3,20)» (p. 171)]. SHAVIT Y., «He was Thoth in Everything»: Why and When King Solomon Became Both Magister omnium physicorum and Master of Magic, in Envisioning Judaism 1, 587-606. [Two branches of the Solomonic lore. King Solomon and other royal sages in the Ancient Near East. The Change in the Nature of Solomonic Wisdom. To which Egyptian wisdom was Josephus referring? Is Solomon a counterpart of Thoth? The riddle of Solomon’s ring. – «The precursive core of this medieval legendary tradition can be found in two Jewish sources from the Hellenistic and Roman periods – the Wisdom of Solom and the Jewish Antiquities of Flavius Josephus. These two books expanded on the biblical references to Solomon’s great wisdom (1 Kgs 3:9-14) and attributed to him supreme proficiency in the “wisdom of nature” (tôn ontôn / rerum natura) alongside the command of magic (healing and exorcism)» (p. 587)].

4. LXX

DOERING L., Ancient Jewish Letters and the Beginnings of Christian Epistolography → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 3. Letters in the Hebrew Bible and the Greek Scriptures: 2. Letters in the Septuagint and other Greek versions (pp. 126-167)]. GRIGNON S., Michée 5,1 dans les Catéchèses prébaptismales de Cyrille de Jérusalem: recension «lucianiste» ou «testimoniale», Adamantius 18 (2012) 297-306. [1. Le texte de Michée 5,1 dans la Septante et le Nouveau Testament. 2. La tradition manuscrite de Cyrille et les éditions imprimées. 3. La tradition indirecte. 4. Michée chez Cyrille: tentative de lecture rhétorique et théologique. Appendice: les manuscrits des Catéchèses prébaptismales consultés]. HORBURY W., Benjamin the Mystic (Ps 67:28 LXX), in Envisioning Judaism 2, 733-749. [Origins. Benjamin’s trance and the history of mysticism: Psalm 67:28 and Septuagintal texts on trance and vision; Semitic-language and Greek-language mystical piety; Liturgy and mysticism. – «The ramified liturgical links of Jewish mystical piety in the Greek and early Roman period are at any rate exemplified, in interpretation of one of the generally circulated sacred books rather than in an esoteric work, in Psalm 67:28 LXX on Benjamin’s trance. These liturgical links, like the link with shared biblical interpretation in Hebrew or Aramaic and Greek which Psalm 67:28 LXX also exemplifies, perhaps helped to provide a context in which mystical approach to the divine, for all its potential élitism, coud seem to be accessible to all the good and the righteous – as Philo, through interpretation of Abraham’s ekstasis in Gen 15:12, asserts for ecstatic inspiration (Her. 259). Benjamin’s trance in the Temple in Psalm 67:28 LXX remains at any rate a witness to mystical piety and its links with biblical interpretation and liturgy in the Maccabaean age» (p. 749)]. KARRER M., Septuaginta und Philosophie, in Juda und Jerusalem in der Seleukidenzeit: Herrschaft - Widerstand - Identität. Festschrift für Heinz-Josef Fabry (Bonner Biblische Beiträge, 159), Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Unipress, Göttingen 2010, 191-212. [«Versuchen wir die Bedenken zu bündeln, die eine philosophische Umprägung der Septuaginta bremsten, so kreisen sie um das personale Verständnis Gottes (Ex 3, 14) und die Einzigkeit seiner Weisung, die als novmo" (“Gesetz”, Singular) aus der Vielfalt der novmoi (“Gesetze”) der Umwelt hervorsticht. In der Konsequenz erlaubte das keine autonome, sondern ausschließlich theologische Philosophie. Konkret bedeutete das für die Rechtsphilosophie eine kultische Zuspitzung, d.h. Orientierung auf den Tempel und Kult des einen Gottes hin» (p. 207)]. KISLEV I., The Census of the Israelites on the Plains of Moab (Numbers 26): Sources and Redaction, VT 63 (2013) 236-260. [Analisi di particolarità del testo della LXX. – Abstract: «In its present form, the census description in Numbers 26 can be identified as the product of a protracted literary process. Three principal stages of composition may be discerned as: a) close reliance on the list in Genesis 46 produced a census

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description and a list of the Israelite clans when they left Egypt; b) the displacement of the original list from its original location to its extant position, wherein it serves as a “database” for the allocation of Canaan in accordance with the size of the tribes; c) the text reflected in the MT, in which the original form of the list was changed to better fit the new context, thereby establishing a greater similitude between Numbers 26 and other parts in its literary context» (p. 236)]. LAW T.M., Origenes Orientalis. The Preservation of Origen’s Hexapla in the Syrohexapla of 3 Kingdoms → 12. Origene (4. Studi) MENDELS D., Can We Read a Historical Text as a Musical Score? A New Approach to Polyphony and Simultaneity in 1 Maccabees, in Envisioning Judaism 1, 39-61. [Evil, foreignness, and purity. Dynamis: The manifestation in history of power (and its opposite: weakness). True peace and false peace. – «1 Maccabees can be acknowledged as an example of a polyphonic text. Horizontal themes have a clear resonance throughout the narrative whereas vertical ones are usually concentrated in one main block in the narrative but can resonate, as it were, beyond the particular block. Themes both vertical and horizontal such as events, moods, political treatises, feelings, etc. that were narrated in a linear form and subsequent to each other should be perceived in our imagination as reflecting simultaneous occurrence in the reality of the period. The attentive reader of the narrative constantly and simultaneously hears the voices of themes and motifs – leading and secondary, evil and good, strength, weakness and peace – in a polyphonic manner» (p. 61)]. RAJAK T., The Maccabean Martyrs in Jewish Memory: Jerusalem and Antioch, in Envisioning Judaism 1, 63-79. [«Here I want to consider the interval between Josephus and the events under Trajan and Hadrian. In the grim period of the troubled aftermath of the destruction of the Temple, another unpleasant episode, in which Jews apparently went to their deaths in some number, comes to our attention. I will suggest that there is good reason to connect this episode with our only full-length Jewish (or largely Jewish) martyr narrative, the Greek disquisition on the Maccabaean martyrs, known to us nowadays as the Fourth Book of Maccabees. For this work, a date between the late first and the mid- second century CE is appropriate on stylistic and generic grounds» (pp. 64-65)]. ROGERS T.A., Philo’s Universalization of Sinai in De decalogo 32-49 → 7. Filone Alessandrino (4. Studi) SHAVIT Y., «He was Thoth in Everything»: Why and When King Solomon Became Both Magister omnium physicorum and Master of Magic → 3. Giudaismo ellenistico STIPP H.-J., Die Jeremia-Spetuagint als theologische Programmschrift. Zur Kommentierung des griechischen Jeremiabuches in der «Septuaginta Deutsch» (LXX.D), BZ 57 (2013) 27-45. [A proposito di M. KARRER–W. KRAUS (hrsg.), Septuaginta Deutsch, das griechische Alte Testament in deutscher Übersetzung, Stuttgart 2009 (2. verb. Aufl. 2010) e, in particolare, Eid., Septuaginta Deutsch, Erläuterungen und Kommentare zum griechischen Alten Testament, 2. Bde., Stuttgart 2011].

5. Aristobulo 6. Lettera di Aristea BETTINI M., Vertere. Un’antropologia della traduzione nella cultura antica (Piccola Biblioteca Einaudi, 573. NS. Saggistica letteraria e linguistica), Einaudi, Torino 2012, pp. 314. [Cap. IX. Alla ricerca della traduzione perfetta: 3. Aristea: la traduzione autorevole, 202-212]. DOERING L., Ancient Jewish Letters and the Beginnings of Christian Epistolography → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 5. Letters in the Early Jewish Pseudepigrapha: 2. The Letter of Aristeas, 217-232]. ERTO M., Traduzione scritta e interpretazione orale delle scritture: sul significato del verbo shmaivnw nella Lettera di Aristea, Quaderni di storia 77 (2013) 207-213. [Abstract: «Par. 30 is one of the most debated passages of the Letter of Aristeas, the earliest testimony of the Septuagint’s origins. The main question is determining the meaning of seshvmantai. Some scholars think that here the verb means ‘to translate’ with a reference to other written translations preceeding the Septuagint. Others give it the meaning ‘to write’ with a reference to manuscripts of the

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Hebrew text available in Alexandria. By analyzing the key passages of the narrative and retracing the semantic history of the verb shmaivnw, it is possible to demonstrate an alternative thesis: par. 30 refers to the oral interpretation of the Torah that was read in synagogues and Jewish circles» (p. 207)].

7. Filone Alessandrino 1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori Philo of Alexandria: An Annotated Bibliography 2009, The Studia Philonica Annual 24 (2012) 183-229. 2. Edizioni e traduzioni ROYSE J.R., Philo of Alexandria, Quaestiones in Exodum 2.62-68: Critical edition, The Studia Philonica Annual 24 (2012) 1-68. [Prolegomena. History of editions. The Greek text. The Armenian text. The format of the edition. Sigla. (Text in Greek and Armenian with translation). Appendix: supplementary textual notes. – «(...) I decided to present a trilingual edition consisting of the critically established Greek text based on V, the Armenian text as revised from Aucher’s edition, and my own English translation of the Greek. The inclusion of the Armenian is justified by its crucial value for the establishment of Philo’s text» (pp. 16-17)]. 3. Miscellanee e raccolte Philo and Roman Imperial Power, The Studia Philonica Annual 24 (2012) 129-182. [S.J.K. PEARCE, Introduction, 129-133. E.S. GRUEN, Caligula, the Imperial Cult and Philo’s Legatio, 135-147. D.R. SCHWARTZ, Philo and Josephus on the Violence in Alexandria in 38 C.E., 149-166. J. YODER, Sympathy for the Devil? Philo on Flaccus and Rome, 167-182]. Philon d’Alexandrie: Études Platoniciennes VII, Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2010, pp. 304 (Philon d’Alexandrie = Études Platoniciennes VII). [F.L. LISI, Filón de Alejandría, ¿un judío platónico o un platónico judío?, 5-10. T. SELAND, ‘Colony’ and ‘Metropolis’ in Philo. Examples of Mimicry and Hybridity in Philo’s Writing back from the Empire?, 11- 34. M.R. NIEHOFF, Philo’s Role as a Platonist in Alexandria, 35-62. M.D. BOERI, Platonismo y estoicismo en el De aeternitate mundi de Filón de Alejandría, 63-92. R. RADICE, L’allegoria di Filone di Alessandria, 93-112. D.T. RUNIA, Dogma and doxa in the allegorical writings of Philo of Alexandria, 113- 130. C. LÉVY, À propos d’un rêve de puissance de Joseph (Philon, Somn. II, 17-109), 131-142. F. CALABI, Giuseppe e i sogni della folla in Filone di Alessandria, 143-161. J. DILLON, Philo of Alexandria and Platonist Psychology, 163-170. P.W. VAN DER HORST, Philo and the Problem of God’s Emotions, 171-178. J.P. MARTÍN, Inmortalidad del alma y destino del cuerpo en la escatología de Filón, 179-198. 4. Studi

ALEXANDRE M., La culture grecque, servante de la foi. De Philon d’Alexandrie aux Pères grecs → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale BERTHELOT K., Philo and the Allegorical Interpretation of Homer in the Platonic Tradition (with an Emphasis on Porphyry’s De antro nympharum, in Homer and the Bible in the Eyes of Ancient Interpreters, 155-174. [I. Philo’s knowledge and use of Homer compared to the Platonists’ knowledge and use of the poet’s works: 1. Philo as a supporter of Homer; 2. Philo’s use of Homeric verses to corroborate his interpretation of Scriptures; 3. Philo’s knowledge of interpretations of Homer that are also found in neo-platonic writings. II. Philo’s allegorical exegesis of the Bible compared to the neo-platonic interpretation of Homer. – «In conclusion, it is highly probable that Philo adopted an existing tradition stemming from Platonic circles (a tradition which may have had Pythagorean roots), and fitted it freely to his commentary. He thereby contributed an original development to the tradition of the wanderings of souls, based on biblical stories rather than on the Odyssey. The adoption of such a tradition of interpretation shows that the similarities between the Philonic and the Neo-Platonic allegorical readings were deeper than between Philo and the Stoics, insofar as these similarities

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pertained not only to technical aspects or selective motifs, but also relied on anthropological and spiritual notions that were to a great extent shared» (p. 172)] BETTINI M., Vertere. Un’antropologia della traduzione nella cultura antica (Piccola Biblioteca Einaudi, 573. NS. Saggistica letteraria e linguistica), Einaudi, Torino 2012, pp. 314. [Cap. IX. Alla ricerca della traduzione perfetta: 4. Filone: la traduzione perfetta (pp. 212-223)]. CALABI F., Giuseppe e i sogni della folla in Filone di Alessandria, in Philon d’Alexandrie: Études Platoniciennes VII, 143-161. [1. I desideri della folla e la pluralità. 2. Duplicità nell’immagine di Giuseppe. 3. Poikilia e metabolai. 4. Putifarre. 5. I sogni di Giuseppe. 6. L’aggiunta di un signore. 7. Fugacità e transitorietà. 8. Stabilità in Dio. 9. Conclusione. – «Visto che i sogni della folla sono non solamente desideri di ricchezza e di onori, ma anche espressione di volontà differenti, di accordi tra pluralità che si confrontano, speranze di realizzare forme di convivenza, di cogliere le cose che sono avvolte da oscurità, il buon politico dovrà cercare di interpretare i sogni e di indirizzarli, di vincere le tenebre e portare i desideri di differneziazione e a unità» (p. 160)]. –, Il giardino delle delizie e la storia delle origini secondo Filone di Alessandria, in F. CALABI – S. GASTALDI (eds.), Immagini delle origini. La nascita della civiltà e della cultura nel pensiero antico (Collegium Politicum. Contributions to Classical Political Thought, 5), Academia Verlag, Sankt Augustin 2012, 173-194. [Adamo. L’immissione della dualità. L’uscita dal giardino. La mortalità. Caino e Abele. Il diluvio. Una nuova generazione. La torre di Babele. Attività e mestieri. Temporalità. – «Le storie descritte nel Genesi sono, per Filone, fatti storici realmente accaduti e, contemporaneamente, sono allusioni a verità che prescindono dalla quotidianità narrata. Ogni vicenda va intesa letteralmente, ma anche metaforicamente, talvolta tipologicamente. Il discorso delle origini è, dunque, anche il fondamento della realtà successiva, una rappresentazione della sua essenza, una immagine atemporale di eventi e tipi costitutivi del presente e del futuro» (p. 193)]. –, La trasgressione di Adamo e la torre di Babele nella rilettura di Filone di Alessandria, Ricerche storico- bibliche 1-2 (2012) 155-170. [1. Il piacere del conoscere. 2. Il linguaggio del serpente e quello di Adamo. 3. L’unicità del linguaggio. 4. La costruzione dei mattoni. 5. Superamento dei limiti e ribellione. 6. La punizione per la trasgressione, ossia la libertà di fare ciò che si vuole. 7. Letteralità e allegoria]. –, Filone di Alessandria (Pensatori, 32), Carocci editore, Roma 2013, pp. 203. [Abbreviazioni, 11-12. 1. Atene, Roma, Gerusalemme, 13-32. 2. Letture della Bibbia, 33-49. 3. Legge e ordine del cosmo, 51-72. 4. Sovranità e inconoscibilità di Dio, 73-84. 5. Governo del mondo e contemplazione, 85-108. 6. Regalità e leggi animate, 109-126. 7. I patriarchi e le virtù, 127-156. 8. Filone nella tradizione successiva, 157-171. Opere di Filone, 173-182. Bibliografia, 183-198. Indice dei nomi, 199-203]. DEMURA M., Origen and the Exegetical Tradition of the Sarah-Hagar Motif in Alexandria → 12. Origene (4. Studi) DOERING L., Ancient Jewish Letters and the Beginnings of Christian Epistolography → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 6. Letters in Philo of Alexandria and Flavius Josephus: 1. Philo of Alexandria and Letter Writing (pp. 263-270]. FRAENKEL C., Philo of Alexandria, Hasdai Crescas, and Spinoza on God’s Body, in Envisioning Judaism 2, 809-819. [«In this paper, I will argue that Wolfson’s framework is inadequate for understanding Spinoza’s relationship to ancient and medieval philosophy. A comparison of Spinoza’s views on God’s nature with those of Hasdai Crescas and Philo of Alexandria shows that the differences between them have nothing to do with their position on biblical religion. The comparison also shows that Maimon’s, not Wolfson’s, assessment of Spinoza’s philosophical achievement is correct: with respect to God’s nature, Spinoza proposes a distinctively new solution to an old philosophical problem» (p. 810)].

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GRUEN E.S., Caligula, the Imperial Cult and Philo’s Legatio, The Studia Philonica Annual 24 (2012) 135-147. [«Gaius’s supposedly virulent anti-semitism has no obvious basis and nowhere receives explanation, and his spread of the imperial cult may owe more to eastern policy than maniacal self-absorption. But Philo had a tale to tell. And his portrait did much to shape the tradition. The philosopher-historian conveyed a vivid narrative with dramatic force, driven by loathing for the emperor who had mocked and summarily dismissed his embassy on behalf of the Alexandrian Jews. He may have obtained some reliable information, including accounts of the correspondence between Gaius and his appointee in Syria. But imputed motivation and purported objectives were a different matter. Philo divined them to suit his portrait. They do not qualify as responsible reportage. And it is high time to question their authority» (p. 147)]. HADAS-LEBEL M., Philo of Alexandria. A Thinker in the Jewish Diaspora, translated by R. FRÉCHET (Studies in Philo of Alexandria, 7), Brill, Leiden – Boston 2012, pp. XVI+241. [Preface, XI-XIII. I. Alexandria «on the edge» of Egypt, 1-25. II. Being Jewish in Alexandria in Philo’s day, 27-51. III. Philo’s cultural world, 53-68. IV. Amid political turmoil, 69-89. V. Judaism according to Philo: practice and ethics, 91-115. VI. The biblical commentary, 117-157. VI. Philo and philosophy, 159-179. VIII. Philo’s doctrine, 181-200. IX. Philo, «Father of the Church honoris causa, 201-221. Requiem, 223-224. Bibliography, 225-230. Index of ancient authors and texts, 231-234; Index of Philonic passages, 235-241]. KÜGLER J., Das Ende der Kritik? Zur Funktion des Gebetes für die Herrschenden bei Philo von Alexandria um im 1. Timotheusbrief, J. KÜGLER–U. BECHMANN (Hrsg.), Biblische Religionskritik. Kritik in, an und mit biblischen Texten. Beiträge des IBS in Vierzehnheiligen (Bayrether Forum Transit, 9), Berlin 2009, 111-130. MARTENS P.W., On the Confusion of Tongues and Origen’s Allegory of the Dispersion of Nations → 12. Origene (4. Studi) NIEHOFF M.R., Philo and Plutarch on Homer, in Homer and the Bible in the Eyes of Ancient Interpreters, 127-153. [Philo on Homer. Plutarch on Homer. Conclusion. – «Philo and Plutarch have emerged as congenial Platonists in the Imperial Age, who were both concerned to reintegrate Homer’s epic into the philosophical discourse. While Philo did so within his overall interpretation of the Jewish Bible, Plutarch devoted a whole treatise on poetry mostly to Homer. While both thinkers overcame Plato’s philosophical reservations about the poet by using Aristotelian literary devices, Plutarch clearly went much farther than Philo in the direction of literary criticism. He not only compared the epics to tragedy and cited previous scholars, such as Aristarchus, but also offered the first known theoretical discussion after Aristotle’s Poetics. Whereas Philo is the first known Platonist to embrace Homer as a philosopher, Plutarch closely resembles the exegetical scholiasts as well as Porphyry, throwing crucial new light on the background of this unique type of scholia as well as Neo-Platonic hermeneutics» (p. 148)]. –, Biographical Sketches in Genesis Rabbah, in Envisioning Judaism 1, 265-286. [Childhood anecdotes of biblical heroes in Genesis Rabbah. Scenes of individual decision-making in difficult situations. – «In GR biblical women thus receive attention and are also invested with biographical sketches illuminating their personalities. It is the privilege of the men, however, to be fully integrated into the biographical discourse of the Hellenistic world. Some information about their childhood is available to the rabbinic exegetes, who make full use of it to reconstruct significant anecdotes. Moreover, the men’s choices of action and their concurrent dilemmas are carefully studied with a view to moral lessons for the reader. In comparison to Philo and Plutarch, GR is less apologetic than the former and less historical than the latter. This Midrash enjoys great exegetical freedom and creatively explores the depths of the human soul, taking a special interest in inner conflicts and apparent weaknesses of character» (p. 286)]. ROGERS T.A. , Philo’s Universalization of Sinai in De decalogo 32-49, The Studia Philonica Annual 24 (2012) 85-105. [1. De decalogo in the Exposition of the Laws. 2. Philo’s description of the law in De decalogo. 3. Philo’s omissions of the Septuagint’s particularizing elements in Decal. 32-49. 4. Philo’s enhancements of the Septuagint’s language in Decal. 32-49. 5. Conclusion. – «As Peder Borgen has noted, Philo is “an

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exegete for his time” in his own social, political, and religious location. Philo’s location at the apex of the Jewish Alexandrian community, with its diminishing rights and prominence, compels him to craft De decalogo in a manner that is plausible and possibly even compelling to a larger Greco-Roman audience. Philo shows that wise men antecedent to the Mosaic Law practiced the same, natural law. Similarly nature and the best of philosophy still point to the uniqueness of the Mosaic Law» (p. 104)]. ROYSE J.R., Alexandria in Pharaonic Egypt: Projections in De Vita Mosis, The Studia Philonica Annual 24 (2012) 69-84. [Moses and Philo as politicians. Moses and Philo as philosophers. – «We have been looking at very different aspects in Philo’s œuvre where Philo projects his opinions onto Moses. It is, of course, not unusual that an author has his main protagonist represent his main theses. In the case of Philo, it seems to me, one has so far underestimated how much this is the case with regard to Moses. Such a projection or even parallelization was to some extent literally offered to Philo because of biographic parallels between Moses and Philo: their Egyptian origins, their political roles in favour of the Jewish people against foreign, pagan powers, their roles as philosophers (in the case of Moses present early on in Jewish-Hellenistic literature) – there were several reasons why Philo could feel tempted to blend his presentation of Moses with autobiographical elements» (p. 84)»]. SAUDELLI L., Eraclito ad Alessandria. Studi e ricerche intorno alla testimonianza di Filone (Monothéismes et Philosophie, 16), Brepols, Turnhout 2012, pp. 488. [Introduzione. Parte prima: La natura. L’unità dei contrari. Il dio cosmico. Parte seconda: L’anima. Il ciclo dell’essere umano. Conclusioni. Bibliografia. Indice. – Résumé: «Cette monographie est une étude thématique consacrée à la transmission et à la réception d’Héraclite par Philon d’Alexandrie. Les textes exégétiques, philosophiques et historico-apologétiques de Philon faisant référence à l’écrit et à la doctrine héraclitéens y sont analysés de manière détaillée, avant d’être confrontés avec ceux de sources antérieures et postérieures, d’une part, et avec ceux des autres philosophes présocratiques, d’autre part. Les témoignages de Philon sont ainsi utilisés pour approcher de façon plus précise la signification originelle du discours philosophique d’Héraclite, par rapport aux diverses traditions interprétatives qui se succèdent et s’entrelacent dans l’histoire de la philosophie antique»]. SCHWARTZ D.R., Philo and Josephus on the Violence in Alexandria in 38 C.E., The Studia Philonica Annual 24 (2012) 149-166. [I. Differing points of view: 1. Three points about the translation of Ant. 18.257; 2. What Josephus does not mention. II. Three comparisons of Josephus’s and Philo’s accounts of the Alexandrian events. Appendix: On the structure of Philo, Legatio 191-195 and the translation of a[llw" in § 194. – «(...) Even a brief comparison of Josephus’s and Philo’s accounts of the Alexandrian Jewish violence in 38 C.E., and of the ensuing embassy to Rome, points up, apart from the differing focuses of the two accounts (Josephus focusing upon Gaius vs. God, Philo focusing upon Jews vs. Greeks in Alexandria), three differences between the points of view of an Alexandrian Jew and those of a Judaean turned Roman: if any Jews had to be blamed, if only for lack of savoir faire in dealing with wicked people who were powerful, each preferred to blame Jews from the other center; if an Alexandrian Jew took the quest for Alexandrian citizenship seriously, a Judaeo-Roman one did not, no more than a priest of Jerusalem took Alexandrian synagogues seriously; and if Alexandrian Jews assumed that being a Greek was something quite respectable and found it difficult to portray Greeks as villains, a Judaean-Roman Jew could easily differ on both counts» (p. 163)]. – Humbly Second-Rate in the Diaspora? Philo and Stephen on the Tabernacle and the Temple, in Envisioning Judaism 1, 81-89. [«... I have suggested that Philo’s attitude toward cities should have qualified his enthusiasm for the Temple of Jerusalem; that this will have dovetailed with his tendency, as a Jew of the Diaspora, to prefer to think of God’s house as not being limited to a particular place; that the Tabernacle of the Israelites’ desert wanderings could easily have constituted a biblical model in support of such attitudes; that Philo’s comments in Life of Moses 2.72 shows that it was; and that that passage should therefore be considered a significant, early, and Jewish addition to the dossier Simon began to build» (p. 89)].

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TROIANI L., Filone Alessandrino nella Storia Ecclesiastica di Eusebio, in Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana, 211-215. [Abstract: «Through Philo Alexandrinus Eusebius, in the Ecclesiastical History, suggests a reconstruction of the origins and spread of Christianity. In his view, Christianity is the outcome of milieus and movements distinguished from the “synagogue of the Jews”. Therefore the Hebrews and not the Jews are the forefathers of the Christians»]. YODER J., Sympathy for the Devil? Philo on Flaccus and Rome, The Studia Philonica Annual 24 (2012) 167-182. [Flaccus as puppet and pawn. Flaccus arrest and punishment. Philo on Rome. – «Philo’s multifaceted and ambivalent portrait of Flaccus evokes a sense of ambivalence about Roman rule. On the one hand, he is careful to depict the Judaean community as grateful for its benefits. On the other hand, he recognizes the potential for the ruler to turn against the Judaean community – the benevolence of a Roman governor is not something one can take for granted. On the one hand, his recognition of the pride, vanity and materialism bound up with rulership inevitably erodes his enthusiasm. Philo’s view of Roman rule, as of the political life in general, can best be described neither as “appreciative” nor “hostile”, but as “cautious” and “hesitant”» (pp. 181-182)].

8. Pseudo-Filone

9. Flavio Giuseppe 1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori 2. Edizioni e traduzioni 3. Miscellanee e raccolte 4. Studi CARRIER R., Origen, Eusebius, and the Accidental Interpolation in Josephus → 12. Origene (4. Studi) DOERING L., Ancient Jewish Letters and the Beginnings of Christian Epistolography → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 6. Letters in Philo of Alexandria and Flavius Josephus: 2. Letters in the works of Flavius Josephus (pp. 270-342)]. GIANOTTO C., Giacomo, fratello di Gesù (intersezioni, 403), Il Mulino, Bologna 2013, pp. 143. [III. Il martirio di Giacomo: La notizia di Flavio Giuseppe, 60-64]. SCHWARTZ D.R., Philo and Josephus on the Violence in Alexandria in 38 C.E. → 7. Filone Alessandrino SHAVIT Y., «He was Thoth in Everything»: Why and When King Solomon Became Both Magister omnium physicorum and Master of Magic → 3. Giudaismo ellenistico SIMONETTI M., Flavio Giuseppe in Origene e in Eusebio, in Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana, 203-210. [Abstract: «Origen and Eusebius make use of Flavius Josephus’ writings not merely for a documentary aim – even though in this regard Origen’s testimony is a matter of great consequence in decoding the Testimonium Flavianum –, but also for an apologetic purpose, in so far as the authority of the Jewish historian in recounting the surrender and destruction of Jerusalem confirms the Christian interpretation of these events as the divine retribution for Jesus’ murder. Even in the Praeparatio Evangelica Josephus’ testimony is used by Eusebius to prove the greater antiquity of Judaic legislation with respect to Greek laws and philosophy»]. ZELLENTIN H.M., Jerusalem Fell after Betar: The Christian Josephus and Rabbinic Memory, in Envisioning Judaism 1, 319-367. [Josephus and the Rabbis. From Betar to Jerusalem. The narrative structure. Jerusalem and Betar. Vespasian’s officers and his council of war (Sections I and VIII). The burning of the food reserves and Rabbi Yohanan’s escape (Section II). Yohanan before Vespasian, the Test, and the Annunciation (Segments V, VI, and VII). Christian historiography, the rebuilding of the Temple, and the churches

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in Jerusalem. Eusebius, Josephus, and Christian triumphalism. Rabbi Tsadoq, Rabbi Yohanan, and Panegyrist. The death of the Duke. – «... This paper evaluates the Christian context of the oldest rabbinic rendering of the Romans’ destruction of the Jerusalem Temple which we find in Ekha Rabbah, a Midrash on Lamentations compiled from previous traditions in the early fifth century of the Common Era. I argue that the midrash is a product of its time, retelling the events by incorporating a vast amount of Jewish and Christian traditions. In particular, I hold that the materials produced by Eusebius, shaping Christian tradition possibly even from its onset in Luke and in the Acts of the Apostles and certainly since the early patristic period, went altogether unnoticed during the early (tannaitic) rabbinic period. The destruction of the Temple was a common point of reference for the tannaim, yet the details of history did not receive much attention at all in tannaitic exegesis or homiletics. The rabbinic silence was broken only after the fourth century, during which the Temple became a local point of Palestinian politics, architecture, and religious discourse. The onset of the Christianization of Palestine and of Jerusalem in particular, the patristic discourse about Julian’s attempt to rebuild the Jerusalem Temple, and the new urgency of Josephus’s testimony in the nascent genre of Christian historiography led the later (amoraic) rabbis to reappropriate a narrative that closely resembles Eusebius» (pp. 319-320)].

10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano 1. Il contesto religioso egiziano Anonimo. La ricetta di immortalità, a cura di M. ZAGO (Saturnalia 24), La Vita Felice, Milano 2010, pp. 247. [Introduzione 1. Da Tebe d’Egitto a Parigi: storia del testo. 2 Storia dell’interpretazione. 3. Per una nuova interpretazione (La Ricetta di immortalità restituita al pitagorismo. Struttura della Ricetta di immortalità. La datazione relativa. Quale magia?)]. 2. Il periodo delle origini NORELLI E., La filiación en la Epistula apostolorum, in Filiación. Cultura pagana, religión de Israel, orígenes del cristianismo (→1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 207-234. [Tradición textual y contenido del escrito, 207-211. La profesión de fe inicial, 211-223. Potencia/poder, 223-228. El nacimiento de Jesús, 228-232. ¿Es real la encarnación?, 232-234]. 3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo L’Apocrifo di Giovanni, a cura di A. CAMPLANI → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale BARC B., Le mythe gnostique de Seth et de sa race est-il conforme aux Écritures hébraïques?, 71-82. [La double version biblique de l’histoire de Seth et de sa race. L’organisation triadique de l’histoire séthienne. Le passage du modèle intelligible et sa réalisation sensible. La fonction médiatrice de Seth. Le retour de Seth à la fin des temps. – Abstract: «The Apocryphon of John tells the story of the origins of humanity, drawing on the characters found in the biblical account and presenting Seth, the third son of Adam, as the forefather of the race of gnostics. We might be tempted to think that in giving the lead role to Seth, the gnostic author of this work is breaking with biblical tradition, but in reality he is merely following the Hebrew version of the tale. To appreciate this, however, we must abandon – if only temporarily – our conventional ways of reading this section of Genesis, in order to return to the literal approach to reading which was practised in the Second Temple period. When we do this, we find that the Seth that we encounter in the Bible already possessed the attributes that the author of the Apocryphon ascribes to him. Thus rather than being an innovator, our gnostic author can be seen as a faithful adherent to a tradition of biblical hermeneutics that derives from the Second Temple period. On a more general level, this conclusion reminds us that ‘Sethian’ gnosticism, if it is to be understood at all, must be seen within the literary and intellectual context of Jewish hermeneutics of the Hellenistic period»].

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BRIX K., Kosmokreuz oder Holzkreuz im Evangelium Veritatis NHC I,3?, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 151-167. [Einführung. Kosmokreuz oder Holzkreuz. Das Kosmokreuz. Irenäus über den valentinianischen Horos. Justin der Märtyrer und das Kosmokreuz. Das Holzkreuz bei Justin und Irenäus. Evangelium veritatis – Kosmokreuz oder Holzkreuz? – «Die Frage lautet, ob das EV die Vorstellung eines metaphysischen kosmologischen Kreuzes Jesu vertritt, und ob das Marterholz auf anderem Wege mit dem Bericht des Irenäus über den valentinianischen Horos in Verbindung gebracht werden kann. Diese Fragestellung soll in der Hoffnung beleuchtet werden, eine Antwort auf die Wahrnehmung des Kreuzes Jesu im EV geben zu können. Irenäus bietet zwar den Zugang zu dieser Problematik an, die Auseinandersetzung mit Irenäus ist aber nicht mein Vorhaben. Hier soll der valentinianische Horos zusammen mit der Lehre des Kosmos- und Holzkreuzes untersucht werden, um abschließend das Kreuz Jesu im EV auf dieser Grundlage bewerten zu können. Wenn diese Darstellung schließlich zu einer erweiterten Einsicht in die Wahrnehmungen des christlichen Kreuzes im zweiten Jahrhundert beitragen kann, hat der Aufsatz sein Ziel erreicht» (p. 153)]. BURNS D.M., Cosmic Eschatology and Christian Platonism in the Sethian Gnostic Apocalypses Marsanes, Zostrianos, and Allogenes, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 169-189. [Introduction: the «platonizing» Sethian apocalypses. Sethian eschatologies, «cosmic» and «personal». The destruction of the world and souls in Marsanes and Zostrianos. The background of Sethian eschatology in contemporary Hellenic, Christian, and Gnostic thought. Conclusion. – «To sum up, the eschatology of Marsanes and Zostrianos describes the end of the world and the destruction of souls; references to judgment in Allogenes probably presume a similar position. The “Platonizing” Sethian treatises thus engage Neoplatonic metaphysics and mysticism, but actively reject Hellenic Platonic eschatology. The Sethian Gnostics met Neoplatonism head-on and may have even contributed to its development, but they also rejected key cosmological doctrines of Hellenic Platonism, most likely in the interests of maintaining a Judaeo-Christian identity» (p. 189)]. DUBOIS J.-D., La tradition johannique dans l’Apocryphe de Jean, Adamantius 18 (2012) 108-117. [Le prologue narratif. La monade divine. La figure de la mère. La manifestation du Fils. À propos de l’utilisation éventuelle du quatrième évangile. Pour conclure. – Abstract: «The new commentary of the Apocryphon of John by Bernard Barc (now published in the Canadian series, BCNH, Textes, Québec, 2012) gives us an opportunity to come back, once again, on possible allusions to johannine motives in this gnostic treatise. The numerous allusions to various passages of the Gospel of John allows us to raise doubts about the secondary nature of the prologue of this apocryphon. And the main content of the treatise on the divine monad, on the Mother and on the Son, is also confirmed by johannine references. Due to the supposed date of the Apocryphon of John (just after the middle of the second century), it is reasonable not to look for quotations of the Gospel of John but for definite allusions which can only be traced by a detailed analysis of the gnostic apocryphon»]. DUNDERBERG I., Valentinian Theories on Classes of Humankind, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 113-128. [1. Two kinds of Christians. 2. The tripartite division and ethnic reasoning. 3. Fixed categories in Heracleon? Conclusion. – «I have sought to point out in this article that Valentinians had at least two different anthropological theories, a bipartite one based upon the idea of the soul’s double inclination, and a tripartite one, based upon the idea of an uneven distribution of the spirit in humans. The former idea is more dynamic in the sense that it places emphasis on the soul’s own decision, whereas the latter view seems more deterministic and allied with a discourse of fixed categories» (p. 127)]. DURKIN-MEISTERNST D., Die Orientierung der Bilder in manichäischen Bücherfragmenten in der Turfansammlung, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 277-284. [Hinweise für eine senkrechte Lesung manichäischer Schrift. Die Orientierung der Bilder in manichäischen Bücherfragmenten in der Turfansammlung. Gibt es einen Zusammenhang zwischen Schriftrichtung und Bildorientierung?]. ENSKAT R., Demiurg, Saviour, or...? Philosophical Remarks on Platonic Alternatives to Gnostic Conceptions of God and Piety, in Envisioning Judaism 2, 791-797.

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[How to get from philosophy to the history of early Christian religion. From Paul’s sermon of the crucified Christ and Gnostic religious self-reflection to Plato’s conception of religious self-reflection. Plato’s theory of the divine service as assistance of the gods by man’s autonomously self-reflecting and exercising the good praxis amidst the god-created natural world. – «We can only wonder how the Valentinian Gnostics might have been inspired if they had had the opportunity to become sufficiently conversant with Plato’s Euthyphro. This dialogue could have served as the most outstanding philosophical paradigm for asking the questions to which they could have been disposed to answer, if we consider their three big categories of a self-reflective way of (gaining) knowledge (gnw'si") of the Redeemer (swthvr), and of the Good (to; ajgaqovn): (1) Is the self-reflective way in the strict sense the soul’s discourse with itself regarding what is actually investigating? (2) Is this self- reflective way a way to salvation or does it, at best, lend exclusively to true practical judgments of what is good to do or what is not, i.e., what is pious to God and what is not? (3) Or does it also lead to the good praxis of what is truly judged to be good? (4) And if, by realizing the good praxis in the light of true practical judgments, we care not only for something good for which God cannot care amidst his dhmiourgov"-god-created nature, but also for God himself, is God, as far as practical things within this dhmiourgov"-god-created nature are concerned, even in need of us? But, of course, we can only wonder if a Valentinian Gnostic could even have started to let his soul begin a discourse with itself regarding what it would actually be investigating in the light of such and some more questions related to Plato’s philosophy of religion» (p. 797)]. GIANOTTO C., Introduzione: L’Apocrifo di Giovanni, Adamantius 18 (2012) 62-64. [«L’Apocrifo di Giovanni è il primo compendio sistematico di teologia, presentato in forma narrativa, che sia circolato negli ambienti cristiani e affronta temi come Dio e l’organizzazione del mondo divino (teogonia); l’origine del mondo e il suo funzionamento (cosmogonia); l’origine dell’uomo (antropogonia) e il suo posto nel mondo; la via per il conseguimento della salvezza (soteriologia). L’opera venne alla luce nel 1896, quando un manoscritto copto del sec. V che la conteneva insieme ad altri tre testi (Vangelo di Maria, Sophia di Gesù Cristo e Atti di Pietro) fece la sua comparsa sul mercato antiquario del Cairo e fu acquistato dallo studioso tedesco Carl Reinhardt, il quale lo portò a Berlino dove è conservato all’interno della Papyrus-Sammlung degli Staatliche Museen e porta la segnatura: BG 8502» (p. 63)]. HALFWASSEN J., Gnosis als Pseudomorphose des Platonismus: Plotinus Gnosis-Kritik, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 25-42. [«Plotins Auseinandersetzung mit der Gnosis beweist zweifelsfrei, dass die Gnosis eine Form des Platonismus ist, sie beweist aber ebenso zweifelsfrei, dass es sich dabei um einen pervertierten Platonismus handelt. Das Platonische – und zwar genuin Platonische, nicht etwa erst Neuplatonische – an der Gnosis ist ihre Orientierung auf Transzendenz. Die gnostische Pervertierung des Platonismus besteht aber darin, dass Transzendenzorientierung hier in radikale Weltverneinung umschlägt» (p. 40)]. HERRMANN K., Jüdische Gnosis? Dualismus und «gnostische» Motive in der frühen jüdischen Mystik, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 43-90. [Vorbemerkung. Gershom Scholem, Merkava-Mystik und jüdische Gnosis. Henoch ist Metraton – zur Ambivalenz des biblischen Henoch. Der Vorhang vor dem Thron Gottes und die Lichtwelten der Äonen. Gnostische Elemente in der frühen jüdischen Mystik? Kritische Stimmen gegen Scholems «Jüdische Gnosis». Forschungen zur «Jüdischen Gnosis». Jewish Gnosticism? 3. Henoch und Pistis Sophia im Vergleich. Die rabbinische Einschränkung des Lehrvortrags über das «Schöpfungs-» und «Thronwagenwerk» – eine Abwehr gnostischer Spekulationen? Die Asher-Episode im Talmud Bavli. Die Asher-Episode im 3. Henochbuch. Heinrich Graetz als Interpret der Asher-Episode. Moritz Friedländer und der «Vorchristliche jüdische Gnosticismus». «Zwei Gewalten» im Himmel: Vom Dualismus zum «Binitarismus» im Judentum. Jüdische Mystik in Byzanz. Zusammenfassung. Nachwort. – «Was die Frage nach einer “jüdischen Gnosis” angeht, so können wir mit Fug und Recht behaupten, dass die alten Forschungswege weithin überholt sind, vor allem dort, wo es um linear-genetische Erklärungsmodelle geht, sei es, dass von einer vorchristlichen Gnosis, von einer gnostischen Rebellion im Judentum oder eben auch von einem jüdischen, vorchristlichen

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“Binitarismus”, der sich dann in einen orthodox-christlichen und heterodox-gnostischen Dualismus aufgespalten habe, ausgegangen sind. Damit soll natürlich nicht behauptet werden, es habe im antiken Judentum keinen “Binitarismus” gegeben – die philonische Logosspekulation ist die wirkungsmächtigste Vorstellung und ohne diese wäre das Christentum und eine christliche Gnosis niemals entstanden –, doch so viel ist deutlich, dass die esoterischen jüdischen Merkava-Texte, die für all die genannten Spekulationen um eine “jüdische Gnosis” herhalten mussten, augrund neuerer Detailanalysen diese Aufgabe nicht mehr zu erfüllen imstande sind» (pp. 86-87)]. IRICINSCHI E., Interroga Matricem Mulieris: The Secret Life of the Womb in 4 Ezra and Sethian Cosmology, in Envisioning Judaism 2, 751-770. [Talking to angels about wombs in 4 Ezra. Barbelo, the Sethian mother-father and their womb. Conclusion. – «The references to the self-sufficient and reason-endowed womb in 4 Ezra and second- century Sethian texts do not belong to the mere territory of linguistic metaphors. They also describe the natural and psychic orders of the world, and occasionally they help manipulate reality through magical processes. Womb metaphors in 4 Ezra and Sethian literature employ ideas and concepts from medecine, uterine magic, middle Platonism, and neo-Pythagoreanism to integrate the reading of Genesis with a natural understanding of reality» (p. 770)]. KOSLOWSKI P.†, Gnosis: Philosophie des Absoluten und absolute Philosophie. Theosophische Gnosis und Gnostizismus als Typen der Aufhebung der Differenz von Philosophie und Theologie, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 295-318. [I. Die Philosophien der Offenbarung Baaders und Schellings als theosophische Gnosis und als Gnostizismus: I.1. Inhaltliche Unterschiede zwischen Philosophie als theosophischer Gnosis und Philosophie als Gnostizismus; I.2. Methodische Unterschiede zwischen theosophischer und gnostischer Philosophie. II. «Gnosis» als Thema des Zeitalters des deutschen Idealismus. III. Der gemeinsame Ausgangspunkt des Idealismus und Baaders: Aufhebung der Differenz von Religion und Philosophie. IV. Die Polemik Baaders gegen den Idealismus als Auseinandersetzung um die wahre Gnosis. V. Der Abfall des Absoluten von sich als Zentraltheorem des Gnostizismus. VI. Schluß. – «Der Anachronismus, der von diesem Vergleich zwischen Frühchristentum und Deutschen Idealismus nicht ganz auszuschließen ist, ist aus zwei Gründen gerechtfertigt: Zum einen tauchen in beiden geistesgeschichtlichen Konstellationen dieselben Fragen auf. Zum anderen ist der deutsche Idealismus nur verständlich als ein beständiger Dialog mit dem Gnostizismus, mit dessen Kritikern und mit den Denkern, die den Gnostizismus durch eine spekulative Philosophie und Theologie, die beanspruchen könnte, wahre Gnosis zu sein, zu überwinden suchten. Nach Nietzsche, wie im übrigen auch für Max Scheler, ist Hegel der letzte Aufhalter des Atheismus, für Baader der vielleicht tiefsinnigste Begründer des Atheismus. Dass das Denken am Ende der weltgeschichtlichen Periode der Dominanz des christlichen Denkens zu seinen patristischen Anfängen in der philosophisch- theologischen Auseinandersetzung mit dem Gnostizismus zurückkehrt, ist kein Anachronismus und kein Zufall, sondern eher eine denkerische Notwendigkeit» (p. 318)]. KRUTZSCH M., Beobachtungen zur Herstellungstechnik früher gnostischer Kodizes, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 285-293. [Zustand. Restaurierung, Rekonstruktion und Neumontage. Zur Technik: a. Papyrusherstellung; b. Blattbreite und Blattklebungen; c. Rollenformat; d. Kodexblatt; e. Maße; f. Heftung]. LOGAN A., The Apocryphon of John and the Developments of the ‘Classic’ Gnostic Myth, Adamantius 18 (2012) 136-150. [The Gnostic myth in context. The Gnostic myth and its development. – Abstract: «This paper will attempt to trace the development of the ‘classic’ Gnostic myth, as far as is feasible, from a comparison of the summary of the first part of it in Iren., Haer. I,29 with the four versions of it in the Apocryphon of John and the abbreviated versions of it in the Gospel of Judas and the Sophia of Jesus Christ. It will sketch the original context of the myth, arising in Syria in the early second century from the personal visions of a religious genius on a par with Valentinus and Mani, a Christian deeply influenced by his/her initiation and reacting against contemporary Judaism with its exclusiveness and appeal to a god who had failed. It will suggest that the key components of the myth include Christian ideas centring on the primal anointing of the Son and on the heavenly Adam; a Sophia myth, Jewish

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midrashim and speculation on Adam, and concepts from Middle Platonism and contemporary popular astrology. It will hint at the likely later development of the myth, including a process of Sethianisation in the third century, to its developed fourth- and fifth-century form in the Apocryphon»]. LUNDHAUG H., Shenoute of Atripe and Nag Hammadi Codex II, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 201-226. [«As Alexander Khosroyev has rightly noted, there is still much to be done before we can truly place the Nag Hammadi Codices in their proper historical context. Hopefully, further comparative studies of the Nag Hammadi writings with fourth and fifth century Coptic sources will yield new insights into the nature of the Nag Hammadi Codices and their users. Although the writings of Shenoute may perhaps not enable us to pinpoint exactly the producers and users of the Nag Hammadi Codices, I would argue that bringing them together in our analyses may help shed additional light on their shared cultural world of fourth and fifth century Egyptian monasticism» (p. 226)]. MARKSCHIES C., Von Afrika bis China – Varietäten von Gnosis, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 1-24. [1. Das Ende der antiken Gnosis in China. 2. Mani als Reformer der Gnosis. 3. Ein neues Licht auf die Anfänge?]. MASTROCINQUE A., La generación de los dioses según diversas doctrinas y rituales gnósticos, in Filiación. Cultura pagana, religión de Israel, orígenes del cristianismo (→1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 291- 300. [1. Ritual del sexo sin generación, 291-294. 2. Generación sin sexo, 294-300]. MOST G.W., Do Gnostics Tell Stories Differently from Other People? Narratological Reflections on Gnostic Narratives, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 227-244. [«The fundamental interpretative hypothesis offered here is that Gnostic texts tend in general to downplay the role of human (or humanized) agents and the specificity of their intentions, actions, and spatiotemporal circumstances in conferring coherence to their narratives. If at all, the richness of concrete detail and the interconnection of actions and reactions in terms of bodily comportment tends to be found in such texts only at their very beginning or ending. In the middle, instead, their unity tends to be produces not by the alternation of intention and action but instead by that of question and answer: an enigma is posed in some way or another, and then a resolution for it is supplied» (p. 230)]. PEDERSEN N.A., Die Manichäer in ihrer Umwelt. Ein Beitrag zur Diskussion über die Soziologie der Gnostiker, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 245-275. [I. Einleitung: I.1. Übersicht des Vortrags; I.2. Geistesgeschichte und Sozialgeschichte. II. Die Manichäer in literarischen Texten: II.1. Selbstdarstellungen der Manichäer; II.2 Die Manichäer als akkomodierender «Flügel» in der Ausbreitung des Christentums. III. Der Fund von Kellis: III.1. Der Fund von Kellis und dessen Kontext; III.2. Der schnelle Übertritt von Kellis zum Christentum im vierten Jahrhundert; III.3. Haus 3; III.4. Die manichäischen Texte von Haus 3; III.5. Antikosmischer Dualismus in den manichäischen Briefen von Kellis? IV. Abschluss. – «Die Manichäer im Römischen Reich haben in ihrer Weise bei dem großen Übergang von den griechisch-römischen Kulten und Philosophien zum Christentum mitgewirkt. Alexander und Titos zeigen, wie die Manichäer unter Umständen als ein Flügel oder als eine Variante daran beteiligt waren und wie sie an eine bestimmte soziale Schicht von Christen und Heiden herantraten, die ein “offenes”, höheres philosophisches Christentum suchten. Der Kellis-Fund enthält zwar keine Hinweise darauf, aber auch hier ist es naheliegend, den Fund in einem größeren Zusammenhang zu deuten, der vom Übertritt zum Christentum handelt. Gleichzeitig zeigt der Fund zum ersten Mal konkret, wie eine gnostische Gruppe voller Hoffnung auf den Himmel in der Welt leben konnte, zur selben Zeit aber fest in ihrer Oase verankert und mit Handel, Familie und der Sorge um Gesundheit befasst war» (p. 275)]. PLEŠE Z., Intertextuality and Conceptual Blending in the Apocryphon of John, Adamantius 18 (2012) 118-135. [Intertextuality in the Apocryphon of John. Conceptual blending in the Apocryphon of John. Conclusion. – Abstract: «This essay examines the Apocryphon of John through the lens of intertextuality and cognitive poetics, shifting the investigative focus from the search for its

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hypothetical Grundschrift and different redactional layers to exploration of its revisionist poetics and its transformative integration of the master narratives of Judaism (Genesis and sapiental literature) and Greek philosophy (Plato’s Timaeus and its diverse Middle Platonist reverberations). The first section analyzes the ways in which the three leading voices speaking within the Apocryphon of John (‘Plato’ – ‘Sophia’ – ‘Moses’) became partly integrated at its narrative, thematic, and doctrinal levels. The Platonist model of the universe is superimposed on the Genesis story of creation both as its narrative supplement and as the corrective interpretive model. Special importance is assigned to Jewish wisdom literature, whose philosophically intoned oracles play the role of an intertextual link between ‘Plato’ and ‘Moses’, in the same way in which the figure of Sophia acts as a mediator between the (Platonic) spiritual realm and the (Mosaic) physical world. The second section discusses the impact of this intertextual poetics on the language and style of the Apocryphon of John – more specifically, on its systematic blending and condensation of analogical metaphors and philosophical concepts. The same strategy of ‘conceptual blending’ characterizes the hybrid diction of Jewish wisdom theosophy and of the Alexandrian Jewish commentators of the Pentateuch (Aristobulus, Philo), signaling a profound indebtedness to religious and exegetical traditions of Hellenistic Judaism. This sort of revisionist integration of Greek philosophy and Jewish scriptural and exegetical traditions in the Apocryphon of John can best be explained by acculturative yet polemical tendencies within the second-century Christianity»]. PLISCH U.K., The Right and the Left Penis. Remarks on Textual Problems in the Apocryphon of John, Adamantius 18 (2012) 65-70. [1. The title of the text. 2. The narrative framework. 3. Who understands what (or whom)? 4. Gift of God? A Middle Egyptian (Oxyrhynchitic) feature in an incomplete sentence. 5. If there’s a left penis, where is the right penis? 6. A glimpse into the Coptic translator’s workshop. – Abstract: «In the beginning, the essay discusses the title of the Apocryphon of John, its original form and meaning, followed by the narrative framework of the text with its religious impacts, e.g. the provenance of the nomen proprium Arimanias and (other) Zoroastrian influences. The essay continues with some textual problems in the Apocryphon of John, especially in BG p. 25,9-12, NHC III p. 12,24-13,3 par BG 34,20- 35,5, NHC II p. 16,28ff par NHC IV p.26,2ff. It concludes with glimpses into the ancient Coptic translator’s workshop»]. –, (K)ein Buch des Allogenes. Einige Beobachtungen zur vierten Schrift des sogenannten Codex Tchacos (Al Minya-Codex), in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 191-199. [I. Stellung im Codex. II. Der Titel. III. Der Text (Übersetzung). IV. Beobachtungen am Text. – «In der wissenschaftlichen Erschließung des sogenannten Codex Tchacos ist dessen vierte Schrift bisher so etwas wie das Stiefkind der Forschung. Das ist verständlich, wenn auch nicht ganz berechtigt. Zwar hat die Sensation der Entdeckung des Textes des Judasevangeliums mit Recht die größte Aufmerkasmkeit auf sich gezogen und insbesondere für Forscherinnen und Forscher, die sich bisher schon intensiver mit dem Brief des Petrus an Philippus und der ersten Jakobusapokalypse aus Nag Hammadi befasst hatten, bedeutet das Auftauchen antiker Dubletten einen Glücksfall, aber die vierte Schrift ist doch der einzige Text der Sammlung, über den wir bislang schlechterdings nichts wussten. Da er überdies irgendwie in den breiten Strom frühchristlicher Rezeption von Jesusüberlieferung gehört, verdient er unseres Erachtens eine größere Aufmerksamkeit» (p. 191)]. SCOPELLO M., L’apporto della Bibbia alla costruzione letteraria del personaggio femminile dell’anima in un trattato di Nag Hammadi, in Le donne nello sguardo degli antichi autori cristiani (→1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 61-75. [1. Gli gnostici e la Bibbia. 2. La costruzione del personaggio di Psiche nel Trattato dell’esegesi dell’anima (Trattato di Nag Hammadi 2,6). 2.1 Il contenuto del trattato. 2.2 Il debito verso il mito gnostico. 2.3 Il debito verso il romanzo greco. 2.4 Temi gnostici del racconto sull’anima. 3. EsAnima e una storia parallela tratta dalla Bibbia. 3.1 La Bibbia e le tappe dell’anima. 3.2 I doni di Osea. 3.3 I figli dell’Egitto. 4. A mo’ di conclusione]. STRUTWOLF H., Theologische Gnosis bei Clemens Alexandrinus und Origenes → 11. Clemente Alessandrino

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THOMASSEN E., Saved by Nature? The Question of Human Races and Soteriological Determinism in Valentinianism, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 129-149. [1. The etiological myth. 2. The different responses to the Saviour. 3. Congenital or acquired? 4. Eschatology: the redemption of the spirituals and the psychics. 5. Theoretical and applied physics. – «Whereas the picture presented by the heresiologists was taken more or less for granted in older scholarship, recent research has tended to be critical and to regard it as a polemical distortion; among the last generation of scholars it is fair to say that this view has become dominant. Dissenting voices defending the more traditional view have been few and largely ignored. In my view, the issue is not so clear-cut, and a more nuanced approach to the problem is needed. This paper will restrict itself to discussing the Valentinian evidence» (pp. 129-130)]. TRIPALDI D., Alessandria d’Egitto e i gruppi “gnostici”: annotazioni preliminari a margine di tre volumi recenti, ASEs 29/1 (2012) 63-71. [I. Birger Pearson, ovvero dell’importanza di leggere le fonti. II. A. Jakab: verso una definizione del cristianesimo alessandrino e dei gruppi «gnostici» nel suo alveo. III. M.A. Williams, ovvero sulla necessità di individuare un gruppo o una comunità, e del come rilevarne e pensarne sviluppi storici, geografici e sociali. IV. In positivo: una conclusione. – Abstract: «By reviewing three recent books dealing with Alexandrian Christianity and ‘Gnostic’ groups, the article tries to sketch a new agenda for the study of the latter as integral part of the multifaceted early Christian movement in the Egyptian metropolis. Three points are underscored as pivotal to the project: the creation of a dossier of Jewish and early Christian texts actually circulating in the city; the inclusion of all the available sources in the process of historical reconstruction; the downplaying of the classical ‘history of ideas’ approach in favor of a more critical and deep-ranging sociological perspective, focused as it is on the interlace of ideology and social practices, conflict and identity formation»]. –, Dio e gli dèi: tracce di teogonia egiziana nell’Apocrifo di Giovanni, Adamantius 18 (2012) 83-107. [1. Il problema. 2. Da Amon alla Monade: note per una storia degli inni al Dio uno e solo: 2.1. L’anello mancante? 3. L’unità divina e le sue trasformazioni: variazioni su di un mito: 3.1. Le parole e le cose: alcuni riscontri. 4. Chi ha scritto l’Apocrifo di Giovanni? Una riflessione conclusiva. – Abstract: «The article aims at exploring and ascertaining the hypothesis of an Egyptian influence on the complex theogonical process sketched in the Apocryphon of John. By detecting an overall scheme as well as single features of the mythological discourse, common both to our text and Egyptian sources, the analysis ends up shedding light on a cultural milieu in Alexandria, which shows familiarity with Greek, Jewish, Egyptian and Iranian traditions and asserts its ‘Christian’ identity and ritual practice on the basis of this multifaceted knowledge»]. Zugänge zur Gnosis → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale 4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici BLAUDEAU PH., Le siège de Rome et l’Orient (448-536). Étude géo-ecclésiologique → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale HAUBEN H., Studies on the Melitian Schism in Egypt (AD 306-335), ed. P. VAN NUFFELEN (Variorum Collected Studies Series CS1001) Farnham [UK] / Burlington [VT/USA] 2012, pp. XXXVI + 16 essays + indexes (8 pp.). [Reproduction of 16 essays concerning the Melitian schism and Egyptian papyrological issues. See the introduction by P. VAN NUFFELEN, Introduction: The Melitian Schism: Development, Sources, and Interpretation, pp. XI-XXXVI]. ODEN TH.C., The African Memory of Mark. Reassessing Early Church Tradition, InterVarsity Press, Drowners Grove, Illinois, 2011, pp. 279. [Part One: The African Memory of St. Mark. Part Two: The Identity of the Biblical Mark Viewed from African Tradition. Part Three: Mark in Africa (8. The Call of Mark to Carry the Good News to Africa. 9. Mark’s Martyrdom Sites in Alexandria). Part Four: Mark in the Historical Record. Part Five: The Ubiquity of Mark].

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5. Il monachesimo BOUD’HORS A., Aspects du monachisme égyptien: les figures comparées de Chénouté et Frangé, in Monachismes d’Orient. Images, échanges, influences, 217-225. DAVIS S.J., The Category of Memory in Recent Scholarship on the Desert Fathers, in From Old Cairo to the New World, 59-76. [Introduction. In search of true memory: recent scholarship on monastic sayings and sources. A constructive criticism: recent research on memory in biological and social sciences. Bibliography. – Abstract: «In this paper, I assess and critique the way that the category of memory has been utilised in recent scholarship on the Egyptian desert fathers. Anglo-American scholars such as Graham Gould, Douglas Burton-Christie, William Harmless and Tim Vivian have employed memory language to reinforce assumptions about historical continuity in the preservation and transmission of monastic sayings and stories. This use of memory stands in sharp contrast to recent sociological and scientific studies that have highlighted the malleability and culturally constructed character of human remembrances. In order to encourage a more serious engagement with cognate disciplines on matters of methodoloy, I propose that it would be more fruitful to regard monastic ‘memory’ as a set of social practices rather than as fixed units of transmitted traditio» (p. 59)]. DIETHART J. – VOIGT V., Bedeutet nekrotavfo" in der Historia Monachorum in Aegypto wirklich auch Grabräuber?, ByzZ 104 (2011) 629-631. [Abstract: «This contribution considers a supposed semantic development of the Greek term for ‘gravedigger’ in Hellenistic and Roman papyri: nekrotáphos (English ‘sexton’ only applies to a Christian age). Festugière, in his translation of the Historia Monachorum, suggested the word might mean ‘grave-robber’ – an age-old, well-known activity from all periods of Egyptian history for which there was a word like tymbôrychos. Festugière himself entertained doubts as to whether the translation was adequate because he knew no other evidence than the one in question. We agree that a gravedigger (even today) might be tempted to rob the dead bodies or grave furnishings with which he was entrusted or even to try to open existing graves in order to steal objects, but this does not justify the conclusion that nekrotáphos did have a lexicalized second meaning ‘grave-robber’. There is, however, a slight chance that this meaning became attached to nekrotavfo", with an ironic connotation, as when “German” was used as synonym for drunkard or glutton in other parts of Europe, based on occasional observations of behavior which can often give rise to invidious stereotypes» (pp. 631-62)]. GOEHRING J.E., Politics, Monasticism and Miracles in Sixth Century Upper Egypt. A Critical Edition and Translation of the Coptic Texts on Abraham of Farshut (Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum, 69), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2012, pp. XIV+160. [Preface, VII-IX. Introduction, 1-4. Ch. 1. The manuscripts, 5-31. Ch. 2. Literary and historical analysis, 32-67. Ch. 3. Texts and translations, 68-121. Ch. 4. Related texts, 122-126. Appendix A: Previously published editions of the manuscript leaves, 127-129; Appendix B: Manuscripts pages listed by library, 130-131; Appendix C: Manuscript sigla table, 132. Plates, 133-137. Bibliography, 139-146. Index to the Coptic texts, 147-155; Index of subjects, 156-160]. JULLIEN F., Types et topiques de l’Égypte: réinterpréter les modèles aux VIe-VIIe siècles, in Monachismes d’Orient. Images, échanges, influences, 151-163. MALEVEZ M., Le régime alimentaire des moines errants de l’Antiquité tardive, in From Old Cairo to the New World, 111-123. [Abstract: «This paper examines the diet of Coptic monks, based mainly on information contained in the Historia Lausiaca of Palladius and the Conferences of Cassius [sic!], as well as the sentences of the Church Fathers and the Life of Pachomius. As might be expected, bread was the principal foodstuff, sometimes with salt; vegetables are found, cooked, salted, grilled or fresh, and more occasionally fruit. Meat was almost entirely absent. Water was the usual beverage; wine on rare occasions» (p. 111)]. RASSART-DEBERGH M., Bilan des fouilles au désert des cellules, les Kellia, in Monachismes d’Orient. Images, échanges, influences, 269-289.

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SCHULZE C., Die Wundererzählungen in Palladius’ Historia Lausiaca. Eine medizinhistorische Betrachtung, ZAC 17 (2013) 87-101. [1. Autor, Werk und Adressat. 2. Medizinische Aspekte in der Historia Lausiaca: 2.1. Medizinisches Allerlei; 2.2. Zur medizinischen Infrastruktur der Mönchssiedlungen; 2.3. Dia sanitär-hygienischen Verhältnisse. 3. Die Elias-Vision. 4. Relevanz für Inkubation. 5. Zusammenfassung. – Abstract: «The Historia Lausiaca, written by the monk Palladius in 429 C.E., along with its vision of Elias (ch. 29), offers a late antique text about the history of incubation that so far has been of little interest in this context. In this dream, the ascetic Elias is castrated by three angels outside the boundaries of the monastery and is permanently cured of sexual desire. This account does not depict incubation in the stricter sense, but it shows amazing parallels (e.g. healing through sleep, distant/remote place of healing, intervention by angels and God). This article is intended to examine and interpret the parallels mentioned above as well as the differences and to place the Historia Lausiaca into the historical context of research with special regard to the cult of Asklepios» (p. 87)].

11. Clemente Alessandrino The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, Proceedings of the Colloquium on Clement of Alexandria (Olomouc, October 21-23, 2010), edited by M. HAVRDA, V. HUŠEK, J. PLÁTOVÁ (VigChr.S, 117), Brill, Leiden 2012, pp. XVIII+386 (=The Seventh Book of the Stromateis). [Preface, IX-XIV; List of participants, XV; List of abbreviations, XVII-XVIII. Introduction: A. VAN DEN HOEK, Book VII in the Light of Recent Scholarship: Approaches and Perspectives (with Bibliography), 3-36. Part One. Piety: A. LE BOULLUEC, Comment Clément applique-t-il dans le Stromate VII, à l’intention des philosophes, la méthode définie dans le prologue (1-3)?, 39-62; S.- P. BERGJAN, Clement of Alexandria on God’s Providence and the Gnostic’s Life Choice: The Concept of Pronoia in the Stromateis, Book VII (with Appendix: Fragments from Clement of Alexandria, Peri; pronoiva"), 63-92; M. RECINOVÁ, Clement’s Angelological Doctrines: Between Jewish Models and Philosophic-Religious Streams of Late Antiquity, 93-111; G. KARAMANOLIS, Clement on Superstition and Religious Belief, 113-130; H.F. HÄGG, Seeking the Face of God: Prayer and Knowledge in Clement of Alexandria, 131-142; L. PERRONE, Clemens von Alexandrien und Origenes zum Gebet: Versuch eines Paradigmenvergleichs anhand ihrer Schriftstellen, 143-164. Part Two. Perfection: V. V. ČERNUŠKOVÁ, Divine and Human Mercy in the Stromateis, 167-183; J. PLÁTOVÁ, The Gnostic’s Intercessory Prayer according to Clement of Alexandria, 185-198; J. KOVACS, Saint Paul as Apostle of Apatheia: Stromateis VII, Chapter 14, 199-216; D. DAINESE, The Idea of Martyrdom in Stromateis VII: A Proposal for a Reconstruction of Clement of Alexandria’s Philosophy, 217-238; I. RAMELLI, Stromateis VII and Clement’s Hints at the Theory of Apokatastasis, 239-257. Part Three. Truth: M. HAVRDA, Demonstrative Method in Stromateis VII: Contexts, Principles, and Purpose, 261-275; P. ASHWIN-SIEJKOWSKI, The Notion of ‘Heresy’ in Stromateis VII and its Use in Clement of Alexandria’s Polemic, 277-290; O. KINDLY, Approximating Church and School in Clement of Alexandria’s Stromateis VII, 291-298; M. RIZZI, The End of Stromateis VII and Clement’s Literary Project, 299-311. Appendices: A. VAN DEN HOEK, ‘Hymn of the Holy Clement to Christ the Saviour’. Clement of Alexandria, Pedagogue III 101, 4 (Introduction, translation, and notes), 315-322; J. SCHATKIN HETTRICK, Musical Settings of Clement’s ‘Hymn to Christ the Saviour’, 323-339. Index of modern authors, 341-346; Index of subjects and names, 347-356; Index of sources, 357-386]. Agostino. Commento alla Lettera ai Galati, Introduzione, traduzione e note di F. COCCHINI → 29. Agostino ALEXANDRE M., La culture grecque, servante de la foi. De Philon d’Alexandrie aux Pères grecs → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale ASHWIN-SIEJKOWSKI P., The Notion of ‘Heresy’ in Stromateis VII and its Use in Clement of Alexandria’s Polemic, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 277-290. [1. Locating Clement of Alexandria in his polis. 2. The semantics of the term hairesis in Stromateis VII. 3. Clement’s model of the Church as an opposition to Christian sects. 4. Clement’s legacy – Can we trust it? 5. Conclusion. – «Our models of emerging orthodoxy in the earliest Christianity in

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Alexandria remain provisional as long as we do not have new, sufficient evidence to reconstruct a particular historical and theological trajectory. Neither Bauer’s thesis nor his strong opponents can convincingly prove whether orthodoxy predated or followed heresy. In this context Clement of Alexandria’s testimony has huge importance as long as it is taken as the voice of a witness who was never unbiased and never aimed to be. In a summary of Clement’s view on heresy in the light of selected passages, we can conclude that he was fully aware of a sharp distinction between the orthodox position and heretical aberrations. Clement of Alexandria argued for the original unity of the truth and the actual unity of the apostolic church in contrast to the pluralism of heretical sects and the multiplicity of doctrines. That inner unity of the church and theology is based, in his view, on unity with God, as his ecclesiology is directly related to Christology» (p. 290)]. BERGJAN S.-P., Clement of Alexandria on God’s Providence and the Gnostic’s Life Choice: The Concept of Pronoia in the Stromateis, Book VII (with Appendix: Fragments from Clement of Alexandria, Peri; pronoiva"), in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 63-92. [1. Clement’s concept of pronoia in its semantic contexts. 2. Pronoia and justice. Gnostics and martyrs experiencing God’s pronoia. 3. Explaining the particular pronoia and status of the Gnostic. Appendix: Fragments from Clement of Alexandria, Peri; pronoiva". – «The ideal gnostic is not at the end of the chain of pronoia – he also exercises pronoia and cares for those who are again subordinate to him. The concept of pronoia therefore serves for Clement as a model for the life of the ideal Christian who is supposed to imitate the pronoia of the Son. The gnostic cares for himself and his neighbors, he governs, he is a judge, and he punishes those who deserve it according to paideia, but most of all the gnostic ideal is, according to Clement, visible in the task of the teacher. At this point the chain of pronoia can become very short, and the gnostic as the teacher can become the second image of God after the Son and the first Teacher» (pp. 89-90)]. ČERNUŠKOVÁ V., Divine and Human Mercy in the Stromateis, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 167-183. [1. Assimilation to God according to Matt 5:48. 2. Mercy generates repentance. 3. Sins against the law and against God himself. 4. Twofold repentance. 5. Perfect loves casts out fear (1John 4:18). 6. We love, because he first loved us (1John 4:19). – «It is quite interesting to note that where he quotes Matt 5:48 in explicit relation to forgiveness (Strom. IV 137; VII 81 and 88), Clement does not supplement the requirement to resemble God with the customary “as far as possible”. It seems that he does it purposely because he wants his listeners to hear the biblical oxymoron in its complete provocativeness: there is one thing that a man can do perfectly, just as the heavenly Father does – to forgive, i.e., to take no revenge on anyone, and to do good to everyone. Whoever acts in such a way towards others, and whoever is aware that God acts in such a way towards him, is making great strides towards knowing God. In my paper, therefore, I would like to stress the key role that, according to Clement, merciful forgiveness has in human spiritual life, with regard to the knowledge of God and to salvation (in Clement’s thought these two things are exactly the same)» (pp. 169-170)]. COSAERT C.P., Clement of Alexandria’s Gospel Citations, in The Early Text of the New Testament, 393-413. [Clement and the New Testament. Clement’s textual affinities in the Gospels. Quantitative analysis of Clement’s Gospel citations. Group profile analysis of Clement’s Gospel citations. The typology of Clement’s readings. Conclusions. – «The most significant conclusion that can be drawn from the re- examination of Clement’s text of the Gospels is that Clement’s text was not monolithic. Instead of testifying to the dominance of one singular text type, Clement’s citations suggest an awareness of a number of diverse readings in circulation, and Clement does not appear to have been beholden to the sole influence of any one of them. And while some of the diversity of Clement’s text is certainly the result of his tendency towards harmonization among the Synoptic Gospels, the vast majority of his support of the various text types cannot simply be explained as accidental. As the evidence now stands, Clement’s citations suggest that the primary Alexandrian text of John was dominant by the end of the second century in Alexandria, though Clement was a rather impure representative of it» (p. 413)]. DAINESE D., The Idea of Martyrdom in Stromateis VII: A Proposal for a Reconstruction of Clement of Alexandria’s Philosophy, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 217-238.

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[Introduction. Preliminary notions and outline. 1. Psychology, spirit, and martyrdom. 2. Psychology as a result of conceptual development. Conclusion. – «We have argued that in Stromateis VI-VII Clement fulfils the promises he made in books II-V by means of the concept of the spirit. We have also suggested that the concept of spiritual perfection, elaborated in Strom. VII, might have replaced the concept of martyrdom developed in Strom. II-V: both concepts symbolize an eschatological condition. To put it briefly, the concept of the spirit is the main characteristic of the psychology in Strom. VI-VII, which implies the psychology developed in Strom. II-V. In addition, we have proposed that the psychology in Strom. VI-VII not only fulfils the tasks of Strom. II-V, but also highlights a conceptual analysis. This fact distinguishes the developed psychology of Strom. VI-VII from the first answers given to the Gnostics when Clement promises a future treatise on the soul» (p. 237)]. –, Passibilità divina. La dottrina dell’anima in Clemente Alessandrino (Fundamentis Novis. Studi di letteratura cristiana antica, mediolatina e bizantina, 2), Città Nuova, Roma 2012, pp. 306. [M. Rizzi, Prefazione, 7-9. Premessa, 11-12. I. Introduzione, 13-51. II. Anima e antropologia, 53-113. III. Dottrina dei principi ed escatologia, 115-179. IV. Psicologia e passibilità divina, 181-225. Conclusione generale, 227-231. Bibliografia, 233-284. Indice dei nomi, 285-293; Indice analitico, 295-304]. DEMURA M., Origen and the Exegetical Tradition of the Sarah-Hagar Motif in Alexandria → 12. Origene (4. Studi) DÖRNEMANN M., Einer ist Arzt, Christus. Medizinales Verständnis von Erlösung in der Theologie der griechischen Kirchenväter des zweiten bis vierten Jahrhunderts → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale GROSSO M., Detti segreti. Il Vangelo di Tommaso nell’antichità [4.1. Clemente e le parole di Gesù trasmesse al di fuori dei quattro vangeli, 109-115; 4.2. I testi, 115- 144; 4.3. Osservazioni conclusive, 144. – «Analizzando i paralleli di Ev.Th. presenti nell’opera clementina abbiamo visto come l’autore abbia ripreso tali formulazioni attingendo ora ad altre fonti (il Vangelo secondo gli Egiziani in strom. 3,13,92,2; il Vangelo secondo gli Ebrei in strom. 2,9,45,5) ora a un patrimonio tradizionale probabilmente condiviso con i destinatari dei suoi scritti. Il dato cruciale è costituito non dalla possibilità della conoscenza diretta e senza mediazioni, da parte di Clemente, del testo di Ev.Th., bensì dal fatto che nella sua opera si materializzi un discreto numero di detti attribuiti a Gesù contenuti in questo vangelo» (p. 144)]. HÄGG H.F., Seeking the Face of God: Prayer and Knowledge in Clement of Alexandria, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 131-142. [1. Clement’s concept of prayer. 2. Logical analysis and spiritual piety. 3. Faith and knowledge. 4. Prayer as the road to knowledge. – «The knowledge and vision that the gnostic achieves in this life cannot be knowledge of God as he is, since he essentially remains unknown. The only knowledge of God relevant is the knowledge that is given in prayer, worship or contemplation. It may be termed participatory knowledge, because it is a knowledge that is gained by participating in the love of the divine. Through these ‘activities’ man may experience an intimate relationship of love and friendship. It is a type of knowledge that may be characterized as ‘knowing through unknowing’» (p. 142)]. HAVRDA M., Demonstrative Method in Stromateis VII: Contexts, Principles, and Purpose, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 261-275. [1. Faith on trial. 2. Faith and demonstration. 3. Principles of demonstration. 4. Faith as principle. 5. Demonstration in Stromateis VII. – «The aim of this paper is to explore Clement’s use of the demonstrative method in various contexts of the Stromateis, with a special focus on the seventh book. Leaving aside the material in the eighth book which seems to reflect Clement’s theological goals to a limited extent only, we will ask how Clement employs the term and methods derived from his philosophical sources and for what purpose he does so» (p. 263)]. HOEK A. VAN DEN, Book VII in the Light of Recent Scholarship: Approaches and Perspectives (with Bibliography), in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 3-36. [«Before approaching the question of recent scholarship... I would like to start with a look at the general content of book seven, spotlighting the themes that have been brought out previously. The two commentaries by Hort and Mayor and Alain Le Boulluec... are most valuable for any such

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endeavour. When we look at the general plan and the various themes of book seven, there is a fair amount of continuity with the preceding books. Subjects of book six reappear, such as the way of life of the Christians, Greek wisdom, the role of Greek philosophy in the history of salvation, hermeneutical language in the Scriptures, and the role of the ‘true gnostic’. Major subjects of book five also resurface: for example, discussions of symbolic language and the apologetic theme of the theft-of-the-Greeks; thus a continuous sequence of topics flows these books» (p. 4)]. – ‘Hymn of the Holy Clement to Christ the Saviour’. Clement of Alexandria, Pedagogue III 101, 4 (Introduction, translation, and notes), in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 315-322. KARAMANOLIS G., Clement on Superstition and Religious Belief, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 113-130. [1. Introduction. 2. The purpose of Clement’s treatment of superstition. 3. Clement’s arguments about superstition. 4. Conclusion. – «The thrust of Clement’s argument is that the Greeks do not conceptualize correctly what God is, while the Christian gnostic succeeds in that. Clement suggests that we can see how wrong the conception of the Greeks is, if we focus for a moment on the conception that the gnostic has. For the gnostic, God is an intelligible being which, like any other of this kind, can only be known and understood intellectually. And Clement implies that this is exactly how the gnostic comes to know God. This knowledge of God is the only way one can relate to God. Such knowledge has strong repercussions on one’s mind and life. This view would be endorsed by Platonists and Peripatetics. The gnostic differs, though, from all the Greeks, the philosophers included, because he or she has the correct knowledge of what God really is, so Clement claims» (pp. 129-130)]. KINDLY O., Approximating Church and School in Clement of Alexandria’s Stromateis VII, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 291-298. [«To sum up, book seven of Clement’s Stromateis provides rich evidence of his integrated understanding of the early Christian school and church. Even though Neymeyr’s and van den Hoek’s arguments about Clement’s non-sacerdotal status are persuasive, still the distance between the school and the church is almost non-existent in Clement’s theological view. Education and personal growth are deepened a realized in sacramental initiation and eternal liturgy» (p. 298)]. KOVACS J., Saint Paul as Apostle of Apatheia: Stromateis VII, Chapter 14, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 199-216. [Introduction. 1. First Corinthians 6 in the context of Stromateis VII. 2. Overview of Clement’s exegesis of 1 Corinthians 6. 3. Paul and the new law of the Gospel. 4. Perfecting the divine likeness: from Plato to Jesus and Paul. 5. Freedom from the passions: Paul, Jesus, and Greek philosophy. 6. Perfect moral action and inner intention. 7. Chapter in context. Conclusion. – «Read on the higher level, 1 Corinthians 6 becomes a fitting illustration of Clement’s fundamental claim that Scripture makes an extremely high moral demand, and that the Christian who fulfils this demand – the gnostic – is a model of human perfection. Whatever Clement’s reasons for choosing this text as his one model exegesis in Stromateis VII may have been, it proves to be a fruitful jumping off point for his argument that the Christian Scriptures encompass the best of what Greek philosophy has to offer – and even more. In Clement’s eyes this text shows clearly that the person who conform his life to Scripture’s teachings is in fact the best possible human being, a model of piety towards God and benevolence to all people» (p. 216)]. LE BOULLUEC A., Comment Clément applique-t-il dans le Stromate VII, à l’intention des philosophes, la méthode définie dans le prologue (1-3)?, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 39-62. [1. Méthode et délimitation de l’exposé sur la piété. 2. Comment la méthode est-elle appliquée: L’intrusion de la «prophétie» en 14,1 comme récapitulation; Transition vers les exposés suivants. – «En somme, le programme défini dans le prologue ne s’accomplit pleinement qu’après l’achèvement de l’exposé qui devait montrer aux philosophes que seul était véritablement pieux le gnostique. Alors seulement le “christianisme”, après avoir traduit et transformé dans son propre discours les propos des philosophes sur la piété, peut exhiber le sceau qui authentifie ce discours, la lettre même de la “prophétie”. De cette façon, le programme est respecté. Le travail de traduction mené dans la première partie progresse cependant par étapes. À un moment crucial de l’argumentation, Clément

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offre les prémices de la résolution finale en récapitulant les premiers acquis à l’aide des références à l’Ancien Testament, en 14, 1. Il sème, ensuite, discrètement, des allusions à la “prophétie”, qui ponctuent son exposé et relancent la recherche. Ces anticipations sont des signaux et servent à alerter le lecteur attentif. Elles servent aussi un projet divergent, par lequel, subrepticement, Clément sort de la route tracée. Sous-jacent à la démonstration annoncée, un enseignement qui va au-delà des philosophes grecs et des simples croyants chétiens dessine les voies d’une initiation à la connaissance, conformément au cryptage dont l’auteur des Stromates parle à propos de son œuvre» (pp. 61-62)]. PERRONE L., Clemens von Alexandrien und Origenes zum Gebet: Versuch eines Paradigmenvergleichs anhand ihrer Schriftstellen, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 143-164. [1. Frömmigkeit und Theologie: die christologischen Voraussetzungen zur Rede vom Gebet. 2. Biblische und ekklesiale Aspekte des Gebets. 3. Die oratio continua als gemeinsamer Nenner. 4. Die Stelle des Bittgebets. 5. Zum Abschluss: unterschiedliche Paradigmen, gemeinsame Schriftstellen. – «Abschließend darf man feststellen, dass auch im Falle von Clemens die Rede vom Gebet von einer Geschlossenheit geprägt ist, die auf ein ‘starkes’ Denken zurückgeht. Dieses erweist sich allerdings, im Vergleich nicht nur mit Tertullian sondern selbst mit dem ‘Schüler’ Origenes, anders orientiert. Zwar stellt auch Clemens einen ‘würdigen’ bzw. ‘heiligen’ Beter dar – wie es tendentiell in der Gebetsschrift des Origenes der Fall ist –, aber letzten Endes kommt er zu einem verschiedenen Ergebnis. Mindestens ist man geneigt, einen andersartigen Ton als die dominierende Note zu empfinden. Bei Clemens ist nämlich der Grundton eher optimistich, was die Möglichkeit des Gebets, seine tatsächliche Verwirklichung in der oratio continua als Lebensform des Gnostikers sowie seine unvermeidliche Effektivität angeht. Im Denken von Clemens fehlt ganz und gar jenes problematische bzw. dramatische Register oder, anders und vielleicht besser gesagt, jene “wunderbare Gefühlsstärke”, die nach Walther Völker Origenes’ Auffassung vom Gebet kennzeichnet. Es ist deshalb durchaus naheliegend, daraus zu entnehmen, dass Origenes die Abhandlung seines Vorgängers absichtlich revidiert hat» (p. 161)]. PLÁTOVÁ J., The Gnostic’s Intercessory Prayer according to Clement of Alexandria, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 185-198. [1. Doing good as the consequence of the gnostic assimilation to God. 2. The intercessory prayer as a form sui generis of the gnostic’s doing good. 3. The prerequisites of the gnostic’s intercessory prayer. 4. The quality of the gnostic’s intercessory prayer: a thorough knowledge of the will of God. 5. The culmination of the gnostic’s intercessory prayer: a prayer for enemies. Conclusion. – «As I have tried to demonstrate to those who might think that Clement’s gnostic follows the teaching of Greek philosophers rather than the precepts of Jesus, the key passages in Clement’s treatise on perfection actually do have breath and life from the Scriptures, Johannine writings in particular: in the exposition of the intercessory prayer in the seventh book of the Stromateis, the source is Jesus’ prayer for his disciples which appears in the seventeenth chapter of the Gospel of John, while in the case of Quis dives it is the First Epistle of John and probably another ancient tradition as well. Finally, the overall conception of the loving and beloved children of God, as presented in several passages to those of Clement’s readers who have the ambition to achieve perfection, has, in my opinion, clearly found a model in the third, fourth, and fifth chapters of the First Epistle of John» (p. 198)]. RAMELLI I., Stromateis VII and Clement’s Hints at the Theory of Apokatastasis, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 239-257. [«To be sure, Clement did not develop a consistent and thorough theory of apokastasis, but what I have pointed out clearly paved the way to the theory of universal salvation. If Origen drew inspiration from Clement for his conception of apokatastasis, Clement and Origen seem to me to have been inspired by Philo and his notion of the restoration of the soul through a (philosophical) therapy, which I have illustrated beforehand, although Philo did not believe in universal salvation. His therapeutic and medical imagery, too, will be dear to Clement and Origen as well» (p. 256)]. RECINOVÁ M., Clement’s Angelological Doctrines: Between Jewish Models and Philosophic-Religious Streams of Late Antiquity, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 93-111.

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[1. The sources of Clement’s angelology. 2. Earlier scholarship on Clement’s angelological doctrine. 3. Clement’s extant and lost writings on angelology. 4. Clement’s anthropology and angelology. 5. The ‘celestial hierarchy’ in Clement. 6. The ‘Curch hierarchy’ as an image of the ‘celestial hierarchy’. 7. Seven first-create angels. 8. The fall and redemption of the angelic world in Clement’s view. 9 Angels and Trinity in Clement of Alexandria. 10. The angels of nations and guardian angels. 11. Angels and the spiritual ascent of the human soul. 12. Philosophy as a gift of good angels in Clement]. RIZZI M., The End of Stromateis VII and Clement’s Literary Project, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 299-311. [«(...) I propose that the Hypotyposeis represent the last part of Clement’s written teaching, which originally constituted a whole, both in terms of contents and literary form. What consequences does this have for our understanding of Clement’s theological and literary effort? The majority of scholars share the conviction, albeit with some nuances, that Clement organized his teaching according to the threefold pattern of logic, ethic, and (meta)physic, as was common in contemporary Platonism; for instance, scholars discuss whether the last part may be identified with the ‘true gnostic physiology’, with the ejpopteiva or with a more traditional theological treatise; most of the themes announced by Clement in the course of the Stromateis and elsewhere seem to belong to the third part of the division. In a previous work of mine, I proposed that Clement does effectively use a ternary pattern, but moulds it according to the three virtues from the First Epistle to the Corinthians, chapter 13. (...) So the organizing principle of Clement’s teaching lies in a peculiar exegetical combination of 1 Cor 13, in its double aspects of the vision per speculum et in aenigmate and of the hierarchical scansion of the virtues, with the Johannine tradition according to which God is ajgavph, love» (pp. 309-310)]. SCHATKIN HETTRICK J., Musical Settings of Clement’s ‘Hymn to Christ the Saviour’, in The Seventh Book of the Stromateis, 323-339. [«Clement’s ‘Hymn to Christ the Saviour’, appended to manuscripts of his book Paedagogus (The Tutor) is considered to be the most ancient hymn (tex) of the Christian church. It entered the mainstream of Christian hymnody within the Oxford Movement in the mid-nineteenth century, when it was translated into English in 1846 by the American Congregationalist pastor Henry Martyn Dexter (1821-1890). Dexter translated Clement’s hymn for a sermon he was writing on “some prominent characteristics of the early Christians”, based on the text of Deuteronomy 32:7 (“Remember the days of old...”). After making a literal translation, he prepared a poetic version for his congregation to sing. Known by the first line of this poetic translation as ‘Shepherd of Tender Youth’, Clement’s ‘Hymn to Christ the Saviour’ has appeared in dozens of English language hymnals and has received numerous musical settings by different composers» (p. 323)]. STRUTWOLF H., Theologische Gnosis bei Clemens Alexandrinus und Origenes, in Zugänge zur Gnosis, 91-112. [I. Clemens von Alexandrien und sein Programm einer “wahren Gnosis”. II. Origenes – Gnosis als System. – «Dieses Auf- und Abstiegsschema, in das Kosmogenese und Wiederauflösung alles Weltlichen eingebunden werden, ist nun meines Erachtens nicht nur deutlich von gnostischem Denken beeinflusst, sondern kann als das eigentlich Gnostische an der Theologie des Origenes verstanden werden, so dass – lassen Sie mich meine Ergebnisse in dieser Formulierung zusammenfassen – im Falle des origeneischen Systemdenkens anders als bei Clemens von Alexandrien durchaus von einer theologischen Gnosis im engeren Sinne gesprochen werden kann. Origenes war also vielleicht wirklich ein Gnostiker, was seine Kosmologie betrifft, aber, da bei ihm die Einheit des jüdisch-christlichen Gottesbildes erhalten bleibt, – so meine ich – ein Gnostiker höherer Ordnung» (p. 112)]. TOLLEY H., Clement of Alexandria’s Reference to Luke the Evangelist as Author of Jason and Papiscus, JThS 63 (2012) 523-532. [Grabe’s theory. Overview of scholarly reaction, 1765-2007. Examining Grabe’s theory. Conclusion. – Abstract: «A strange quotation from Clement of Alexandria’s now lost Hypotyposeis, preserved in the Areopagite material within the writings of Maximus Confessor/John of Scythopolis, claims that Luke the Evangelist wrote the Jewish-Christian dialogue Jason and Papiscus. The information seems so fantastic that several scholars have attempted to explain away the attribution through the

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composition of various hypotheses. The most popular of these was published by Johannes Ernest Grabe in his Spicilegium SS Patrum in 1698. Despite being cited by scholars from the eighteenth to the twenty-first century, Grabe’s hypothesis has never been the subject of a detailed investigation. Two conclusions result from an investigation of his hypothesis: Grabe’s claims of textual corruption are unfounded; and it seems clear that Clement actually did claim Lukan authorship for Jason and Papiscus» (p. 523)].

12. Origene 1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori PAZZINI D., Origeniana Decima: Origen as Writer, Adamantius 18 (2012) 336-363. [A systematic presentation of the contributions published in Origeniana Decima. Origen as Writer. Papers of the 10th International Origen Congress, University School of Philosophy and Education “Ignatianum”, Kraków, Poland, 31 August – 4 September 2009, edited by Sylwia KACZMAREK and Henryk PIETRAS, in collaboration with Andrzej DZIADOWIEC (BEThL, 244), Peeters, Leuven – Paris – Walpole/MS 2011, pp. XVII+1039]. PERRONE L., Si legge ancora Origene? La lectio origeniana di Roma, quindici anni dopo, Sal. 75 (2013) 333-348. [Premessa: un autore ‘che si fa leggere’. La Lectio Origenis e la ricerca italiana degli ultimi due decenni. La ‘voce’ di Origene nel nostro tempo: un’esperienza di lettura come invito ad un dialogo fecondo. – « (...) Tornare a leggere Origene significa essere sempre di nuovo disposti ad entrare in un dialogo fecondo con lui, assecondando il modello di lettore ‘collaborativo’ che egli auspicava, con un lavoro personale di scavo sul testo sacro; significa interrogarsi sui molteplici sensi della Bibbia come testo che ha ispirato la Chiesa e le culture nel corso di una ricezione plurisecolare, mediante una lettura che oggi definiremmo risolutamente ‘intertestuale’ in quanto posta interamente ‘sotto il cielo delle Scritture’; significa, in definitiva, inoltrarsi in un cammino di progresso e perfezionamento interiori lasciandosi penetrare sempre più dal soffio di quel cristianesimo pneumatico, di cui il nostro tempo ha tanto bisogno e che ha trovato in Origene un interprete insuperato» (p. 348)]. 2. Edizioni e traduzioni Origène. Commentaire sur l’Épître aux Romains, Tome IV (Livres IX-X), texte critique établi par C.P. HAMMOND BAMMEL, Introduction par M. FÉDOU S.J., Traduction et notes par L. BRÉSARD O.C.S.O. et M. FÉDOU S.J.,Index par L. BRÉSARD O.C.S.O. (Sources Chrétiennes, 555), Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2012, pp. 503. [Avant-Propos, 7-8. Introduction, 9: I. Le problème textuel de la section sur Rm 12,16-14,10, 12-18; II. Le passage sur le culte spirituel (Rm 12), 18-24; III. La soumission aux autorités et le commandement de l’amour (Rm 13), 24-33; IV. Les relations entre chrétiens (Rm 14,1-15,13), 33-42; IV. Le ministère de Paul. Exhortations et salutations. Doxologie finale (Rm 15,14-16,27), 42-50; Bibliographie, 51. Liste des modifications, 52; Liste des abréviations, 52. Texte et traduction, 53-455. Index scripturaire, 457- 502; Table des matières, 503]. Origene. Omelia I sul Salmo 67 (Cod. Monac. Gr. 314, ff. 83r-98v), Adamantius 18 (2012) 7-15. [Trascrizione con annotazioni a cura di L. PERRONE]. 3. Miscellanee e raccolte Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana. Multiculturalità, forme di competizione culturale e identità cristiana, Atti dell'XI Convegno del Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene e la Tradizione Alessandrina, Arezzo, 22- 23 settembre 2011, a cura di O. ANDREI (Supplementi di «Adamantius», 3), Morcelliana, Brescia 2013, pp. 264 (=Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana. Multiculturalità, forme di competizione culturale e identità cristiana). [O. ANDREI, Ringraziamenti, 5. E. PRINZIVALLI, Presentazione, 7-8. O. ANDREI, Ripensare Caesarea Maritima, 9-23. G. RINALDI, Pagani e cristiani a Cesarea Marittima, 25-94. G. STEMBERGER, Ebraismo a Caesarea Maritima. Personalità rabbiniche e temi esegetici al tempo di Origene ed Eusebio, 95-104. M. RIZZI, La scuola di Origene tra le scuole di Cesarea e del mondo tardoantico, 105-119. G. DORIVAL –

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R. NAIWELD, Les interlocuteurs hébreux et juifs d’Origène à Alexandrie et à Césarée, 121-138. L. PERRONE Origene e la ‘Terra Santa’, 139-160. P. CARRARA, Eusebio, un greco di età romano-imperiale in una città multiculturale, 161-178. A. MONACI CASTAGNO, Eusebio di Cesarea storico e agiografo della persecuzione in Palestina, 179-201. M. SIMONETTI, Flavio Giuseppe in Origene e in Eusebio, 203-210. L. TROIANI, Filone Alessandrino nella Storia Ecclesiastica di Eusebio, 211-215. O. ANDREI, Conclusioni, 217-224. Sussidi: Abstracts dei contributi, 227-231; Sigle, 233-234; Gli autori, 235; Index Origenis et Eusebii locorum, 237- 242; Index auctorum et locorum antiquorum, 243-253; Indice degli autori moderni, 255-259]. Die Cambridge Origenists. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions. Zeugnisse des Cambridger Origenismus, Herausgegeben von A. FÜRST und C. HENGSTERMANN (Adamantiana. Texte und Studien zu Origenes und seinem Erbe, 4 – Kolloquien zum Nachleben des Origenes I), Aschendorff Verlag, Münster 2013, pp. 384 (= Die Cambridge Origenists. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions). [A. FÜRST–C. HENGSTERMANN, Vorwort, 5-6. C. HENGSTERMANN, George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions. Manifest eines neuzeitlichen Origenismus, 11-45. D. HEDLEY, Cudworth on Freedom. Theology, Ethical Obligation and the Limits of Mechanism, 47-58. J. LÖSSL, George Rusts Darstellung der Geschichte des ersten Origenismusstreits im Letter of Resolution, 59- 83. T.R. KARMANN, Güte, Weisheit und Allmacht. Platonismus und Origenismus in der Trinitätstheologie des Letter of Resolution, 85-131. A. FÜRST, Emanatianismus und Präexistentianismus: George Rusts origeneische Theodizeestrategie zwischen Determinismus und Freiheit, 133-164. M. WASMAIER-SAILER, Liebe und All-Einheit. Ethischer Realismus und das Universalitätsprinzip in der Religionsphilosophie George Rusts, 165-176. C. HENGSTERMANN, Der Niedergang der Hölle. Auferstehung und die Wiederherstellung aller Dinge im Letter of Resolution, 177-198. A. FÜRST–C. HENGSTERMANN, Die Apokalypse und der Naturgeist. Theologische Physik in George Rusts Origenes-Schrift, 199-217. Zeugnisse des Cambridger Origenismus: William Spencer (1658): Origenis Contra Celsum. Lectori – Origenes’ Gegen Kelsos. An den Leser, 220-231; George Rust (1658): God is Love (1 Jn 4:16) – Gott ist Liebe (1 Joh. 4,16), 232-267; Henry More (1662): A Collection of Several Philosophical Writings. The Preface General (Excerpt) – Sammlung verschiedener philosophischer Werke. Allgemeines. Allgemeines Vorwort (Auszug), 268-286; Joseph Glanvill (1662): A Letter concerning the pre-existence of souls, 286-305; Joseph Glanvill (1662): Lux Orientalis – The Preface, 306-325; James Bellamy (1710): Origen against Celsus. The Translator’s Preface to the Reader, 326- 355; Aufbau des Letter of Resolution, 356-357; Editionen von Werken der Cambridger Platonisten, 358- 360. Register, 361-384]. Studia Patristica. Vol. LVI. Papers presented at the Sixteenth International Conference on Patristic Studies held in Oxford 2011, edited by M. VINZENT, Volume 4: Rediscovering Origen, Peeters, Leuven–Paris– Walpole/MA 2013, pp. XIII+273 (= Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen). [L. PERRONE, Origen’s ‘Confessions’: Recovering the Traces of a Self-Portrait, 3-27. R. SOMOS, Is the Handmaid Stoic or Middle Platonic? Some Comments on Origen’s Use of Logic, 29-40. P.R. KOLBET, Rethinking the Rationales for Origen’s Use of Allegory, 41-49. B. BARRETT, Origen’s Spiritual Exegesis as a Defense of the Literal Sense, 51-63. T. DOLIDZE, Equivocality of Biblical Language in Origen, 65-72. M. DEMURA, Origen and the Exegetical Tradition of the Sarah-Hagar Motif in Alexandria, 73-81. E.A. DIVELY LAURO, The Eschatological Significance of Scripture According to Origen, 83-102. L. PERRONE, Rediscovering Origen Today: First Impressions of the New Collection of Homilies on the Psalms in the Codex Monacensis Graecus 314, 103-122. R.E. HEINE, Origen and his Opponents on Matthew 19:12, 123-128. A.E. JOHNSON, Interior Landscape: Origen’s Homily 21 on Luke, 129-134. S. BAGBY, The ‘Two Ways’ Tradition in Origen’s Commentary on Romans, 135-141. F. PIERI, Origen on 1Corinthians: Homilies or Commentary?, 143-156. T.D. MCGLOTHLIN, Resurrection, Spiritual Interpretation, and Moral Reformation: A Functional Approach to Resurrection in Origen, 157-165. I.L.E. RAMELLI, Preexistence of Souls? The ajrchv and tevlo" of Rational Creatures in Origen and Some Origenians, 167-226. I.L.E. RAMELLI, The Dialogue of Adamantius: A Document of Origen’s Thought? (Part Two), 227-273]. 4. Studi Agostino. Commento alla Lettera ai Galati, Introduzione, traduzione e note di F. COCCHINI → 29. Agostino

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ALEXANDRE M., La culture grecque, servante de la foi. De Philon d’Alexandrie aux Pères grecs → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale AROZTEGUI ESNAOLA M., Eucaristía y filiación en las teologías de los siglos II y III, in Filiación. Cultura pagana, religión de Israel, orígenes del cristianismo (→1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 257-289. [1. Eucaristía y generación del Hijo. 1.1 Iniciación cristiana y divinización en el gnosticismo, 258-267. 1.2 Orígenes: el Padre alimenta eucarísticamente al Hijo. 1.3 Mediante la eucaristía participamos en la generación del Hijo. 2. Eucaristía del Hijo de Dios y eucaristía del Hijo del hombre. 2.1 Testimonios valentinianos, 272-275. Teología alejandrina: la doctrina de la dos eucaristías (Clemente, Orígenes), 272-282. 2.3 Ireneo de Lyon: sólo hay una eucaristía, 282-289. Conclusión, 289]. BAGBY S., The ‘Two Ways’ Tradition in Origen’s Commentary on Romans, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 135-141. [Abstract: «Scattered references to the ‘two ways’ teaching in Origen’s Commentary on Romans offer clues to his unique appropriation of this tradition. Origen inherits familiar ‘two ways’ themes from the second century (baptismal catechesis, angels and demons, virtue and vice lists), but situates them firmly within his trichotomic anthropology. This gives him the structure to show the soul’s choice in adjudicating between spirit and flesh. This emphasis on the freedom of the will is in response to his Gnostic opponents and their doctrine of fixed natures. Origen’s approach therefore allows the ‘two ways’ teaching to have a proper theological basis while still retaining its basic characteristics. This paper isolates two salient and several ancillary texts where Origen consistently uses this tradition to bolster his doctrine of free will» (p. 135)]. BARRETT B., Origen’s Spiritual Exegesis as a Defense of the Literal Sense, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 51-63. [Outlining the defense in De principiis IV. The Samaritan woman and the revelatory function of the literal sense. Conclusion. – Abstract: «This paper suggests that, in Origen’s exegetical strategy, the literal sense is integral to the revelation of God’s wisdom. I analyze De principiis IV in conjunction with his interpretation of the Samaritan woman at the well (Commentary on John XIII), which is an allegory for allegorical exegesis. Throughout De princ. IV Origen characterizes divine Wisdom by its condescension: the saving power of God’s Wisdom is concealed in the weakness of the scriptural form in order to be made available. Thus the pneumatic sense is revealed only in and through its hiddenness in the letter. Strategies of exegesis which dislocate the letter from its divine intention therefore foreclose the wisdom it reveals. Origen’s allegory for the woman at the well illustrates his strategy and develops the significance of the literal sense for it. Through the images of the well and the woman’s husbands, Origen identifies a principle of gnostic exegesis which divorces the literal sense from the search for wisdom. This principle is the source of her constant thirst. In the woman’s encounter with Christ at the well, she learns the humility in which God seeks the lost. Allegorically, the exegete learns how the humble form of Scripture actually communicates divine Wisdom. Moreover, the exegete’s willingness to struggle with the literal sense is an expression of her need for God’s gifts. Thus the letter functions to provoke the exegete to ask for the divine Wisdom» (p. 51)]. BONFRATE G., Origene e l’esodo della Parola (CULTURA Studium, 12. NS: Religione e Società, 3), Edizioni Studium, Roma 2012, pp. 398. [Prefazione, 9-10. Prima Parte: I. Vita di Parola, 13-78; II. Chi è l’uomo, 79-104; III. Parole di viaggio, 105-141; IV. Esegesi nella vita, 143-212. Seconda Parte: V. L’Omelia XXVII sui Numeri: explicit che è nuovo incipit, 213-309; VI. Il passo del Logos, 311-358; VII. Epilogo, 359-365. Opere di Origene, 367- 372; Indice dei luoghi biblici, 373-385; Indice dei luoghi origeniani, 386-398]. BOSSINA L., I Cesti di Giulio Africano, Adamantius 18 (2012) 307-316. [Nota su Die Kestoi des Julius Africanus und ihre Überlieferung, hrsg. von M. WALLRAFF und L. MECELLA (TU, 165), de Gruyter, Berlin-New York 2009]. BRUNS C., Trinität und Kosmos. Zur Gotteslehre des Origenes (Adamantiana, 3), Aschendorff, Münster 2013, pp. 357.

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[Einleitung, 11: 1. Die trinitarische Gotteslehre des Origenes – das Thema der Untersuchung und seine Relevanz, 14-20; 2. Zum geistesgeschichtlichen Hintergrund der Trinitätslehre des Origenes, 20-27; 3. Zur Denkform und Methode des Origenes, 27-35; 4. Zur Quellenlage, 35-39; 5. Zum Aufbau der Untersuchung, 39-40. I. Teil. Das ewige Beziehungsgefüge von Vater, Sohn und heiligem Geist: 1. Die erste Hypostase: Der Vater: 1.1. Der Vater als der Inbegriff des Seins: Ἐgwv eijmi oJ w[n, 42- 45; 1.2. Der Vater als transzendenter Inbegriff aller Vollkommennheit, 45-50; 1.3. Der Gott, ein Gott, Götter, 50-52; 1.4. Das Problem der Erkennbarkeit des Vaters, 52-59. 2. Die zweite Hypostase: Der Sohn: 2.1. Die Konstitution des Sohnes: Zeugung und Schau, 60-65; 2.2. Sophia und Logos, 65-73; 2.3. Theos-Logos, 73-75; 2.4. Die ontologischen Implikationen der Vater-Sohn-Relation, 75-89; 2.5. Die Abgrenzung des Sohnes gegenüber den vernunftbegabten Geschöpfen, 89-101; 2.6. Die Einheit von Vater und Sohn, 101-111; 2.7. Zusammenfassende Überlegungen zum origeneischen Subordinatianismus, 111-122. 3. Die dritte Hypostase: Der Heilige Geist: 3.1. Das Problem der dritten Hypostase, 123-125; 3.2. Die Konstitution und der ontologische Status des Heiligen Geistes, 125-134; 3.3. Die Frage nach der Wirkweise und der Wirkmacht des Heiligen Geistes, 135-153; 3.4. Zusammenfassende Überlegungen zum ontologischen Status des Heiligen Geistes, 153-157. II. Teil: Das Heilswirken vom Vater, Sohn und Heiligem Geist: 1. Trinität und Schöpfung: 1.1. Der Vater als schöpferischer Urgrund aller geschaffenen Wirklichkeit, 160-162; 1.2. Der Sohn als Exemplar- und Instrumentalursache der Schöpfung, 162-169; 1.3. Die Erschaffung der Vernunftwesen katÆ eijkovna qeou', 169-177; 1.4. Das Walten der göttlichen Vorsehung: provnoia und paivdeusi", 178-185. 2. Trinität und Offenbarung: 2.1. Der Gehalt der Offenbarung: Die Unverborgenheit des Vaters in seinem Sohn, 186-194; 2.2. Die transzendentale Offenbarung: «In eurer Mitte steht der, den ihr nicht kennt» (Joh 1,26), 194-201; 2.3. Die alttestamentliche Offebarungsgeschichte: «Und der Logos des Herrn erging an...» (Jer 14,1par), 202-209; 2.4. Die neutestamentliche Offenbarungsgeschichte: «Und der Logos ist Fleisch geworden...» (Joh 1,14), 209-234; 5. Die Heilige Schrift als vom Heiligen Geist inspirierten Wort Gottes, 234-250. 3. Trinität und Erlösung: 3.1. Das Gebet als Antwort auf das Offenbarungswort: die trinitarischen Implikationen der Gebetstheologie, 251-259; 3.2. Heiligung durhc den Heiligen Geist, 259-269; 3.3. Sohnwerdung als Teilhabe an der ewigen Sohnschaft des eingeborenen Gottessohnes, 269-288; 3.4. Vergöttlichung in der Schau des Vaters, 288-300. Ergebnis, 301-309. Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis, 310-337. Register, 338-357]. BURINI DE LORENZI C., Panis quotidianus / oJ a[rto" ejpiouvsio" (Mt 6,11; Lc 11,3). Tertulliano e Origene: le due direttrici esegetiche e la loro recezione, Adamantius 18 (2012) 178-199. [1. Il Pater e le più antiche citazioni. 2. ] Panis quotidianus / oJ a[rto" ejpiouvsio": l’interpretazione di Tertulliano e di Origene. 3. La recezione dell’esegesi di Tertulliano e Origene. In conclusione. – Abstract: «Tertullian and Origen, in their treatises De oratione and Perì euchês, have given the most ancient interpretation of the adjective ἐπιούσιος in the Lord’s Prayer (Mt 6,11; Lc 11,3). According to Tertullian, panis quotidianus is the nourishment for the body and for the soul, but according to Origen ὁ ἄρτος ἐπιούσιος is the nourishment only for the soul as ἄρτος νοητός and λόγος τοῦ θεοῦ. In the following centuries, from Cyprian to Augustine, the exegetical orientations set by Tertullian and especially by Origen were dominant. The article proves that the spiritual interpretation, with the exception of Gregory of Nyssa, prevailed, particularly in the homiletic writings. After Origen, only Jerome and Marius Victorinus address the problem of the translation of ἐπιούσιος into Latin»]. CARRIER R., Origen, Eusebius, and the Accidental Interpolation in Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 20.200, JECS 20 (2012) 489-514. [Abstract: «Analysis of the evidence from the works of Origen, Eusebius, and Hegesippus concludes that the reference to ‘Christ’ in Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 20.200 is probably an accidental interpolation or scribal emendation and that the passage was never originally about Christ or Christians. It referred not to James the brother of Jesus Christ, but probably to James the brother of the Jewish high priest Jesus ben Damneus»]. COCCHINI F., La questione dei cibi (Rm 14) nel Commento di Origene alla Lettera ai Romani, Adamantius 18 (2012) 218-225.

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[Abstract: «This study describes Origen’s reflections, regarding the quaestio on food, from his Commentary to the Epistle to the Romans, dealt with by St. Paul in Chap. 14. At first, Origen maintains the literary meaning of the text, bringing it up to date: the recipients of the apostle’s admonitions are now Caesarean Jews, Encratites, heretics and pagans during the first half of the 3rd Century, debating about the lawfulness of eating certain foods, just like believers did in St. Paul’s time. In a second moment Origen researches the deepest meaning of the text, and, basing it on Hb 5,14, 1Cor 3,2 and Rm 14,2, he proposes the equivalence ‘food-word’. Finally, approaching Pr 15,17, he justifies the symbolic valence of the term holus, λάχανα. Consequently the triad «milk, vegetables, solid food», indicative of cognitive progress, results functional to confute the Gnostic doctrine of ‘natures’»]. DEMURA M., Origen and the Exegetical Tradition of the Sarah-Hagar Motif in Alexandria, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 73-81. [1. Philo and the Sarah-Hagar motif in De congressu. 2. Clement and the Sarah-Hagar motif in Stromateis I 30, 1. 3. Origen and the Sarah-Hagar motif in P. Arch. IV, 2, 6. 4. Legacy of Alexandrian exegeses for the following church history. – Abstract: «(...) Philo and Clement used the Sarah-Hagar motif of Genesis 16 from their philosophical and spiritual interests to show how to treat secular preliminary education in order to prevent the separation of belief and reason and encourage to seek virtues and wisdom. They often confronted their opponents within their community who rejected secular education through allegorical interpretation of the Biblical texts. But when we turn to Origen, we recognize the distinctive feature of the use of allegoria fundamentally different from these two Alexandrian predecessors. Origen opens a new stage when he uses the Sarah-Hagar motif mainly from the interpretation of Paul’s letter (Galatians 4:21-7) and contributes to the formation of exegetical method in the Middle Ages» (p. 73)]. DÎNCA L., Le Christ et la Trinité chez Athanase d’Alexandrie → 20. Atanasio [Origène: pp. 127-128, 209-212, 234-237] DIVELY LAURO E.A., The Eschatological Significance of Scripture According to Origen, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 83-102. [Introduction. 1. Consumption of Christ in Scripture now: A. Presence of Christ in Eucharist; B. Presence of Christ in Scripture. II. Eternal consumption of Christ in Scripture: A. The eternal eucharist or passover feast; B. The enduring nature of the pneumatic sense; C. The intellectual nature of heaven’s activity. Conclusion. – Abstract: «This paper explores the notion that for Origen the pneumatic, or spiritual meanings of Scripture endure eternally. By treating the passages in which Origen relates Eucharist and Passover to Scripture, we find that he perceives an encounter with the Word of God in Eucharist and Scripture. Passover is reenacted in both Eucharist and Scripture, thereby helping to point to an encounter with the Word of God in each. The corporeal realities in these mediums point ultimately to a spiritual encounter with Christ. The spiritual reality of Christ in Scripture resides in its mysteries, or deeper truths found in the pneumatic meanings of the text. These meanings embody the truths of God’s self-revelation. They are the food which the believers, or Church, consume not only in this life, but also will consume in eternity as the activity of heaven. These pneumatic truths will endure eternally as the very mind of Christ, such that consumption of them will be equivalent to eternal discourse with Christ. Significantly, then, the preacher or teacher of Scripture, by the very nature of his task, leads his audience in this life to an encounter with Christ that amounts to a mystical moment in which they can experience the activity of heaven to an extent now» (p. 83)]. DÖRNEMANN M., Einer ist Arzt, Christus. Medizinales Verständnis von Erlösung in der Theologie der griechischen Kirchenväter des zweiten bis vierten Jahrhunderts → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale DOLIDZE T., Equivocality of Biblical Language in Origen, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 65-72. [I. Equivocality as paradoxical polysemy. II. The function of homonymy within the dichotomic ontological structure. III. Homonymy as reflective of Paul’s anthropological model on the linguistic level. IV. Homonymy as metaphor. – Abstract: «In his biblical hermeneutics, Origen emphasizes the polysemic character of the biblical word. To explain this phenomenon in an analytic way he appeals

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to the concept of homonyma. This term, deriving from philosophical tradition, is substantially re- conceptualized by Origen, in a way that corresponds to the constitution of his biblical hermeneutics. His use does not coincide either with the logical understanding of homonymy by Aristotle or with Plato’s idea of the homonymous nomination of a physical phenomenon and its metaphysical idea. Homonyma in Origen’s theory of biblical interpretation denotes the paradoxical relation that a linguistic designator of sensible matter has with its spiritual content; this relation is to be considered from the angle of dialectical ontology. The explicative and epistemological function of equivocation in Origen’s hermeneutics involves the thought shifting between the poles of difference and similarity. Another special characteristic of Origen’s use of homonymy is that it designates only one of the members of the homonymous pair, with the other one – usually radically different from it – only implied. In this case the homonymy of biblical articulation appears in the form of a mystical metaphor. On the linguistic level the homonymy of biblical language reflects the Apostle Paul’s dichotomic division of the outer and inner man, which is the anthropological basis of Origen’s hermeneutics» (p. 65)]. DORIVAL G., XII Convegno del Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene e la Tradizione Alessandrina: «I commenti di Origene ai Salmi: contributi critici e prospettive di edizione» (Bologna, 10-11 febbraio 2012): Bilan, problèmes, tâches, Adamantius 18 (2012) 364-366. DORIVAL G. – NAIWELD R., Les interlocuteurs hébreux et juifs d’Origène à Alexandrie et à Césarée, in Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana, 121-138. [1. À Alexandrie, le maître hébreu d’Origène. 2. À Césarée Maritime, des Juifs chrétiens. 3. À Césarée Maritime, des Sages. 4. Conclusion. – «Origen has had links with Hebrew and Jewish people in Alexandria and Caesarea Maritima. In Alexandria, he met his Hebrew master, who was a Christian Jew. In Caesarea, he first had discussions with Christian Jews, then with some Sages, as the patriarch Ioullos (= Hillel?), and perhaps R. Hoshaya ha-Rabba, or R. Eliezer ben Pedat or even R. Yohanan»]. EDWARDS M.J., Further Reflections on the Platonism of Origen, Adamantius 18 (2012) 317-324. [«In Origen against Plato, I maintained that it was not easy to find corroborations of this standard view in the extant works of Origen. While, for example, he certainly held that demons are fallen angels, it is not so clear that he thought of humans as a fallen species, or of embodiment as the outcome of this fall. Again, he undoubtedly teaches that the soul descends into its body from the hand of God, but can we say with confidence that Origen grants more than an instantaneous existence to the soul before descent? It is possible, I argued, that the sensible world is not so much a prison as a gymnasium to the soul, which is required to suffer temptation, and hence to incur the possibility of sinning, as a means of developing virtues which there could be no occasion to exercise in heaven. Since, as I have said, no doctrine of transmigration can be imputed to Origen, I proposed that the sins of a former life for which God rejected Esau had been committed in the womb, and I have gathered evidence in a subsequent article to show that the notion of uterine sin was available to biblical commentators of this epoch (Origen’s Platonism: Questions and Caveats, ZAC 12 [2008] 20- 38). Acknowledging that the human soul of Christ is said to have burned with love for its Maker ab initio creationis (Prin II,6,4), I have pointed out that the Latin does not allow us to decide whether this creation was its own or that of the cosmos. In another article (The Fate of the Devil in Origen, EthL 86 [2010] 163-170), I have argued that the boundary between demons and human beings is sufficiently indelible, in Origen’s view, to preclude the salvation of Satan, though he finds in Paul an assurance that on the last day he will cease to molest the saints» (p. 317)]. MCGLOTHLIN T.D., Resurrection, Spiritual Interpretation, and Moral Reformation: A Functional Approach to Resurrection in Origen, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 157-165. [Abstract: «Origen’s understanding of the resurrection has been one of the most controversial aspects of his thought, and scholars such as Henri Crouzel have focused on adjudicating the merit of the accusations leveled against his views by his critics, both ancient and modern. Although this line of research has cleared away some misunderstandings, it remains an approach shaped by his opponents’ questions and concerns. Instead of starting from the point of contention – resurrection’s nature and mechanism – this study asks about its function in Origen, specifically focusing on how Origen uses

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resurrection to argue for the necessity of the spiritual interpretation of Scripture. Commenting on Jesus’ rebuke of the Sadducees for knowing neither the Scriptures nor the power of God because they do not realize that there will be neither marrying nor giving in marriage in the resurrection (Matth. 22:29-30), Origen claims that this teaching is nowhere to be found in the Old Testament. He rejects suggestions that Jesus misspoke, Matthew misrecorded Jesus’ words, or the resurrection is to be found in ‘hidden’ books, instead arguing that marriageless resurrection is found in the Old Testament only when interpreted spiritually. Similarly, Origen argues that an important function of Jesus’s Easter resurrection is to confirm his identity as the Son of God to his Jewish disciples so that he can teach them how to interpret the Scriptures spiritually without driving them away in shock. Furthermore, the fact that, for Origen, both resurrection and spiritual interpretation perform the same function – producing moral reformation – reinforces the connection between the two. In turn, this connection illuminates Origen’s disdain for what he sees as the crass morality of Christians who insist on crass eschatology and crass exegesis» (p. 157)]. GROSSO M., Detti segreti. Il Vangelo di Tommaso nell’antichità → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [5. «Quasi Salvatore dicente»: Origene: 5.1. Origene e il Vangelo secondo Tommaso, 145-148; 5.2. I testi, 148- 178; 5.3. Osservazioni conclusive, 178-179. – «Sulla base di una documentazione così frammentaria, e a fronte di una produzione tanto vasta come quella origeniana, è arduo esprimere giudizi complessivi. La questione relativa a un’effettiva conoscenza di prima mano di Ev.Th. da parte dell’autore rimane irrisolta, anche se il numero di possibili allusioni a materiale di ascendenza tommasina che si vanno via via riconoscendo all’interno dei suoi scritti la pone oggi in termini nuovi» (p. 178)]. HEINE R.E., Origen and his Opponents on Matthew 19:12, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 123-128. [The views of the opponents. How does he argue? – Abstract: «Eusebius’ story about Origen’s self- castration in literal obedience to Matthew 19:12 is usually accepted as a standard assumption in relating the story of Origen’s life. Little attention has been given, however, to what Origen himself says of this text in his Commentary on Matthew where Origen investigates the issue of self-castration. This paper argues that Origen applies the technical skills of ancient rhetoric to argue that (1) Jesus never intended this text to be understood literally, and (2) anyone who so understands it misrepresents the intention of Jesus and brings disgrace on the faith» (p. 123)]. JACOBSEN A.-CH., Conversion to Christian Philosophy – the Case of Origen’s School in Caesarea, ZAC 16 (2012) 145-157. [1. Origen as teacher of theology and philosophy in Alexandria and Caesarea. 2. Gregory in Origen’s school in Caesarea. 3. The context and the method of Origen’s teaching in Caesarea. 4. The philosophical life. 5. The role of Origen’s biblical commentaries and sermons. 6. Conclusion. – Zusammenfassung: «In meinem Beitrag versuche ich das, was wir über Origenes’ Schule in Caesarea von Gregor Thaumaturgus wissen, mit dem in Verbindung zu bringen, was über Origenes’ Lehrstrategien aus seinen Bibelkommentaren entnommen werden kann. Diese Kommentare sind zweifellos an philosophisch gut ausgebildete Menschen adressiert, die sich für “Christliche Philosophie” interessieren, aber noch nicht von der Wahrheit des Christentums überzeugt sind. Origenes’ Bibelkommentare können daher als Werkzeug bei bei seinem Bemühen gesehen werden, Menschen wie Gregor Thaumaturgus zu dem zu bekehren, was nach Origenes wahre christliche Philosophie ist» (p. 157)]. JOHNSON A.E., Interior Landscape: Origen’s Homily 21 on Luke, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 129-134. [Abstract: «In his Homily 21 on Luke, Origen examined the text ‘Prepare a way for the Lord’ and maintained that this ‘way’ was to be built within the human heart. But can mind and memory be large enough that God can enter them? Origen asserted that the landscape of the heart is indeed vast, and to demonstrate this maintained that we contain in our memory whatever cities we have visited, and we encompass the sea. This paper examines ways in which such an ‘interior landscape’ might make sense within Origen’s cosmology and hermeneutics. The chief points of comparison are his treatises On Prayer and On First Principles. (...) I suggest that in Homily 21 on Luke Origen presumed

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that all memory shares in the character of ‘image’, and that for this reason he could find in memory enough significance to argue that we contain the world we have experienced. However, apart from the images to which Scripture guides us, interior landscape of memory needs to be cleansed by the Scripture. Only then will it form a true enough ‘image’ of spiritual reality to contain the coming of the Lord» (p. 129)]. KARMANN T.R., Güte, Weisheit und Allmacht. Platonismus und Origenismus in der Trinitätstheologie des Letter of Resolution → 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene KOLBET P.R., Rethinking the Rationales for Origen’s Use of Allegory, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 41-49. [Abstract: «The growing dissatisfaction of current scholars with the meagre results produced by the use of modern analytic categories to explain early Christian exegesis calls for developing alternate analyses. Recent studies in ancient philosophy indicate how Origen’s practice of biblical interpretation can be understood to be an essential aspect of the mind’s acetical training. Rather than evaluating Origen’s conclusions, we are better off situating his interpretive efforts within his overall style of inquiry and engaging with him in the intellectually demanding meditational practices he advocated. Faced with the mental, physical, and political impediments that constrain the human mind, Origen’s exegetical enterprise was a daring form of reasoning about the nature of things. By using the words and images of scripture as a material path for its travels, Origen contended that the mind, through various practiced mental inquiries, could be led to what would otherwise be beyond its scope of vision. In this way, for Origen, scriptural interpretation is drawn into prayer’s fundamental itinerary from the world’s material surface, to matters of the soul, and eventually to the Spirit itself» (p. 41)]. LAW T.M., Origenes Orientalis. The Preservation of Origen’s Hexapla in the Syrohexapla of 3 Kingdoms (De Septuaginta Investigationes – DSI, 2), Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2011, pp. 383. [1, Introduction, 15-43. 2. Hexaplaric material marked correctly: asterisked material, 44-117. 3. Hexaplaric material marked correctly: obelised material, 118-178. 4. Hexaplaric material marked inaccurately, 179-254. 5. Hexaplaric material attributed to the revisers, 255-316. 6. Hexaplaric material outside of Syh, 317-361. 7. Conclusion, 362-370. Bibliography, 371-378. Index of passages discussed in 3 Kingdoms, 379-383]. LEVINE L.I., The Emergence of the Patriarchate in the Third Century, in Envisioning Judaism 1, 235-264. [R. Judah I, the Bet She‘arim Necropolis, and the Severan Context. Origen. Stobi. Additional evidence. Summary and conclusion. 10 Ill. – «... Origen and the above-noted rabbinic sources provide crucial information that is missing for the earlier Severan era, namely, solid evidence regarding the existence of the Patriarchate and its enhanced status and publicly acknowledged prestige (among both the Jews and Rome) in the third century. This impression is confirmed from several different perspectives in the latter half of that century, the most impressive stemming from an inscription discovered in Stobi» (pp. 248-249)]. MANOR T.S., Papias, Origen, and Eusebius: The Criticisms and Defense of the Gospel of John → 19. Eusebio di Cesarea MARTENS P.W., On the Confusion of Tongues and Origen’s Allegory of the Dispersion of Nations, The Studia Philonica Annual 24 (2012) 107-127. [I. Introduction. II. Origen on the dispersion of nations. III. On the Confusion of Tongues and Origen’s allegory of Babel. IV. Conclusion. – «In this paper... I have demonstrated that Origen’s account of Babel suggests an even greater resemblance with Philo’s On the Confusion of Tongues. I have modified van den Hoek’s descriptive catalogue by expanding the list of parallel passages from two to seven. Of these seven parallel passages, five share similarities that are not striking enough to suggest dependency. Concerning the two remaining sets of parallel passages, I have maintained that they ought be considered instances of dependency, since within each set there are several noticeable terminological and thematic resemblances» (pp. 126-127)].

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MIHAI C.-I., Elementi protrettici e biografici nell’Encomio di Origene attribuito a Gregorio il Taumaturgo → 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene MOLIN PRADEL M., Novità origeniane dalla Staatsbibliothek di Monaco di Baviera: il Cod. Graec. 314, Adamantius 18 (2012) 16-40. [Storia del manoscritto e della sua catalogazione. . Descrizione del manoscritto. Testo. – Abstract: «Cod. Graec. 314 of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich is a parchment manuscript from the 12th century containing 29 anonymous homilies on the Psalms: two homilies on Ps. 15, four on Ps. 36, two on Ps. 67, three on Ps. 73, one on Ps. 74, one on Ps. 75, four on Ps. 76, nine on Ps. 77, two on Ps. 80 and one on Ps. 81. The four homilies on Ps. 36, thanks to the comparison with the Latin translation made by Rufinus of Aquileia, are certainly to be identified as texts of Origen, but also the unedited homilies appear to go back to him. This article illustrates the history of the manuscript and its cataloguing, together with a short physical description of it. Further, it explains the methodic approach followed by the author to identify the unknown preacher. The presentation is accompanied by sixteen tables: nrs. 1-8) incipit and desinit of the four homilies on Ps. 36 juxtaposed to the corresponding passages in the Latin translation of Rufinus; nrs. 9-14) the catenae excerpts from the first homily on Ps 36 (PG 17) compared with the corresponding passages in the Munich codex; 15) a synopsis of the content of Cod. Graec. 314 and of the eusebian list of Origen’s writings in Jerome, Ep. 33; 16) a comparison between a passage from the 5th Homily on Ps. 77 (f. 264r–v) and the catenae excerpts edited by Pitra and Gallandi»]. MOLIN PRADEL M. – PERRONE L., Die Homilien des Origenes zu den Psalmen, in Das Alte Testament und sein Umfeld. Vom Babylonischen Talmud zu Lassos Bußpsalmen. Schätze der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, Quaternio Verlag, Luzern 2013, 85-87, ill. PERRONE L., Clemens von Alexandrien und Origenes zum Gebet: Versuch eines Paradigmenvergleichs anhand ihrer Schriftstellen → 11. Clemente Alessandrino –, Riscoprire Origene oggi: prime impressioni sulla raccolta di omelie sui salmi nel Codex Monacensis Graecus 314, Adamantius 18 (2012) 41-58. [Una storia di dibattiti e di testi. Origene commentatore dei Salmi e l’apporto della nuova raccolta. Le attestazioni esterne: riscontri con le catene. La ‘soggettività’ dell’interprete e il suo contesto storico- dottrinale. La filologia al servizio dell’esegesi. La retorica del predicatore. Congedo: una voce viva. – Abstract: «A preliminary examination of the problem of the attribution to Origen of the homilies on the Psalms, discovered by Marina Molin Pradel in the Greek Ms. 314 of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich. The importance of this discovery for the study of Origen as exegete, preacher and commentator of the Psalms cannot be underestimated. Apart from a few fragments figuring in the «catenae» the new homilies provide an authentic origenian flavour and important materials for comparison. It is already possible to point to significant parallels in other Origen’s writings with regard, for instance, to the philological approach to the biblical text in the tradition of Alexandrian philology. In addition, several features typical of Origen’s rhetorics as preacher are well attested in the new homilies. The historical and doctrinal aspects also confirm that we have to do with the milieu familiar to the great Alexandrian author» (p. 58)]. –, Origen’s ‘Confessions’: Recovering the Traces of a Self-Portrait, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 3-27. [Introduction: Autobiographical discourse in ancient Christianity. The ‘autobiographical core’ of Origen’s writings: Apologetic purpose and anecdotic evidence. Forms of Origenian subjectivity: The exegete at work. Recollection of the past, claims to personal experience. Memories of traditions and self-quotations: Progressing in self-promotion. The ‘limits ’of autobiography: Origen in his own image. – Abstract: «Origen’s writings at first sight seem to offer a rather elusive and disappointing case for autobiographical reconstruction. Yet Eusebius relied on many statements of the Alexandrian in order to depict his life in the Ecclesiastical History. By exploiting the scant evidence of autobiographical nature at our disposal it is possible to draw a first perspective on rights and limits of autobiography according to Origen. It is his task as interpreter of the Bible which gives way to personal anecdotes, recollections of the past, claims to personal experience. As shown also by the

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memories of traditions and the self-quotations, Origen is led to trace his own autobiographical ‘portrait’ only as long as this helped his readers to see him as a scholar, teacher, and preacher in the presence of God and by the way to promote and defend this image in front of men»]. –, Origene e la ‘Terra Santa’, in Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana, 139-160. [1. Introduzione: sulle tracce di Origene nella Terra d’Israele. 2. L’itinerario biografico dell’Alessandrino nell’orizzonte della Palestina fra II e III secolo. 3. Gerusalemme e la Terra Santa nel pensiero di Origene. 4. La conoscenza diretta della terra della Bibbia e di Gesù. 5. Conclusione. – Abstract: «Although the “Holy Land” of Christians came into existence only in the fourth century, as a consequence of the religious policy of Constantine, there is reason to investigate Origen’s relations with the land of the Old and New Testament, the scenery of Jesus’ life and the beginnings of the Church. First of all, there is an interest of biographic character, since the Alexandrian spent in Caesarea of Palestine the last two decades of his life, the most fruitful for his literary activity and ecclesiastical engagement. Besides regularly preaching there, he also held sermons in Jerusalem. In the second place, we have to remember how the thought on the “Holy Land” in light of the Scriptures was particularly needed at the time, not only with regard to the contemporary Palestinian Judaism, and more generally the relations between Judaism and Christianity, but also in the framework of the polemic developed by Origen against Montanism and its eschatological views. While the result of Origen’s reflections conformed with the spiritual hermeneutic he usually cared for, his interest for the history and geography of the Bible led him to become a traveller throughout the country and therefore also one of the first witnesses of a direct knowledge of the ‘Holy Land’, preluding albeit indirectly to the future developments of pilgrimage»]. –, Rediscovering Origen Today: First Impressions of the New Collection of Homilies on the Psalms in the Codex Monacensis Graecus 314, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 103-122. [The discovery of the manuscript. The external witness of the catenae. The subjectivity of the interpreter and his historical and doctrinal context. Philology at the service of exegesis. The rhetorics of the preacher. Conclusion: a familiar voice. – Abstract: «A preliminary examination of the 29 new homilies on the Psalms, discovered by Marina Molin Pradel in the Greek Ms. 314, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich, leads to support the attribution to Origen. As a consequence, one has to stress the importance of this unique discovery in more than 70 years for the study of Origen as exegete, preacher and commentator of the Psalms. Apart from a few fragments figuring in catenae, the new homilies provide an authentic origenian flavour and important materials for comparison. It is already possible to point to significant parallels in other Origen’s writings with regard, for instance, to the philological approach to the biblical text in the wake of the Alexandrian philology, among other things with the frequent recourse to hexaplaric materials. In addition, several features typical of Origen’s rhetorics as preacher are well attested in the new homilies. The historical and doctrinal aspects also confirm that we have to do with the milieu familiar to the great Alexandrian author, as shown particularly by the challenge of Marcionites and Gnostics. The new corpus will now allow also a reexamination of the Latin translation of the Homilies on Psalm 36 (I-IV) made by Rufinus and of their manipulation by Jerome in the Tractatus in Psalmos» (p. 103)]. –, “Vita da cristiano, pensiero greco?”. L’eredità dell’Ellenismo nel pensiero di Origene, in L’Ellenismo come categoria storica e come categoria ideale, Introd. di G. ZECCHINI, Vita e Pensiero, Milano 2013, 125-147. [1. Pietas e ratio: contraddizione o conciliazione? 2. Prove di dialogo: la ‘ricezione’ dell’ellenismo prima di Origene. 3. La ‘grecità’ di Origene: una lingua tra la Bibbia e la classicità. 4. Dall’ellenismo al ‘barbarismo’: il cristianesimo nel confronto con ellenismo e giudaismo. 5. L’«oro degli Egiziani»: l’ellenismo a servizio del cristianesimo. 6. Conclusione: cristianizzazione dell’ellenismo. – «Nel caso di Origene siamo evidentemente prima della fase decisiva dello sviluppo dogmatico sia trinitario che cristologico, sebbene egli abbia concorso significativamente a tale evoluzione. In ogni modo, l’approccio dottrinale dell’Alessandrino risente certamente del contatto e del confronto col pensiero filosofico (e con le eresie del tempo), anche se ciò detta solo in parte l’agenda della riflessione origeniana. Al centro di tutto sta invece la Bibbia come testo depositario della rivelazione del Logos, che è ad un tempo creatore e redentore. L’obiettivo costante di Origene è quello di pervenire ad

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un’interpretazione della Scrittura che sia conforme alla sua natura di testo divinamente ispirato, respingendo in particolare le esegesi gnostiche e marcionite, oltre alla critica pagana della Bibbia. Sta in ciò la sua vocazione specifica... e il senso ultimo di tutta la sua impresa intellettuale. È dunque inevitabile che la presenza dell’ellenismo, che è comunque da riconoscere come un modus operandi congenito, assuma dei connotati profondamente mutati. Non è fuori luogo perciò parlare piuttosto, in conclusione, di una ‘cristianizzazione’ dell’ellenismo» (pp. 138-139)]. PIERI F., Origen on 1Corinthians: Homilies or Commentary?, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 143-156. [1. A testimony of exceptional value. 2. Remarks concerning the history of the edition. 3. The debate on the literary genre. 4. Elements for a genre identification: 4.1. Orality in Fr Cor?; 4.2. Commentary method and style. – Abstract: «The fragments on 1 Corinthians published by C. Jenkins over one century ago (1908-9) are generally attributed to the homiletical rather than to the commentary genre. Should it really be homiletical material, this series would be among the most outstanding evidence until now – despite the selection due to the catena compilation – of Origen’s limited preaching preserved in the original language. The almost complete silence of the tradition regarding Origen’s work, not only concerning the genre but the very existence of such a homiletical cycle or a commentary, makes both solutions a priori equally possible. A verification in order to confirm one or the other hypotheses is therefore necessarily entrusted to internal criticism. The present contribution assumes that the formal elements previously interpreted as indices of an oral origin of the catena fragments on 1 Corinthians must not be strictly taken in that sense. On the contrary, it should be admitted that FrCor show some typical commentary features, not compatible with any of Origen’s known series of homilies» (p. 143)]. POSSEKEL U., Bardaisan and Origen on Fate and the Power of the Stars, JECS 20 (2012) 515-541. [Abstract: «Bardaisan of Edessa (d. 222) is one of the earliest theologians to reflect on the proper place of the heavenly bodies within a Christian cosmology. Bardaisan draws on both biblical texts and contemporary philosophical notions to argue that planets and stars are created by God and are subject to the divine commandment, yet are also endowed with a certain freedom on account of which they will be judged on the last day. Bardaisan, wishing to maintain the oneness and goodness of God against Marcionite dualism, regards the heavenly bodies as responsible for undesirable events that are beyond the control of human will or natural law. This paper compares and contrasts Bardaisan’s understanding of fate and astral power with that of his younger contemporary Origen. It argues that Bardaisan’s cosmology is not an isolated phenomenon at the margins of the Christian world, but is part of a larger trajectory of speculative thought within third-century Christianity»]. PRINZIVALLI E., La donna, il femminile e la Scrittura nella tradizione origeniana, in Le donne nello sguardo degli antichi autori cristiani (→1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 77-96. [1. La Sophia gnostica, ovvero il femminile di Dio e le sue rappresentazioni bibliche. 2. Origene, i valentiniani, la Samaritana. 3. Il maschio e la femmina di Gen 1,27b nei diversi livelli interpretativi di Origene. 4. L’Eva di Origene, una e molteplice. 5. La donna nei dibattiti esegetici fra alessandrini e antiocheni. 6. Conclusione]. RADDE-GALLWITZ A., Gregory of Nyssa’s Pneumatology in Context: The Spirit as Anointing and the History of the Trinitarian Controversies → 21.3. Gregorio di Nissa RAMELLI I.L.E., Origen, Greek Philosophy, and the Birth of the Trinitarian Meaning of Hypostasis, HThR 105 (2012) 302-350. [Origen’s technical meaning of uJpovstasi". The lack of a technical theological meaning for uJpovstasi" in the writings of the theologians prior to Origen (and Gregory of Nyssa). Lack of acknowledgment of Origen’s innovation and of investigation into its source(s). The sources of Origen’s notion of uJpovstasi": the philosophical side. A revealing comparison with Plotinus, and Porphyry’s role: Origen’s influence on Porphyry? The scriptural side: Hebrews 1:3. Conclusion: the Clement problem and Origen’s role in the trinitarian use of uJpovstasi"]. –, Preexistence of Souls? The ajrchv and tevlo" of Rational Creatures in Origen and Some Origenians, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 167-226.

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[Origen. Bardaisan. Dialogue of Adamantius. Gregory of Nyssa. Evagrius. Essential conclusion. – Abstract: «I examine the doctrine of the soul, its composition, origin, and destiny, in some eminent Christian Platonists: Origen with his doctrine of the logika,v the Christian Middle Platonist Bardaisan of Edessa, Gregory of Nyssa, Evagrius, and Adamantius in the Dialogue of Adamantius (which I suspect to include more of Origen’s thought than is commonly assumed). I investigate how their psychology is related to the themes of creation and apokatastasis, a doctrine that, not accidentally, is shared by them all, but that does not presuppose a belief in the ‘preexistence of souls’. A common pattern emerges, which renders the label ‘preexistence of souls’ inadequate. From this research it results that the Dialogue of Adamantius, Gregory, and Evagrius are closer to Origen’s authentic thought on the logika v and their spiritual bodies between protology and eschatology than is usually assumed. Gregory, I argue, did not criticise Origen’s purported preexistence of souls. As for Bardaisan, more and more clues point to a relationship with Origen’s thought and his tradition» (p. 167)]. RINALDI G., Contumeliae communes. Circolazione di testi e argomenti nelle controversie religiose di età romana imperiale → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale –, Pagani e cristiani a Cesarea Marittima, in Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale RIZZI M., La scuola di Origene tra le scuole di Cesarea e del mondo tardoantico, in Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana,105-119. [1. Tracce di attività scolastiche a Cesarea nell’Encomio di Origene. 2. Insegnamento filosofico e retorica epidittica. 3. Origene e la trasformazione dell’insegnamento filosofico antico. Conclusione. – Abstract: «The paper tries to locate Origen’s activity as a teacher of philosophy into the social and cultural context of Caesarea Maritima; the Oration traditionally ascribed to Gregory Thaumaturgus offers the opportunity to compare Origen’s way of teaching with the general trends in Second and Third Century philosophy, Christian and pagan as well. In this way, it becomes possible to illustrate the major changes operated by Origen in philosophy making and teaching in the passage from the classic to the late antique age»]. SCHIRONI F., The Ambiguity of Signs: Critical shmei'a from Zenodotus to Origen, in Homer and the Bible in the Eyes of Ancient Interpreters, 87-112. [Alexandrian critical signs. Aristarchaean critical signs and manuscript evidence. Origen’s critical signs. Origen’s critical signs and manuscript evidence. Origen: improving on the past. – «Origen’s critical signs were useful in the absence of a synoptic edition because they could ‘summarise’ the ‘quantitative’ content of the Hexapla in one-Greek-only text. They also were unambiguous because they clearly indicated ‘pluses’ (the obelos) and ‘minuses’ (the asterikos) between the reference text (LXX) and the comparandum (the Hebrew Bible). They were economic because all the information was included in one book with no need of other devices like the hypomnema, which instead was necessary in the Aristarchaean system. Therefore, if the Alexandrians had the merit of being the prw'toi euJretaiv of a system that had great potential in scholarship. Origen improved on his Alexandrian predecessors and made this system part of a scientific language which, by definition, is standardised, economic and unambiguous» (p. 109)]. SCOTT M.S.M., Journey Back to God. Origen on the Problem of Evil (AAR. American Academy of Religion), Oxford University Press, Oxford 2012, pp. XIV+228. [Preface, IX-. Introduction,1-7. Theodicy as navigation: toward a theoretical paradigm, 8-22. Ch. 2. Framing questions: God and evil in paradox, 23-48. Ch. 3. Paradise lost: pre-existence, the fall, and the origin of evil, 49-73. Ch. 4. The physician of souls: suffering as remedial punishment, 74-100. Ch. 5. Theology of ascent: the journey of the soul to perfection, 101-128. Ch. 6. Journey’s end: the triumph of God and universal salvation, 129-160. Conclusion, 161-166. Notes, 167-210. Bibliography, 211-221. Index, 223-228]. SIMONETTI M., Su Origene, Commento a Matteo 15,10-19, Aug. 52 (2012) 107-133. [Abstract: «This essay analyzes Origen’s Commentary on Matthew, specifically the pericope of the ‘rich young man’, by comparing its ancient Latin translation to the Greek text as it stands in

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Klostermann’s edition, taking into consideration, on the one hand, the surviving manuscripts and, on the other, the dissimilar Greek version used by the ancient translator. The paper illustrates how a painstaking research of the commentary’s sources unexpectedly reveals Origen’s exegesis and doctrines, which often remain hidden in modern translations of Origen’s works»]. –, Flavio Giuseppe in Origene e in Eusebio → 9. Flavio Giuseppe SOMOS R., Strategy of Argumentation in Origen’s Contra Celsum, Adamantius 18 (2012) 200-217. [1. Some preliminary notes. 2. Debate, logic, dialectic, and rhetoric. 3. The role of questions, exclamations, and demands. 4. The significance of Celsus’ true statements. 5. Celsian statements which, according to Origen, need specification. 6. False factual propositions and improper valuations. 7. Defective arguments. 8 Perspective of the refutation. – Abstract: «This paper aims to be the first step toward accomplishing the program of the reconstruction of the argumentation in Origen’s Contra Celsum. The first section treats some preliminary questions about the debate and about the interrelation between the logical, dialectical point of view and theory of argumentation, after which the author tries to identify and to classify the Origenian arguments. The Christian theologian sets a formal refutation against Celsus’ informal criticism. Origen’s charges aim at showing that his opponent’s manifestations are inaccurate wordings, false factual propositions, ungrounded statements, self-contradictions and false reasoning which can be discovered only by a professional knowledge of dialectics. It cannot be affirmed that Origen wanted to refute every statement of Celsus, although the criticism of the Alexandrian master extends also to the refutation of the presuppositions or surmised presuppositions of Celsian statements and interrogations. In the course of the critics a common theoretical ground is outlined which is shared by both the Greek philosopher and the Christian theologian: the acceptance of the theistic idea»]. –, Is the Handmaid Stoic or Middle Platonic? Some Comments on Origen’s Use of Logic, in Studia Patristica LVI/4: Rediscovering Origen, 29-40. [1. The neutral state of the logic from the point of view of a religious world-view and its consequence. 2. General Stoic logic concepts in Origen. Roberts’ and Rist’s interpretations: 2.1. The idle argument (Contra Celsum II 20); 2.2. ‘The argument of two conditionals’ (Contra Celsum VII 15). 3. Commentary on John. Heine’s interpretation: 3.1. Commentary on John I 90-2; 3.2. Commentary on John XX; 3.3. Commentary on John XXXII. The glorification of the Son and the Father. – Abstract: «According to the communis opinio Origen’s ideas in the field of logic and dialectics come directly from the Stoic philosophy. My aim is to modify this theory worked out by Louis Robert, John Rist, and Ronald Heine. I think that Origen used mixed material from Platonist, Stoic and Aristotelian logic incorporated mostly in the works and schoolbooks of Middle-Platonic authors. Naturally, indirectly Origen knows Stoic initiatives in the field of logic, but it is not necessary to count upon his being directly influenced by Stoic logical thinkers. I am here simply and purely destructive and I focus on criticism on papers claiming to prove the direct influence of Stoic logic» (p. 29)]. STEMBERGER G., Ebraismo a Caesarea Maritima. Personalità rabbiniche e temi esegetici al tempo di Origene ed Eusebio → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale STRUTWOLF H., Theologische Gnosis bei Clemens Alexandrinus und Origenes → 11. Clemente Alessandrino TAMPELLINI S., Le Omelie su Luca da Origene a Gerolamo (e Ambrogio): considerazioni introduttive, Adamantius 18 (2012) 226-232. [Abstract: «This article aims to examine some aspects relating to the study of Origen’s Homilies on Luke: text, dating, Jerome’s translation. Particularly the article offers, in the perspective of a better understanding of the text, some specimina of comparison between the Greek text of the extant fragments and the Latin text of Jerome’s translation, taking also into account Ambrose’s use in his Expositiones»]. VILLANI A., Homer in the Debate Between Celsus and Origen, REAug 58 (2012) 113-139. [Résumé: «Cette étude analyse la présence des citations homériques dans l’apologie Contre Celse d’Origène, afin d’en dégager les différentes fonctions. Elles peuvent être réduites essentiellement à trois: les citations épiques apparaissent parfois seulement comme ornement stylistique de la prose

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de l’auteur qui l’emploie; d’autres fois, elles sont utilisées comme soutien d’une argumentation ou d’une hypothèse; enfin, elles peuvent avoir une fonction purement polémique. Le dernier paragraphe est consacré à un exemple, à lire entre les lignes, de la fortune d’Homère en milieu chrétien: en effet, l’exégèse prosopologique, telle qu’élaborée dans un milieu païen comme moyen d’interprétation des poèmes homériques, peut bien être considérée comme une autre forme de la présence d’Homère dans l’apologie d’Origène»]. 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene Die Cambridge Origenists. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions → 12. Origene (3. Miscellanee e raccolte) FÜRST A., Emanatianismus und Präexistentianismus: George Rusts origeneische Theodizeestrategie zwischen Determinismus und Freiheit, in Die Cambridge Origenists. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions, 133-164. [1. Die Präexistenz der Seele bei den Cambridger Platonikern. 2. Für und wider den Präexistentianismus. 3. Präexistentianismus und Theodizee. 4. Origenes über Präexistenz und Theodizee. 5. Rusts Argumente für die Präexistenz der Seele. 6. Zwischen Freiheit und Determinismus. – «Die Präexistenz der Seele gilt zusammen mit der Apokatastasis als Hauptmerkmal des Origenismus. Auch für die Cambridger Platoniker war sie ein zentrales Thema, über das sie kontrovers diskutierten. Die beiden wichtigsten Denker dieses Kreises optierten hier unterschiedlich: Ralph Cudworth vertrat die Präexistenz nicht, Henry More hingegen, der von allen Cambridgern die meisten Sympathien für Origenes “that Miracle of the Christian world”, hegte, erblickte darin einen Konsens der größten Philosophen aller Zeiten. More hat den Präexistentianismus in vielen seiner Werke dargelegt und verteidigt, erstmals schon in einem umfangreichen philosophischen Gedicht On the Praeexistency of the Soul von 1647 und erschöpfend in seiner Abhandlung The Immortality of the Soul von 1659. Auch die More-Schülerin Anne Conway tritt in ihren 1690 postum publizierten Principia philosophiae für eine modifizierte Form des Präexistentianismus ein (und noch entschiedener für die Apokatastasis). Der Hauptvertreter dieser Theorie war Joseph Glanvill (in Oxford) in seiner ganz diesem Thema gewidmeten Schrift Lux Orientalis von 1662 sowie schon zuvor in einem Brief über die Präexistenz der Seelen vom 20. Januar desselben Jahres. Die Kontroverse reichte über den “origenistischen Moment innerhalb der englischen Theologie” in den Jahren zwischen 1658 und 1662 hinaus» (pp. 133-134)]. FÜRST A. – HENGSTERMANN C., Die Apokalypse und der Naturgeist. Theologische Physik in George Rusts Origenes-Schrift, in Die Cambridge Origenists. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions, 199-217. [1. Eschatologie und Naturwissenschaft. Die Apokalypse in den Physiktheologien des 17. Jahrhunderts. 2. Der kosmische Christus, der Geist der Natur und die Unendlichkeit des absoluten Raumes. Die Quellen der Naturphilosophie des Letter of Resolution. 3. «... jenes Stück göttliche Chemie». Der Geist der Natur und die Wissenschaft vom Weltgericht und Neuanfang. 4. Heilsgeschichte als Evolution. Der Naturalismus der Cambridge Origenists im Letter of Resolution. – «Es ist eine Ironie der (Geistes-)Geschichte, dass das Ergebnis der naturphilosophischen Spekulationen der Cambridge Origenists allgemein und Rusts speziell am Ende wie ein erster Naturalismus anmutet, wie sie ihn in der Auseinandersetzung mit Hobbes und Descartes so entschlossen bekämpft haben: Es ist nicht etwa der freie Gott selbst, der die Menschheit erlöst, sondern die notwendige Gesetzlichkeit der Natur, deren Wirken die Welt wiederherstellen wird. Das Deus sive natura beantwortet Rust im Kontext seiner origeneischen Physikotheologie vom jüngsten Tag, als die er insbesondere sein Referat der sechsten “Hauptlehre” des Alexandriners durchweg anlegt, emphatisch im Sinne der Letzteren. Der Cambridger Origenismus erweist sich so als aufgeklärte Vernunfttheologie, die an entscheidender Stelle, nämlich im Prozess des Heils der Welt, das Wirken der Natur mit dem Wirken Gottes in eins setzt» (p. 217)]. GEMEINHARDT P., In Search of Christian Paideia. Education and Conversion in Early Christian Biography, ZAC 16 (2012) 88-98.

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[1. Biography and education: introductory remarks. 2. The quest for true philosophy: Justin Martyr. 3. On the road with Peter: the Pseudo-Clementines Homilies. 4. Learning in paradise: Gregory the Wonderworker on Origen’s school. 5. Conclusion. – Zusammenfassung: «Der Beitrag untersucht die Bedeutung autobiographischer Konversionsberichte im Blick auf die Bedeutung von Bildung im frühen Christentum. Während Justin einen tour d’horizon durch die antike Philosophie unternimmt und sich aufgrund seiner einschlägigen Kenntnisse den paganen Philosophen als gewachsen, ja überlegen fühlt, sind die Pseudoklementinischen Homilien ostentativ bildungskritisch, so dass der junge Protagonist eine spezifisch christliche Bildung erwirbt. Die Dankrede des Gregor Thaumaturgus an Origenes illustriert schließlich die grundlegende Rolle paganer Bildung und Philosophie für den Erwerb christlicher Bildung, so dass christlicherseits eine begründete Stellungnahme und Abgrenzung möglich wird. Allen drei Textkomplexen ist gemeinsam, dass die Autoren das Bedürfnis verspürten, ihre vor- oder außerchristliche Bildung zum christlichen Glauben und Leben ins Verhältnis zu setzen» (p. 98)]. HEDLEY D., Cudworth on Freedom. Theology, Ethical Obligation and the Limits of Mechanism, in Die Cambridge Origenists. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions, 47-58. [1. The problem of the Platonists. 2. Platonists and Newtonians. 3. Cudworth’s plastic nature. 4. The problem of freedom and the reception of Origen. 5. Conclusion. – «... The appeal to Origen is not the work of an antiquarian, but part of Cudworth’s attempt to develop a critique of his intellectual contemporaries which did not fall back on a simple restatement of Aristotelianism. But nor was it just a jejune Platonising nostalgia, but employs his deep reflection on theological and philosophical problems. Here we find the deep impress of Origen amidst a remarkable attempt to engage the leading mechanical philosophers of the age over the question of freedom in the context of the scientific revolution» (p. 58)]. HENGSTERMANN C., George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions. Manifest eines neuzeitlichen Origenismus, in Die Cambridge Origenists. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions, 11-45. [1. Die Cambridge Platoniker und das Erbe des Origenes im frühneuzeitlichen England. 2. Das Hegemonikon und der Christus in uns. Ralph Cudworth und die Ethik und Psychologie des Origenes. 3. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions: a) Henry More, Ann Conway, George Rust und Joseph Glanvill. Das Origenisten Netzwerk von Ragley Hall und die Autorschaft des Werkes; b) Die Trinität, der Seelenfall und die Wiederherstellung aller Dinge. Die Themen des Werkes. 4. Kritische Würdigung. Der Letter of Resolution als Manifest eines neuzeitlichen Origenismus. – «Der christliche Rationalismus im Letter of Resolution stellt sich im Kleinen wie im Großen als Reformulierung grundlegender origeneischer Einsichten im Lichte der historischen Debatten der frühen neuzeitlichen Philosophie dar. Wie die gesamte Philosophie des Kreises verdankt auch Rusts Origenismus in systematischer Absicht seine spezifische Eigenart der philosophischen Auseinandersetzung mit René Descartes und Thomas Hobbes. Hierdurch erweisen sich der Origenes-Brief und die große Tradition des Cambridge Origenismus, dem er zum kühnen christlich-rationalistischen Programm zusammenfasst, als significanter Teil des frühneuzeitlichen Nachlebens des Origenes» (p. 45)]. –, Der Niedergang der Hölle. Auferstehung und die Wiederherstellung aller Dinge im Letter of Resolution, in Die Cambridge Origenists. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions, 177-198. [1. Die Güte und die Gerechtigkeit Gottes. Die Cambridger Platoniker und der «Niedergang der Hölle» im England des 17. Jahrhunderts. 2. «Brightness of his Father’s Glory» und «Captain of our Salvation». George Rusts philosophische Christologie. 3 Gott «alles in allem». Die Eschatologie des Origenes in George Rusts Letter of Resolution: a) Allerlösung als «Soteriologie göttlicher Strafe»; b) Auferstehung und Weltenbrand. Die Erlösung von Körper und Welt. 4. Apokatastasis und Auferstehung. Origeneische Heilsmetaphysik in der frühen Neuzeit. – «Die von Rust und den übrigen Cambridge Origenists entwickelte rationale Soteriologie, die Heil als erlösende Immanenz

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Gottes im moralischen Subjekt und als streng universalen, d.h. die Gesamtwirklichkeit aller Geist- und Naturwesen einbegreifenden Prozess zu denken sucht, stellt eine der zentralen Errungenschaften der Origenes-Renaissance in Cambridge des 17. Jahrhunderts dar, zu der George Rusts viel gelesener Letter of Resolution einen bedeutsamen Beitrag geleistet hat]. KARMANN T.R., Güte, Weisheit und Allmacht. Platonismus und Origenismus in der Trinitätstheologie des Letter of Resolution, in Die Cambridge Origenists. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions, 85-131. [1. Hintergrund. 2. Die Trinitätstheologie des Origenes – eine Skizze: a) Vorbemerkungen; b) Der Vater; c) Der Sohn; d) Der Geist. 3. Die origeneische Trinitätslehre in der Darstellung des Letter of Resolution: a) Allgemeines; b) Einheit und Verschiedenheit der drei göttlichen Hypostasen; c) Origenes, Arius und Nizäa. 4. Zusammenfassung. – «Im Mittelpunkt des vorliegenden Beitrags stehen die trinitätstheologischen Passagen des Origenes-Briefes, also vor allem der erste Abschnitt des vierten und fünften Hauptteils des Letter. Die Argumentation Rusts soll zunächst einfach nachgezeichnet und dann näher interpretiert werden. Eine zentrale Frage stellt dabei die nach den Quellen des Letter of Resolution dar. In diesem Kontext ist es natürlich vor allem von Interesse, welche origeneische Gedanken George Rust für seine Darstellung der Trinitätstheologie des Alexandriners heranzieht. Aus diesem Grund ist den Ausführungen zum Origenes-Brief eine knappe Skizze zur Gotteslehre des Alexandriners vorangestellt» (pp. 87-88)]. LÖSSL J., George Rusts Darstellung der Geschichte des ersten Origenismusstreits im Letter of Resolution, in Die Cambridge Origenists. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions, 59-83. [1. Zum historischen Kontext des Letter und zum Vorwort «an den Leser». 2. Zur Biographie des Origenes: die Rolle von Epiphanius’ Panarion 64. 3. Die von den «Alten» verurteilten Lehren des Origenes und ein geschichtlicher Abriss des ersten Origenismusstreites. – «Trotz der systematischen Schwerpunktsetzung kam der Verfasser des Letter of Resolution freilich nicht umhin, sich auch mit historischen Problemen zu beschäftigen; denn sein Stoff ist zumindest in wichtigen Teilaspekten historisch-theologischer und biographischer Natur. Obgleich nämlich im Vorwort des Letter als erstes Motiv für die Abhandlung “die Neugier” genannt wird, “die Meinungen jenes frommen Kirchenvaters, des gelehrten Origenes, kennenzulernen”, muss der Verfasser diese Meinungen im Hauptteil seines Briefes zunächst einmal historisch kontextualisieren» (p. 61)]. MIHAI C.-I., Elementi protrettici e biografici nell’Encomio di Origene attribuito a Gregorio il Taumaturgo, Classica et Christiana. Periodico annuale del Centro di Studi Classici e Cristiani della Facoltà di Storia dell’Università «Alexandru I. Cuza» di Iaşi 8/1 (2013) 215-227. [Abstract: «The ancient tradition of the protreptic discourse – a literary genre cultivated especially by the exponents of the different Greek philosophical schools – could offer new perspectives for the interpretation and understanding of some works of the early Christian literature. In this article I intend to discuss some motifs specific to the classic protreptic literature that are found in the Oratio panegyrica in Origenem ascribed to Gregory Thaumaturgus. Such an approach, formerly overlooked by the scholars, can provide new data regarding the aim and the sources of this discourse» (p. 215)]. MORLET S., Eusèbe de Césarée: biographie, chronologie, profil intellectuel → 19. Eusebio di Cesarea PRASSAS D., Theoria and Praxis in St. Maximos the Confessor’s Quaestiones et dubia → 36. Massimo il Confessore RAMELLI I.L.E., Preexistence of Souls? The ajrchv and tevlo" of Rational Creatures in Origen and Some Origenians → 12. Origene (4. Studi) –, The Dialogue of Adamantius: A Document of Origen’s Thought? (Part Two), 227-273. [Abstract: «The present essay stems from a long and careful research triggered by Richard P.C. Hanson’s invitation to a closer examination of the Dialogue of Adamantius (which indeed, notwithstanding some contributions that have appeared meanwhile, remains an important desideratum in Patristic scholarship and early Christian literature), and by the mystery that surrounds this text, its composition, its double redaction, Greek and Latin, and in relation to Origen, a mysterious ‘Maximus’, Eusebius, Methodius,

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the Philocalist, and Rufinus. The first part of this article has already been published in a previous issue of Studia Patristica (SP 52, 2012, 71-98)» (p. 227)]. RAPETTI E., «Res Origenis referre»: gli Origeniana di Pierre-Daniel Huet e il loro contesto storico-culturale, Adamantius 18 (2012) 251-282. [Pubblicare Origene: le ricerche documentarie. Commentare Origene: In neutram partem nimis conspici. Gli Origeniana e il mondo protestante: la querelle con Bochart. Gli Origeniana e il confronto con le posizioni gianseniste. – Abstract: «This article intends to retrace the path that led Pierre-Daniel Huet to the publication of his Origeniana in 1667, while presenting a cross section of some foyers of scholarship involved in researches of Church history, observed from Huet’s perspective. Such events, composing the scenario in which Huet’s Origen is placed, shed light on his working method and the aims he pursued, allowing to better evaluate the role played by Huet’s edition in what has been defined l’âge d’or de la Patrologie»]. TERRACCIANO P., Omnia in figura. L’impronta di Origene tra ’400 e ’500 (Centuria, 7), Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, Roma 2012, pp. XVIII+311. [Introduzione, IX-XVIII. I. Il punto di svolta della teologia cristiana: 1. Vita e dottrine, 1-10; 2. Lo spirito, la lettera, la lotta: ovvero la costruzione di un’eresia, 10-23. II. Fragrantia Origenis: 1. Frammenti di Origene nel Medioevo, 25-30; 2. Tra rinascita monastica e Umanesimo, 30-45; 3. Marsilio Ficino, tra Atene e Alessandria, 45-74; 4. Le Tesi di Pico, 74-101; 5. Quadri e strofe, 101-118; 6. Edizioni, editori, esegeti, 119-132. III. Maschere di Origene: 1. Il Padre e gli empi demoni: marachelle erasmiane, 133-161; 2. L’arcinemico della Riforma, 161-175; 3. Complicazioni, 176-183; 4. L’armonia e i suoi critici: Francesco Zorzi, 183-236; 5. Punti fermi e nuovi sentieri: Origene e il cabalismo, 237-254. IV. Il beneficio e il cielo aperto: 1. Origene e la giustificazione per fede, 255-275; 2. Amplissima misericordia divina, 275-300. Indice dei nomi, 301-310].

TRABACE I., Dalla polemica all’omelia: tradizione origeniana e radici bibliche nell’Omelia sul salmo 29 di Basilio di Cesarea → 21.1. Basilio di Cesarea VILLANI A., Cristoforo Persona et la première traduction en latin du Contre Celse d’Origène, in Lire les Pères de l’Église entre la Renaissance et la Réforme, 21-54. [Vie et œuvres de Cristoforo Persona. Raisons et circonstances de la traduction du Contre Celse. Entre érudition, flatterie et politique: la fonction des trois différentes dédicaces. Jugements anciens et modernes et qualité de la traduction. Analyse de quelques parties de la traduction. Conclusions. Annexe 1: Lettre de Théodore Gaza à Cristoforo Persona; Annexe 2: Les trois dédicaces de la traduction du Contre Celse: 1. Au doge Mocenigo et au Sénat de Venise; 2. Au pape Sixte IV; 3. À Ferdinand d’Aragon roi de Sicile. Notes. – «Parue seulement cinq ans avant la publication des célèbres 900 thèses de Jean Pic de la Mirandole, fruit mûr de la réflexion du cercle des Platoniciens de Florence, dans lequel Origène joua un rôle de première importance, la version de Cristoforo Persona semble n’avoir même pas été effleurée par le climat culturel et intellectuel florentin! D’ailleurs... le prieur ne semble pas s’être intéressé du tout à la pensée du théologien alexandrin, à laquelle il demeura indifférent, au moins sur la base de ce qu’on peut lire, essentiellement les épîtres dédicatoires évoquées plus haut. Par contre, la demande d’effectuer la traduction faite par Théodore Gaza à Cristoforo s’insère dans une ligne culturelle bien précise, à laquelle Persona semble s’être adapté sans difficulté: c’est un mouvement, d’origine byzantine, de reprise de la tradition grecque par une série d’intellectuels orientaux, comme le cardinal Bessarion ou Théodore Gaza, mouvement qui prit son élan à la chute de Constantinople et jouit du soutien du pape de l’époque, Nicolas V» (pp. 40-41)]. WASMAIER-SAILER M., Liebe und All-Einheit. Ethischer Realismus und das Universalitätsprinzip in der Religionsphilosophie George Rusts, in Die Cambridge Origenists. George Rusts Letter of Resolution Concerning Origen and the Chief of His Opinions, 165-176. [1. Der Auferstehungstraktat des Letter of Resolution: Eine moraltheologische Perspektive. 2. Ethischer Realismus in A Discourse of Truth. 3. Das Universalitätsprinzip in der Predigt zu 1 Joh 4,16: God is Love. 4. Der moralische Anspruch an den Menschen. – «Im Auferstehungstraktat des Letter of Resolution legt George Rust die origeneische Argumentation für das Dogma der Auferstehung als

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vierte seiner “Hauptlehren” dar. Die Argumentation dieses Traktats überrascht. Es wird dort nicht etwa argumentiert, dass das tugendhafte Leben eine Voraussetzung für die Auferstehung ist, sondern umgekehrt, dass der Auferstehungsleib eine Bedingung für die sittliche Vervollkommnung des Menschen und damit für die Wiederherstellung seiner ursprünglichen Glückseligkeit ist, die er durch den Seelenfall verloren hat» (p. 165)].

14. Dionigi Alessandrino

DÎNCA L., Le Christ et la Trinité chez Athanase d’Alexandrie → 20. Atanasio [Denys: pp. 128-130]. 15. Pierio di Alessandria 16. Pietro di Alessandria 17. Alessandro di Alessandria DÎNCA L., Le Christ et la Trinité chez Athanase d’Alexandrie → 20. Atanasio [Alexandre: pp. 132-134]. EDWARDS M., Alexander of Alexandria and the Homoousion, VigChr 66 (2012) 482-502. [Abstract: «This paper responds to recent publications which play down the role of Bishop Alexander of Alexandria in securing the adoption of the term homoousion at the Nicene Council of 325. It argues that, while the term is not employed in any surviving work from his hand, there is some reason to believe that he sanctioned the use of it by his colleagues. There is no doubt that before the Council he had already declared the Son to be ‘from the Father’s essence’, and it is all but certain that when this phrase was challenged, together with the homoousion at Nicaea, it was he who produced a conciliatory exegesis of both innovations, relying on the theology that had already been expounded in his letters. Philostorgius’ story that he and Hosius of Cordoba had concerted a plan to introduce the homoousion is not implausible, and it should not be assumed that the author of an anonymous life of Constantine, which corroborates this narrative, is merely paraphrasing Philostorgius. Their testimony is consistent with that of Ambrose of Milan, who can be shown to have been acquainted both with documents and with witnesses of the proceedings at the Council»].

18. Ario

HEIL U., Antiarianisches in den neutestamentlichen Predigten von Augustinus – eine Problemanzeige → Tractatio Scripturarum (29. Agostino) LE BOULLUEC A., Arius judaizans? Crise de mutation et signe de séparation?, in La croisée des chemins revisitée. Quand l’“Église” et la “Synagogue” se sont-elles distinguées? Actes du colloque de Tours 18-19 juin 2010, publiés sous la direction de S.C. MIMOUNI et B. POUDERON (Patrimoines. Judaïsme antique), Les éditions du Cerf, Paris 2012, 299-319. [Arius judaizans dans l’historiographie. L’image des ariens, «les nouveaux juifs», forgée par la polémique d’Athanase. Retour aux faits. – Abstract: «“Arianism”, after the victory of Nicaean orthodoxy at the end of the fourth century, never ceased to be considered as the climax of heresy. Scientific historiography, which remained till the end of the XIXth century deeply influenced by confessional and dogmatic prejudices, has often connected it, furthermore, with judaizing tendencies. Historiography had to produce Rudolf Lorenz’ Arius judaizans?, in 1980, before this topic could be freed from unfavorable judgments. Our aim is not to develop that sort of study. We aim instead at seeing how the charge of “judaizing” brought against Arius and “Arians” in the fourth century corresponds to a crucial experiement in the partition between Christianism and Judaism. The texts which are scrutinized are extracted from Athanasius’s works. He names the Arians “new Jews”, or “Jews”, in order to discredit them. This term of abuse however may show a persistent closeness» (pp. 299-300)]

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19. Eusebio di Cesarea

Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, T. I: Études d’introduction, sous la direction de S. MORLET-L. PERRONE, Les Belles Lettres–Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2012, pp. IX+413 (= Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire). [S. MORLET-L. PERRONE, Avant-propos, VII-IX. S. MORLET, Eusèbe de Césarée: biographie, chronologie, profil intellectuel, 1-31. O. ANDREI, Canons chronologiques et Histoire ecclésiastique, 33- 82. E. PRINZIVALLI, Le genre historiographique de l’Histoire ecclésiastique, 83-111. É. JUNOD, Description sommaire de l’Histoire Ecclésiastique, 113-150. V. NERI, Les éditions de l’Histoire ecclésiastique (livres VIII-IX): bilan critique et perspectives de la recherche, 151-183. M. CASSIN – M. DEBIÉ – M.-Y. PERRIN, La question des éditions de l’Histoire ecclésiastique et le livre X, 185-206; Appendice: G. TRAINA, Le témoignage de la version arménienne sur les lieux ici examinés, 206-207. M. CASSIN, Tradition manuscrite grecque de l’Histoire ecclésiastique, 209-242. L. CICCOLINI – S. MORLET, La version latine de l’Histoire ecclésiastique, 243-266. A. BOUD’HORS – S. MORLET, La version copte de l’Histoire ecclésiastique, 267-270. M. DEBIÉ, La version syriaque de l’Histoire ecclésiastique, 270-275. J.-P. MAHÉ, La version arménienne de l’Histoire ecclésiastique d’Eusèbe, 277- 284. O. MUNNICH, Index des citations et allusions dans l’Histoire ecclésiastique, 285-303. S. MORLET – L. PERRONE, Bibliographie, 305-377. Abréviations, 379-384. Index alphabétique des auteurs et des œuvres citées, 385-410. Table des matières, 411-413. – «Ce volume réunit des études d’introduction à l’œuvre et au commentaire proprement dit. Elles ont pour but de présenter les grands enjeux historiques, littéraires et philologiques de l’Histoire ecclésiastique. Elles ont été rédigées avec l’intention de fournir avant tout au lecteur des états des questions qui se posent et des prolégomènes à la lecture ou à l’étude de l’œuvre» (p. VIII)]. ANDREI O., Canons chronologiques et Histoire ecclésiastique, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 33-82. [Le chronographicum genus et les Canons chronologiques. L’activité chronographique dans l’évolution culturelle et intellectuelle d’Eusèbe: une chronographie nouvelle pour une époque nouvelle: Le titre; Chronologie et rédactions de l’œuvre. Des Canons chronologiques à l’Histoire ecclésiastique: formes et directions d’un changement dans l’écriture et la communication de l’histoire: Le cadre chronologique de l’Histoire ecclésiastique; La construction de positionnements chronologiques nouveaux par rapport aux Canons chronologiques; La technique de la citation; Augmentation et requalification des voies de réalisation de la vocation des nations (scil.: évangélisation et christianisation de l’empire romain). Conclusions]. BOUD’HORS A.–MORLET S., La version copte de l’Histoire ecclésiastique, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 267-270. CARRARA P., Eusebio, un greco di età romano-imperiale in una città multiculturale, in Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana, 161-178. [1. La formazione alla scuola di grammatica: Aspetto linguistico-grammaticale; Letture ‘letterarie’ di base. 2. La formazione retorica. 3. La formazione filosofica. – Abstract: «Eusebius’ culture was the result of a meeting of different traditions and reflects the multicultural complexity of an outstanding East Mediterranean center as Caesarea in Palestine. The scriptural and theological interests, which he inherited from the Origenian tradition – he worked in the wealthy library gathered by Origen and Pamphilus in Caesarea – formed the focus of his scholarly training. Nevertheless, he was well acquainted also with the Greek secular culture: undoubtedly he received a good training in rhetorics during his youth and mastered classical philosophy and scholarship by a direct access to classical authors or through the aid of huge compilatory works, that widely circulated during the Roman age. In the light of such a complex cultural background, we have to estimate his impressive literary production, which represented a very innovative stage in the fields of history of the Church, Christian theology and of scholarship in general. He shows some knowledge of Christian Latin writers, as Tertullian, and, to some degree, also of the Hebrew culture»]. CARRIER R., Origen, Eusebius, and the Accidental Interpolation in Josephus → 12. Origene (4. Studi)

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CASSIN M., Tradition manuscrite grecque de l’Histoire ecclésiastique, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 209-242. [Manuscrits grecs de l’Histoire ecclésiastique d’Eusèbe de Césarée. Classement des manuscrits, histoire du texte et édition]. CASSIN M. – DEBIÉ M. – PERRIN M.-Y., La question des éditions de l’Histoire ecclésiastique et le livre X, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 185-206. [La tradition manuscrite. Interpréter une tradition manuscrite. Hypothèses sur le livre X. Appendice: G. TRAINA, Le témoignage de la version arménienne sur les lieux ici examinés, 206-207]. CEULEMANS R., On a Commentary attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea and Nilus (the Monk / the Anchorite), Adamantius 18 (2012) 283-296. [1. Exegetical texts on the Song attributed to Nilus. 2. Exegetical texts on the Song attributed to Eusebius. 3. Two attributions, one text. 4. Further observations and a few hypotheses. 5. Summary and concluding remarks. – «Upon reading the preceding pages, the reader may get the feeling that only very little reliable, proven facts and conclusions have been advanced and that most of the insights that are put forward are but hypotheses or tentative observations. This feeling is certainly understandable. Nonetheless, the author believes this article’s main thesis is beyond doubt: the commentary on the Song of Songs that is attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea and which was discovered recently by J.-M. Auwers, on the hand, and the commentary that is attributed to a Nilus but differs from Nilus of Ancyra’s, on the other hand, are one and the same text. This observation should prove useful to future research on the Greek exegetical traditions on the Song and requires no further justification» (p. 295)w]. CICCOLINI L. – MORLET S., La version latine de l’Histoire ecclésiastique, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 243-266. [Une diffusion importante dès l’époque tardo-antique. L’histoire du texte (L. CICCOLINI). Rufin: traducteur négligent ou auteur à part entière? (S. MORLET)]. DEBIÉ M., La version syriaque de l’Histoire ecclésiastique, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 270-275. DÎNCA L., Le Christ et la Trinité chez Athanase d’Alexandrie → 20. Atanasio [Eusèbe: pp. 134-140, 212-216, 240-242]. DÖRNEMANN M., Einer ist Arzt, Christus. Medizinales Verständnis von Erlösung in der Theologie der griechischen Kirchenväter des zweiten bis vierten Jahrhunderts → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale GIANOTTO C., Giacomo, fratello di Gesù (intersezioni, 403), Il Mulino, Bologna 2013, pp. 143. [III. Il martirio di Giacomo: Le rielaborazioni cristiane della morte di Giacomo, 65-74]. JUNOD É., Description sommaire de l’Histoire Ecclésiastique, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 113-150. [Introduction. Les livres I-VII. Les livres VIII-X]. MAHÉ J.-P., La version arménienne de l’Histoire ecclésiastique d’Eusèbe, 277-284. O. MUNNICH, Index des citations et allusions dans l’Histoire ecclésiastique, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 277-284. MANOR T.S., Papias, Origen, and Eusebius: The Criticisms and Defense of the Gospel of John, VigChr 67 (2013) 1-21. [Introduction. 1. Papias as the source of Eusebius? The argument of C.E.Hill. 2. Eusebius on the origins of John’s Gospel. 3. Origen on the chronology of John’s Gospel. 4. Corroborating witnesses? 5. The limits of Eusebius’ sources. 6. Eusebius’ testimony (3.24.8b-13) as a corrective of Origen. 7. Alternative sources? Gaius of Rome and Epiphanius’ Alogi. 8. Conclusion. – Abstract: «The question of whether or not Papias recorded anyhting about John’s Gospel has garnered a lot of attention in the scholarly realms of New Testament and Patristic alike. Most notably, Charles E. Hill has recently argued that a portion of Eusebius’ testimony (HE 3.24.5-13) on the origins of the Gospel of John derives from the record of Papias. Aspects of Hill’s proposal are largely convincing, particularly the

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links he draws between Eusebius’ testimony and other writers who knew the Papian tradition. However, Hill has overestimated the influence of Papias on Eusebius’ account and missed a crucial, albeit subtle, correction by Eusebius against his hero, Origen. This article suggests that the argument for Gospel compatibility found in 3.24.8b-13 is Eusebius’ own direct response to the criticisms raised by Origen that the divergent chronology of the Gospel of John demonstrates its historical unreliability» (p. 1)]. MONACI CASTAGNO A., Eusebio di Cesarea storico e agiografo della persecuzione in Palestina, in Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana, 179-201. [1. Premessa. 2. Caratteri generali delle due versioni. 3. I Martiri della Palestina nel contesto della letteratura martirologica precedente e alla luce della dialettica fra universale e locale. 4. Eusebio testimone della persecuzione in Palestina. 5. La persecuzione dioclezianea: i dati storici che ricaviamo da MP. 6. Affiano martire ‘in’ e ‘di’ Cesarea. 7. Il bios di Panfilo e la sua confessione. 8. Il martirio di Panfilo e di oiJ ajmfi; to;n Pavmfilon. 9. Una chiave di lettura. – Abstract: «The two versions of the Martyrs of Palestine have been studied mainly with regard to the Ecclesiastical History, in order to reconstruct the school of Pamphilus and the historical library of Caesarea. The paper focuses on some of the aspects that have been less addressed. It analyses MP in the context of the preceding martyrological evidence on the situation of the Church in Palestine, addressing the accountability of Eusebius’ narratives. In particular, it analyses the bioi of Apphianus and Pamphilus remarking the rhetoric strategies with which Eusebius transforms the representatives of the school in martyrs of the Caesarea Church. It identifies in Eusebius’ account about Pamphilus and his ‘companions’ the attempt to indicare among the twelve of Caesarea, among which Pamphilus stands out as martyr priest and martyrs’ teacher, the picture of the true Church, the heir of the patriarchs and the apostles, thus proposing an ideal model for the Constantinian Church»]. MORLET S., Les chrétiens et l’histoire. De Luc à Eusèbe de Césarée → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale –, Eusèbe de Césarée: biographie, chronologie, profil intellectuel, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 1-31. [Une vie marquée par le «tournant constantinien»: Sous le signe de Pamphile et Origène; Les premières années de l’épiscopat: le temps de la réflexion théologique; La crise arienne: l’engagement politique. Essai de chronologie eusébienne. Le profil intellectuel: polémique et érudition]. MORLET S. – PERRONE L., Bibliographie, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 305-377. [Œuvres d’Eusèbe. I. Éditions, versions et traductions de l’Histoire Ecclésiastique; II. Eusèbe de Césarée. III. La «Chronique». IV. Les Martyrs de Palestine. V. L’Histoire ecclésiastique ]. MUNNICH O., Index des citations et allusions dans l’ Histoire ecclésiastique, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 285-303. NERI V., Les éditions de l’ Histoire ecclésiastique (livres VIII-IX): bilan critique et perspectives de la recherche, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 151-183. [Le livre VIII: L’hypothèse d’une première édition en sept livres; La recensio breuior des Martyrs de Palestine et sa relation au livre VIII de l’Histoire ecclésiastique; L’appendice au Livre VIII; Hypothèse de travail à propos de l’élaboration du livre VIII; La restructuration de la fin du livre VIII en vue de l’ajout du livre IX. Le livre IX: Les réélaborations du livre IX en relation avec le conflit entre Constantin et Licinius; Les différentes versions de la mort de Maximin; Autres indices d’une réélaboration du livre IX. Conclusion]. PRINZIVALLI E., Le genre historiographique de l’ Histoire ecclésiastique, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 83-111. [But, structure et caractères généraux de l’Histoire ecclésiastique. Le genre littéraire et la nouveauté d’Eusèbe. La vision historique et la technique historiographique d’Eusèbe]. RADDE-GALLWITZ A., Gregory of Nyssa’s Pneumatology in Context: The Spirit as Anointing and the History of the Trinitarian Controversies → 21.3. Gregorio di Nissa RINALDI G., Contumeliae communes. Circolazione di testi e argomenti nelle controversie religiose di età

558 REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO romana imperiale → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale – Pagani e cristiani a Cesarea Marittima, in Caesarea Maritima e la scuola origeniana → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale SIMONETTI M., Flavio Giuseppe in Origene e in Eusebio → 9. Flavio Giuseppe STEMBERGER G., Ebraismo a Caesarea Maritima. Personalità rabbiniche e temi esegetici al tempo di Origene ed Eusebio → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale TRAINA G., Le témoignage de la version arménienne sur les lieux ici examinés, in Eusèbe de Césarée. Histoire Ecclésiastique. Commentaire, 206-207. [«À la différence de la Chronique, l’Histoire ecclésiastique n’a guère attiré l’attention des spécialistes d’arménien classique. D’après les passages examinés, on a l’impression qu’il s’agit d’une version effectivement traduite du syriaque, mais qui a également eu recours au grec pour corriger l’édition» (p. 206)]. WHEALEY A., The Commentary on Luke Attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea, VigChr 67 (2013) 169-183. [Abstract: «The authenticity of a catena on the gospel of Luke (PG 24,529-605), which was attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea by Nicetas of Heraclea, is dubious. One short fragment appears to derive from Procopius of Gaza’s Commentary on the Octateuch, raising a question about the catena’s overall integrity as well as its authenticity. Some of the vocabulary and themes in the longer fragments are more characteristic of Eusebius of Emesa than of Eusebius of Caesarea. Thus the bulk of these fragments were probably written by Eusebius of Emesa, but wrongly attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea because of name confusion in the catenae lemmata»]. ZELLENTIN H.M., Jerusalem Fell after Betar: The Christian Josephus and Rabbinic Memory → 9. Flavio Giuseppe

20. Atanasio

DELCOGLIANO M., The Influence of Athanasius and the Homoiousians on Basil of Caesarea’s Decentralization of «Unbegotten» → 21.1. Basilio di Cesarea DÎNCA L., Le Christ et la Trinité chez Athanase d’Alexandrie. Préface de C. KANNENGIESSER (Patrimoines. Christianisme), Cerf, Paris 2012, pp. 399. [Index: Introduction générale. Première partie: Dieu Trinité révélée par le Verbe incarné. Introduction, 21; Ch. 1. Révélation de la Trinité en Jésus-Christ et monothéisme, 23; Ch. 2. Monade, Dyade ou Triade pour dire Dieu, 53; Conclusion, 65. Deuxième partie: Identité des personnes dans la Trinité divine. Introduction, 69; Ch. 3. Substance et/ou subsistant, 71; Ch. 4. Le Christ et la Trinité des personnes divines, 99; Ch. 5. Le Verbe incarné/Le Dieu Trinité, 111; Conclusion, 119. Troisième partie: Corrélation des personnes divines. Introduction, 123; Ch. 6. Doctrine de la corrélation divine avant Athanase, 125; Ch. 7. La doctrine de la corrélation chez Athanase, 145; Ch. 8. Corrélation divine et création, 153; Ch. 9. Corrélation divine dans l’économie de la rédemption, 179. Conclusion, 201. Quatrième partie: Processions divines chez Athanase d’Alexandrie. Introduction, 205; Ch. 10. Processions divines: Père inoriginé et Fils originé, 207; Ch. 11. Processions divines: l’Esprit-Saint, 233; Ch. 12. Postérité de la pneumatologie athanasienne, 253; Conclusion, 269. Cinquième partie: Dossier bibliques et analogies trinitaires. Introduction, 273; Ch. 13. Dossier biblique, 277; Conclusion, 307; Ch. 14. Analogies trinitaires athanasiennes, 309; Conclusion, 321; Conclusion générale, 323; Annexe: De decretis Nicaenae synodi, 333; Lexique des termes techniques, 381; Bibliographie sélective. – Résumé: «Par l’originalité de son traitement du mystère de la Trinité, l’évêque Athanase d’Alexandrie a marqué la tradition théologique jusqu’à nos jours. Athanase retravaille substantiellement la synthèse théologique de ses prédécesseurs, Clément d’Alexandrie et Origène, en fonction du nouveau contexte théologique alexandrin. En effet, Arius, curé de Baukalis à Alexandrie, entreprend vers 318 d’enseigner une doctrine christologique qui tend à nier la divinité du Fils: ‘Il y eut un temps où le Fils n’existait pas, il est venu a l’existence ex nihilo, comme les autres créatures.’ Face à cette doctrine, Alexandre, le prédécesseur d’Athanase sur le siège d’Alexandrie, puis Athanase lui-même reprennent le flambeau des Pères du concile de Nicée qui, en 325, avaient condamné Arius, ses partisans et sa doctrine.

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Partant du Christ tel que révélé dans les Écritures, le pape d’Égypte démontre que c’est uniquement si le Christ est vrai Dieu qu’il peut nous révéler le mystère de la Trinité, et uniquement s’il est vrai homme qu’il peut diviniser la nature humaine: ‘Dieu s’est fait homme, pour que l’homme devienne Dieu.’ Bible à l’appui, Athanase défend donc le dogme nicéen de la consubstantialité du Fils au Père, puis, à partir de 362, la consubstantialité de l’Esprit-Saint au Père et au Fils»]. FERNÁNDEZ T., A Correction of the Text of Athanasius of Alexandria’s Epistula ad monachos, JÖB 62 (2012) 1-8. [1. The Latin translation. 2. The Theban inscription. 3. The Florilegium Coislinianum . 4. Final remarks. – Abstract: «A reading of the direct tradition of Athanasius’ Epistula ad monachos, sunercomevnou", must be corrected into suneucomevnou", which is the reading both of the Florilegium Coislinianum (9th-10th c.) and of an old Latin translation of the epistle. In order to justify this correction, the Epistula and its textual tradition is analysed and briefly set in its historical context» (p. 1)]. LE BOULLUEC A., Arius judaizans? Crise de mutation et signe de séparation? → 18. Ario PAGELS E., How Athanasius, Subject to Christian Emperors, Read John’s Apocalypse into His Canon, in Envisioning Judaism 2, 799-808. [«Yet Athanasius stood in a line of Alexandrian exegetical tradition, in which such predecessors as Clement, Origen, and Dionysius had included the Apocalypse among their sacred writings, while encouraging allegorical and symbolic exegesis. Engaging such exegesis, Athanasius dared reinterpret John’s images – easily recognizable from the classical prophets as referring to hostile pagan empires – to apply to conflicts he now faced in fourth-century Egypt. In the process, he not only succeeded in placing the Apocalypse into the New Testament canon, but also set precedent for centuries – even millennia – of future interpreters who would take their interpretations much farther. For when Athanasius reinterpreted the Great Whore and the Beast as referring not to the persecuting Roman empire, but to intra-Christian conflict within an empire now ruled by Christian emperors, he helped initiate an afterlife for the Apocalypse that the fierce prophet of Patmos, for all his visions of the future, could hardly have foreseen» (p. 808)]. RADDE-GALLWITZ A., Gregory of Nyssa’s Pneumatology in Context: The Spirit as Anointing and the History of the Trinitarian Controversies → 21.3. Gregorio di Nissa

21. I Padri Cappadoci

ALEXANDRE M., La culture grecque, servante de la foi. De Philon d’Alexandrie aux Pères grecs → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale DÖRNEMANN M., Einer ist Arzt, Christus. Medizinales Verständnis von Erlösung in der Theologie der griechischen Kirchenväter des zweiten bis vierten Jahrhunderts → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale LUDLOW M., Demons, Evil, and Liminality in Cappadocian Theology, JECS 20 (2012) 179-211. [Abstract: «Despite the growing literature on demons in late antiquity, there has been no detailed study of demons in Cappadocian theology. This paper argues that demons occupy a liminal place in Cappadocian cosmology: demons were personal, rational beings, who were created good, fell from their original state, and became locked into an irreversible habit of willing evil, which contradicted but parasitically co-existed with their nature as part of God’s good creation. This liminal status explains demons’ use in Cappadocian theology not only to illustrate the power and nature of evil, but also as an exaggerated representation of humans’ own condition: especially in preaching and hagiography, demons served to highlight the way in which human sin contradicts humans’ original creation and to warn humans against the possibilities of locking themselves into a permanent habit of sin»]. NIGRO G.A., Figure imperiali negli scritti dei Padri Cappadoci, Classica et Christiana. Periodico annuale del Centro di Studi Classici e Cristiani della Facoltà di Storia dell’Università «Alexandru I. Cuza» di Iaşi 8 (2013) 229-269. [Abstract: «The paper analyzes and explains different attitudes of the Cappadocian Fathers about Roman laws and emperors. Alexander the Great’s portraits in the writings of the three Cappadocians always show a positive model of king. Instead, concerning to Roman monarchs,

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Basil of Caesarea is almost silent, while Gregory of Nyssa defends himself and his brother’s memory against the Eunomian charges of an alleged cowardice during Valens’ reign (364-378). Gregory of Nazianzus’ considerations about sovereigns reveal a critic political thought sharpened through the years, which has been undervalued by contemporary historians of the Late Antique Age» (p. 229)].

21.1. Basilio di Cesarea

DELCOGLIANO M., The Influence of Athanasius and the Homoiousians on Basil of Caesarea’s Decentralization of «Unbegotten», JECS 19 (2011) 197-223. [«The names that belong to the saving faith». Argument for the primacy of «Father»: Athanasius; George of Laodicea; Basil of Caesarea. Conclusion. – Abstract: «A tradition of argumentation against the name “Unbegotten” and in favor of “Father” can be detected in Athanasius, in the Homoiousians Basil of Ancyra and George of Laodicea, and in Basil of Caesarea. This study articulates a methodology for exploring the complex manner in which Athanasian thought was adopted by Basil of Caesarea through the intermediary of the Homoiousians by examining how each formulated this argument for the decentralization of “Unbegotten” and how the Homoiousians and Basil of Caesarea used and modified the arguments of their predecessors. It is demonstrated that Basil of Caesarea appropriated this argument in its homoiousian rather than its Athanasian form» (p. 197)]. GIRARDI M., Chi “ha unto e preparato” al martirio Saba il goto? A proposito di Basilio, ep. 164,1, Classica et Christiana. Periodico annuale del Centro di Studi Classici e Cristiani della Facoltà di Storia dell’Università «Alexandru I. Cuza» di Iaşi 8 (2013) 109-128. [Abstract: «Basil welcomes in Caesarea the remains of the martyr Saba the Goth proclaiming blessed ‘the one who anointed him and prepared’ to martyrdom. Scholars have proposed four names: the dux Soranus, the bishops Ascholius of Thessalonica and Bretanion of Tomis, the priest Sansala. After a critical exam of these conjectures, the essay investigates the metaphorical use of the term in the secular and Christian vocabulary, particularly evidences by Basil and Gregory of Nazianzus. To sum up, Basil praised not only Sansala but also Bretanion with a single term by synecdoche» (p. 109)]. HENNE PH., Basile le Grand (Petits Cerf. Histoire), Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2012, pp. 352. [Index: Introduction. Première partie. La vie de Saint Basile: 1. Enfance et éducation; 2. Le baptême et la vie ascétique; 3. Basile, évêque et métropolite; Conclusion de la première partie. Deuxième partie. Les œuvres ascétiques: 1. L’organisation progressive de la vie ascétique; 2. Les différentes «Règles» de Basile; Conclusion de la deuxième partie. Troisième partie. Les œuvres exégétiques: 1. La «Philocalie»; 2. L’«Homélie sur le début des Proverbes»; 3. Les «Homélies sur les Psaumes»; 4. Le «Commentaire sur Isaïe»; 5. Les «Homélies sur l’Hexaéméron»; 6. Le complément «Sur l’origine de l’homme»; Conclusion de la troisième partie. Quatrième partie. Les œuvres doctrinales: 1. L’ouvrage polémique «Contre Eunome»; 2. La véhémente mise au point «Sur le baptême»; 3. L’«Exhortation au saint baptême» (Homélie XIII); 4. La cajoleuse invitation ou le «Protreptique au baptême»; 5. La Trinité dans la correspondance de Basile; 6. La controverse liturgique «Traité du Saint-Esprit»; Conclusion de la quatrième partie. Cinquième partie. Les œuvres morales et pastorales: 1. Les homélies sur les vices et sur les vertus; 2. Riches et pauvres chez Basile; 3. L’Homélie «Dieu n’est pas l’auteur des maux»; 4. L’Exhortation «Aux jeunes gens sur la manière de tirer profit des lettres helléniques». Conclusion générale. Annexes. Chronologie. Cartes. Bibliographie. – Résumé: «La plupart des moines d’Orient observent la ‘Règle’ de Basile, tous les théologiens d’Occident et d’Orient se fondent sur les traités de Basile pour définir la divinité du Fils et de l’Esprit; tous les exégètes remercient Basile pour avoir conservé les meilleurs commentaires d’Origène; tous les croyants méditent le mystère de la création et de la destinée humaine grâce à son commentaire sur le début de la Genèse. Basile est un homme complet et pourtant il vécut à peine cinquante ans. Il naquit après le concile de Nicée (325) et mourut avant celui de Constantinople (381). Il connut et affronta toutes les grandes querelles théologiques de son temps, sans en connaître l’heureux dénouement. Promis à une brillante carrière, Basile, sans être un ermite, préféra l’ascèse et la vie en communauté dans un lieu retiré. C’est un homme de combat, qui ne refuse pas l’affrontement, qui le cherche même parfois. Intransigeant avec ses frères, il se fait conciliant avec les païens ou les érudits

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attachés au paganisme. Pragmatique, il allie les élans mystiques avec un bon sens pratique. Autour de ses monastères, il développe des Basiliades, des auberges pour voyageurs et commerçants où les mendiants de longue date étaient invités à travailler. Une riche personnalité d’une grande actualité»]. HOLMAN S.R. – MACÉ C. – MATZ B.J., De Beneficentia: A Homily on Social Action attributed to Basil of Caesarea, VigChr 66 (2012) 457-481. [Abstract: «This paper introduces an anonymous work attributed to Basil of Caesarea entitled De beneficentia, or ‘On beneficence’. The text is known from one manuscript dating to the thirteenth or fourteenth century, Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, Phillipps 1467 (gr. 63), a collection of genuine and pseudonymous Basilian homilies. Although pseudonymous and extant (as far as we can determine) only in this sole manuscript, in some quoted fragments from the ninth and twelfth centuries, and in a sixteenth-century Latin translation, De beneficentia, shares a number of characteristics common to social homilies preached in the late fourth and early fifth centuries. This paper discusses the Berlin manuscript text in the context of the known fragments, other spurious, dubious, or pseudonymous homilies attributed to Basil, and its attributed relationship to social preaching in Christian late antiquity, and offers a new edition of the Greek text with its first English translation»]. KARAHAN A., Beauty in the Eyes of God. Byzantine Aesthetics and Basil of Caesarea, Byz. 82 (2012) 165-211. [Introduction. Point of departure. Why Basil of Caesarea? Imitation of What? Balanced kinetics and corporeality. Divine knowledge – The right belief. The purpose of the created visible. Patterned borders. Gems, gold, silver, and pearls. Concluding remarks. – Summary: «The quintessence of Byzantine faith is the twofold identification of the God-Man. Yet, the image of God Jesus Christ and the transcendent Trinity is a one-God concept. Inevitably, I argue Byzantine aesthetics had to recognize God as both anthropomorphous and divine (...)» (p. 211)]. RADDE-GALLWITZ A., Gregory of Nyssa’s Pneumatology in Context: The Spirit as Anointing and the History of the Trinitarian Controversies → 21.3. Gregorio di Nissa SANDWELL I., How to Teach Genesis 1.1-19: John Chrysostom and Basil of Caesarea on the Creation of the World, JECS 19 (2011) 539-564. [Basil and Chrysostom teaching Gen 1.1-19: exegetical method and doctrinal lessons. Chrysostom and Basil teaching Gen 1.1-19: teaching about the newly created world. Assessing Chrysostom and Basil’s success at teaching Gen 1.1-19: a cognitive approach. Conclusion. – Abstract: «John Chrysostom and Basil of Caesarea both preached on Gen. 1.1-19 to similar audiences in the last quarter of the fourth century C.E. Both were followers of Nicaea and both claimed to carry out literal forms of exegesis and yet Chrysostom’s pastoral and moral concerns and Basil’s interest in science and philosophy meant that their preaching on the early books (sic!) of Genesis was radically different. This article will explore the differences between the two in order to assess which would have been more successful at teaching the newly created world and thus at bringing about audience understanding of the difficult text of Genesis. It will use ideas drawn from cognitive psychology to define what counts as understanding and good teaching in order to provide a new approach for making such assessments of ancient preacher» (p. 539)]. TRABACE I., Dalla polemica all’omelia: tradizione origeniana e radici bibliche nell’Omelia sul salmo 29 di Basilio di Cesarea, in Lessico, argomentazioni e strutture retoriche nella polemica di età cristiana, 223-240. [Abstract: «This article examines two passages of Basil of Caesarea’s Homily on Psalm 29, and identifies some polemical arguments, which are deeper analyzed in other works of Origen and Basil. Sometimes these arguments are used to create other polemic, like the criticism against literal interpretation of biblical anthropomorphisms, which serves for querelle with Eunomius. But, frequently, Basil uses polemical arguments with an exegetical and moral purpose: so, the medical metaphor, used by Origen against Gnosticism, serves to the archbishop of Caesarea, as usual, to explain to the congregation the Holy Scriptures» (p. 240)].

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21.2. Gregorio di Nazianzo

Re-Reading Gregory of Nazianzus. Essays on History, Theology, and Culture. Edited by C.A. BEELEY (CUA Studies in Early Christianity), The Catholic University of America Press, Washington/DC 2012, pp. XIII+319. [C.A. BEELEY, Gregory of Nazianzus: Past, Present, and Future, IX-XIII. Part I. Theology: B.E. DALEY, Systematic Theology in Homeric Dress: Poemata arcana, 3-12; V.E.F. HARRISON, Illumined from All Sides by the Trinity: Neglected Themes in Gregory’s Trinitarian Theology, 13-30; B. FULFOLD, Gregory of Nazianzus and Biblical Interpretation, 31-48; B.J. MATZ, Deciphering a Recipe for Biblical Preaching in Oration, 49-66; E. FERGUSON, Gregory’s Baptismal Theology and the Alexandrian Tradition, 67-83; W. TABBERNEE, Gregory of Nazianzus, Montanism, and the Holy Spirit, 84-102; C. MORESCHINI, Gregory Nazianzen and Philosophy, with Remarks on Gregory’s Cynicism, 103-122. Part II. History and Autobiography: S. ABRAMS REBILLARD, Historiography as Devotion: Poemata de seipso, 125-142; A. HOFER, The Stoning of Christ and Gregory of Nazianzus, 143-158; V. LIMBERIS, Bishops Behaving Badly: Helladius Challenges Gregory of Nazianzus and Gregory of Nyssa, 159-177; N. MCLYNN, The Tax Man and the Theologian Gregory, Hellenius, and the Monks of Nazianzus, 178-195. Part III. Legacy: P.M. BLOWERS, On the «Play» of Divine Providence in Gregory Nazianzen and Maximus the Confessor, 199-217; A. STERK, Gregory the Theologian, Constantine the Philosopher, and Byzantine Missions to the Slavs, 218-235; S. ELM, Emperors and Priests: Gregory’s Theodosius and the Macedonians, 236-251; A. LOUTH, St. Gregory the Theologian and Byzantine Theology, 252-266. Part IV. Epilogue: J.A. MCGUCKIN, St. Gregory the Comic, 269-276; The Works of Frederick W. Norris (Excluding Reviews), 277-283. General Bibliography, 285-304; Contributors, 305-307; General Index, 309-312; Index to the Works of Gregory of Nazianzus, 313- 315; Index to Biblical Citations, 317-319]. BENVICH G., Maximus Confessor’s Polemics against Tritheism and His Trinitarian Teaching → 36. Massimo il Confessore STORIN B.K., In a Silent Way: Asceticism and Literature in the Rehabilitation of Gregory of Nazianzus, JECS 19 (2011) 225-257. [A prologue to silence (October 379-June 381). Rehabilitation (July 381-April 382). Silence (March 9- April 17, 382). Becoming bishop (April 17, 382). – Abstract: «Gregory of Nazianzus’s forty-day silence during the Easter season of 382 stands as a remarkable act of ascetic innovation. It did not occur, however, in a vacuum. This article argues that Gregory contrived the novel practice, and advertised it in five poems and twelve letters, as a complement to the collection of poems, letters, and orations that he composed in the wake of his departure from Constantinople in June 381. The ascetic practice of silence worked in concert with this literary campaign to reestablish Gregory’s ecclesiastical authority, something that many of his contemporaries questioned after a tumultuous tenure in the imperial capital. The concrete goal of this literary and ascetic combination, then, was to re-occupy the Nazianzan episcopacy, which he accomplished on Easter Sunday 382, the very day that he quit his silence. In sum, I argue that Gregory’s silence shows how asceticism, chuch politics, and self- presentation could converge in the late fourth century» (p. 225)].

21.3. Gregorio di Nissa

Gregory of Nyssa. Homilies on the Song of Songs. Translated with an Introduction and Notes by R.A. NORRIS Jr. (Writings from the Greco-Roman World, 13), Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta 2012, pp. 517. [Summary: «Gregory of Nyssa’s fifteen homilies on the Song of Songs offer an important resource for the history of Christian biblical exegesis, as well as for the history of Christian ascetical and spiritual teaching, and stand alongside Origen’s commentary on the Song as a source for the later interpretative tradition. In addition to offering the original text and first English translation of all fifteen homilies, Norris provides an analysis of the characteristic themes of Gregory’s ascetical teaching, emphasizes its connection in his mind with the institution of baptism, and stresses the

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degree to which Gregory sees the teaching of the Song as addressed not to a special class of believers but to any and all Christians»]. BOERSMA H., Overcoming Time and Space: Gregory of Nyssa’s Anagogical Theology, JECS 20 (2012) 575-612. [Abstract: «This essay challenges the interpretation of Gregory of Nyssa that sees him as envisioning created life retaining its diastemic character also in the hereafter. To Gregory, it is most important to enter into the divine life, and although this ascent (or anagogy) makes use of time and space, these do not properly characterize human destiny. While taking into account Gregory’s clear articulation of the creator-creature distinction as well as his insistence that the creator is beyond extension and thus beyond measurement, I make clear that Gregory is nonetheless impatient with the time and space that we inhabit; that the extension of time and space is not something that Gregory values for its own sake. Instead, what matters is the way in which we use every moment of our temporal lives to progress in our upward journey into the intelligible life of the heavenly kingdom – which, according to Nyssen, is both our origin and our final end»]. CASSIN M., L’Écriture de la controverse chez Grégoire de Nysse. Polémique littéraire et exégèse dans le «Contre Eunome» (Collection des Études Augustiniennes. Série Antiquité, 193), Institut d’Études Augustiniennes, Paris 2012, pp. 430. [Index: Introduction: Contexte de la controverse. Écrits anti-eunomiens: vicissitudes d’une transmission. Le Contre Eunome de Grégoire et son rapport aux textes antérieurs. Lectures d’un traité de controverse doctrinale. Conventions et citations. Première partie: Polémique littéraire: hérésiologie et héritage profane. Déconsidérer l’adversaire: outils polémiques et réfutation doctrinale dans les traités contre Eunome. Lettres d’envoi et destinataires des Contre Eunome de Basile de Césarée et de Grégoire de Nysse. Élaboration littéraire dans le Contre Eunome de Grégoire de Nysse: autour de trois exemples polémiques. Conclusion. Littérature et controverse théologique. Deuxième partie: Expliquer l’Écriture: controverse et exégèse. Introduction. Les auteurs bibliques, garants de l’exposé doctrinal et de la réfutation. Pr 8,22 dans la controverse théologique des Cappadociens avec Eunome. Le titre de “premier-né” appliqué au Fils dans les épîtres pauliniennes. Une interprétation pédagogiques du prologue johannique. Exégèses et filiations. Conclusions. Indices. Bibliographie. Index biblique. Index des auteurs anciens. – Summary: «Contra Eunomium, which dates from 378- 383, is the principal theological work written by Gregory of Nyssa (circa 335 – after 394), bishop in Cappadocia. However, this milestone of Trinitarian theology, far from being a systematic work, is a polemical writing that refutes step by step a lost book of Eunomius. The present study offers a detailed analysis of the polemical methods, and, in particular, of the heresiologic tools and the literary techniques used. Indeed, critics have often taken at face value Gregory’s attacks against Eunomius. Considering that the interpretation of Scripture is one of the major issues in the discussion between the two men and one of the main thrusts of Gregory’s theological thought, a second part is devoted to the exegesis in the Contra Eunomium and to the bishop of Nyssa’s sources and interlocutors. The Contra Eunomium is a major step in the development of theological writing and of Patristic theology in Late Antiquity»] –, Le discours Sur la divinité du Fils et de l’Esprit de Grégoire de Nysse. Intérêt littéraire et controverses religieuses, in Lire les Pères de l’Église entre la Renaissance et la Réforme, 149-173. [Réception du discours depuis l’Antiquité jusqu’à la période contemporaine. Les éditions et traductions du texte. L’édition de 1564: Joachim Camerarius. L’édition de 1568: Laurent Sifanus. L’édition de 1591: David Hoeschel. Des trois éditions séparées aux opera omnia. Comparaison des trois éditions: quelques lieux significatifs. Conclusion. Notes. – «Ce rapide examen a montré que les traits du discours qui l’ont fait retenir comme un lieu important des discussions ecclésiales et théologiques n’ont été repérés qu’à partir de la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Les éditeurs du XVIe, Fronton lui-même par la suite, n’ont relevé aucun passage de ce discours en particulier, ni la section sur les discussions à Constantinople, ni celle sur la représentation du sacrifice d’Abraham. À la fin du XVIIe siècle encore, S. Lenain de Tillemont, alors qu’il résume brièvement le contenu du discours, ne mentionne en rien ces deux éléments. En revanche, John Jortin isola le passage sur les discussions

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dans la Ville et ne retint que cela du discours nysséen. À partir de ce moment, le texte fut incontournable» (p. 163)]. GRELIER H., La lettre de Grégoire de Nysse à Théophile d’Alexandrie, un exemple de la pratique apologétique dans les controverses doctrinales, in L’apologétique chrétienne. Expression de la pensée religieuse de l’Antiquité à nos jours. Sous la direction de D. BOISSON et É. PINTO-MATHIEU (Histoire), Presses Universitaires, Rennes 2012, 79-98. LE BOULLUEC A., La fonction des images et des comparaisons dans le Dialogue sur l’âme et la résurrection de Grégoire de Nysse, cwvra – REAM 9-10 (2011-2012) 125-147. [Deux métaphores contraires: contraste entre erreur profane et vérité scripturaire. Le recours à des images et adages grecs et au monde de la tevcnh. Congé donné à la dialectique d’Aristote et aux mythes platoniciens. La loi de l’Écriture. L’association des deux registres. De la prédominance des images scripturaires et de leur transparence naturelle. Conclusion. – Abstract: «The rhetorical and demonstrative function of images and comparisons in Gregory of Nyssa’s De anima et resurrectione is well known. They aim at warranting the faith in resurrection and making it desirable. The prospect of this study is to show that they belong to the progress of the debate such as Gregory has composed it. Their quality changes while the author moves from the philosophical likelihood to the truth of the Scriptures. He opposes one secular image to a biblical one: at the beginning of the dialogue he refuses the comparison which reduces man to a bubble; in the last part he chooses the solid composition (pukasmos) of the skènopègia (Ps. 117, 27). Other pictures are partly accepted, specially those which are borrowed from the sphere of tekhnè, whereas Macrina dismisses the Platonic myth of the soul’s chariot. Nevertheless, the end of the dialogue becomes pregnant with images derived from the Bible, when Macrina and his brother are discussing resurrection itself. Then by the means of the comparisons which they select, the biblical revelation and the facts of the phusis finally unite. Nature in some way supplants tekhnè, which has been honoured in the first half of the dialogue» (p. 125)]. PETCU L., Teologia devenirii şi a dorinţei la sfântul Grigorie de Nyssa [= The Becoming and Desire Theology in saint Gregory of Nyssa], Classica et Christiana. Periodico annuale del Centro di Studi Classici e Cristiani della Facoltà di Storia dell’Università «Alexandru I. Cuza» di Iaşi 8 (2013) 561-591 (in Romanian). [Abstract: «Like Martin Laird said in his study (The Fountain of His lips: Desire and Divine Union in Gregory of Nyssa’s ‘Homilies on the Song of Songs’, Spiritus, 7/1, 2007, 49 et passim), Gregory’s development of Paul’s insight into a fundamental characteristic of the spiritual life is usually seen as a counterweight to Origen’s view that the fall of the soul was due to satiation or boredom in contemplating God. Over against this, Gregory developed his view that the experience of God can never satiate the soul, but causes desire for God to grow. While indeed Origen’s ideas may have underlain Gregory’s understanding of epectasy, the latter develops them much further. Grounded in ontology of desire, the concept of epectasy pervades the Homilies on the Song of Songs. The finite desire is grounded in infinite being and goodness. The more the soul participates in it, the more she recognizes that it transcends her as much as before. Union with God does not satiate her desire but liberates, sustains, and enlarges it. This ‘constant growth in perfection’ has nothing to do with desire being frustrated or inadequate (given adequate training) to finding and communing with God; it is simply the implication of the union of finite being with an infinite God. And Paul has provided the Scriptural key to it all: after hearing the unutterable mysteries of paradise, Paul still continued to move higher and did not cease to ascend»]. RADDE-GALLWITZ A., Gregory of Nyssa’s Pneumatology in Context: The Spirit as Anointing and the History of the Trinitarian Controversies, JECS 19 (2011) 259-285. [The Spirit as anointing before Gregory: Irenaeus of Lyons; Origen; Eusebius of Caesarea; Athanasius of Alexandria. The broader anti-Eunomian tradition; Cyril of Jerusalem; Basil of Caesarea. Dignity as hermeneutical category in Basil. Gregory of Nyssa on the dignity of the Spirit. Conclusion. – Abstract: «The biblical language that associated the Spirit with the “anointing” of Christ and of believers proved intriguing to early Christian writers. From Irenaeus in the late second century C.E. until the rise of controversy about the Spirit around 360 C.E., this language was interpreted primarily for its christological associations. Beginning with Athanasius’s Letters to Serapion, it was read by a

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number of anti-Eunomian, pro-Nicene authors as a way of defending the Spirit’s divinity. This article shows the dependence of Gregory of Nyssa’s pneumatology upon this tradition. Gregory’s use of the theme of “anointing” is particularly extensive: it appears in many of Gregory’s works for a variety of purposes. Here, it is demonstrated that Gregory interpreted the language of “anointing” through the ”hermeneutical category” of dignity, which he drew from Basil. By treating the anointing of Christ with the Spirit as an eternal exchange of glory within the Trinity, a glory that is given by Christ to his disciples, Gregory both drew on and departed from the anti-Eunomian tradition. The article corrects an overemphasis on Gregory’s argument from the Spirit’s activities, showing that his was just one category Gregory used in his pneumatological doctrine» (p. 259)]. RAMELLI I.L.E., Preexistence of Souls? The ajrchv and tevlo" of Rational Creatures in Origen and Some Origenians → 12. Origene (4. Studi) SFERLEA O., L’infinité divine chez Grégoire de Nysse: de l’anthropologie à la polémique trinitaire, Vigiliae Christianae 67 (2013/2) 137-168. [Abstract: «In this article, I propose to call into question the opinion according to which the Contra Eunomium was a founding moment for the idea of God’s infinity in Gregory of Nyssa. I take into account two writings whose evidence on this subject was often neglected by most scholars of Gregory: De hominis opificio and De anima et resurrectione. I point out to the fact that virtually all the ideas related to the theme of God’s infinity are already present in these treaties. Instead of considering the Contra Eunomium as a breaking point in the intellectual developement of Gregory, I then suggest one should read it in the light and the continuity of his anthropological treaties»]. VASILEIOU P., At a Still Point of a Turning World: Privacy and Ascetism in Gregory of Nyssa’s Life of St. Macrina, Byz. 82 (2012) 451-463. [Constructing Macrina. A family portrait. The significance of secrecy. – Summary: «This article examines Macrina’s ascetic identity and Gregory of Nyssa’s intentions in writing the Life of his sister. Macrina’s highly complicated profile is constructed on the basis of two identities: a public one that displays the conservative life of an obedient daughter and/or a grieving wife, and a secret one that allowed her to lead the life of a virgin, who challenged and revised the traditional role of women in late antique family. This secrecy, though not attributed to Macrina alone, but almost to every character in the Life, is one of Gregory’s key patterns. As argued, this was his way to create an exemplum of asceticism, parallel to that developed in the Life of Anthony, but which instead would be accessible to laymen and would not contradict directly the ideals and norms of the Greco-Roman city» (p. 463)].

22. Ambrogio di Milano

TAMPELLINI S., Le Omelie su Luca da Origene a Gerolamo (e Ambrogio): considerazioni introduttive → 12. Origene (4. Studi)

23. Didimo il Cieco

AGBENUTI H., Didyme d’Alexandrie. Sens profond des Écritures et pneumatologie (Cahiers de Biblia Patristica, 11), Université de Strasbourg, Strasbourg 2012, pp. 348. [Résumé: «L’œuvre de Didyme d’Alexandrie, souvent nommé aussi Didyme l’Aveugle, a sans doute été trop longtemps éclipsée par les maîtres alexandrins, Origène et Athanase et par les Pères Cappadociens. Ses commentaires exégétiques de la Genèse et du livre de Zacharie, mais aussi les fragments abondants de son interprétation des Psaumes, du livre de Job et de l’Ecclésiaste, édités à partir de papyrus découverts à Toura, près du Caire, éclairent son apport à l’histoire de l’herméneutique biblique des premiers siècles. Héritier de la tradition origénienne, Didyme renouvelle pourtant la lecture allégorique de l’Écriture: sa recherche du ‘sens profond’ des textes bibliques est au point de rencontre d’une anthropologie et d’une pneumatologie; elle est connaissance intime de la relation entre l’esprit de Dieu et l’esprit de l’homme. On ne saurait alors négliger, dans une approche de son exégèse, la contribution de Didyme aux débats théologiques, dans

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les années 370, sur la divinité du Saint-Esprit. Ainsi s’imposent, comme en exergue, de cette étude, ces lignes du Traité du Saint Esprit, dans la traduction de L. Doutreleau: “Par-dessus tout, le mot esprit signifie une intelligence plus profonde et mystique des Saintes Écritures, ainsi ici: ‘La lettre tue, mais l’Esprit donne la vie’ veut dire que la lettre est l’exposé simple, évident, selon l’histoire, tandis que l’esprit est une connaissance sainte et spirituelle de ce qu’on lit (§ 249)”. Pour Didyme, l’Esprit justifie la lettre»]. ZAMBON M., Chiesa, comunità filosofica e comunità ascetica nella scuola di Didimo il Cieco, ASEs 29/1 (2012) 73-109. [I. La scuola di Didimo tra episcopato e monachesimo: 1. La formazione culturale di Didimo; 2. Didimo maestro ecclesiastico; 3. Didimo e gli ambienti monastici contemporanei. II. L’eredità delle scuole di filosofia: 1. Metodo di lavoro; 2. Le tappe dell’insegnamento filosofico; 3. La difesa della verità. III. Il fondamento teologico del ruolo del maestro nella chiesa. IV. Conclusione. – Abstract: «The article investigates Didymus the Blind’s understanding of the function of school in the life of the Church. Not differently from Clement, Origen and other Christian Alexandrian scholars before him, Didymus (313-398) had a wide philosophical culture and used working methods similar to those of the philosophical schools of his age. Nevertheless, he considered his own function to be in the service of the Church’s tradition of faith. Despite the rise of the Episcopate and monasticism, Didymus continued crediting the Christian masters with a prophetic and apostolic charismatic function of mediating the Revelation by means of the interpretation of the Holy Scriptures and the struggle against heresy»].

24. Evagrio

BAÁN I.Z. OSB, I «due occhi dell’anima». L’uso, l’interpretazione e il ruolo della Sacra Scrittura nell’insegnamento di Evagrio Pontico (Studia Anselmiana, 153), Pontificio Ateneo S. Anselmo, Roma 2011, pp. 326. [J. DRISCOLL OSB, Prefazione, 9-10. Introduzione, 11-15. Cap. I. Quale Evagrio? Un ritratto ridipinto, 17: 1. Ritratti antichi – vita e sorte di Evagrio, 18-34; 2. Ritratti moderni – storia e status quaestionis degli studi evagriani, 34-55; 3. Un autoritratto in enigmi – l’insegnamento evagriano, 55-62. Cap. II. «Il testimone fedele della Parola»? Evagrio e la Scrittura, 63: 1. Testimonianze su Evagrio come maestro della Scrittura, 65-66; 2. La teoria dell’interpretazione della Scrittura, 66-88; 3. Esegesi del deserto, 88-94; 4. Sommario: Filosofia e Scrittura – errori di sistema?, 94-96. Cap. III. Dalla cecità alla vista – La Scrittura e la vita pratica, 97: 1. Il concetto di logismov", 98-105; 2. Radici biblche della teoria degli otto pensieri, 105-119; 3. L’uso della Scrittura nell’interpretazione dei logismoiv, 121-139; 4. Riepilogo – dai logismoiv ai lovgoi, 139-141. Cap. IV. L’occhio sinistro – Natura e Scrittura, i due libri di Dio, 143: 1. L’anima che vede, 143-168; 2. La fusikhv – lettera d’amore di Dio, 168-189; 3. La Scrittura come manuale di contemplazione, 189-214; 4. Sommario – creati e rinnovati secondo l’Immagine, 214-228. Cap. V. L’occhio destro – Sulla montagna della Trinità, 229: 1. Eliminare tutto per accogliere la luce – Plotino battezzato?, 232-236; 2. Il luogo della visione – immagini bibliche della qeologikhv, 236-255; 3. Sommario – in Spirito e Verità, 255-261. Conclusione, 263-269. Bibliografia, 271-302. Appendice I: Riflessioni (Skemmata), 303-308; Appendice II: Appunti metodologici, 309-310; Appendice III: Evagrio Pontico nel suo studio, in: Iacobus Cavacius, monachus Congregationis Casinensis: Illustrium Anachoretum Elogia sive Religiosi Viri Musaeum, Venedig 1625, 311. Indici, 313-326]. CASIDAY A., Reconstructing the Theology of Evagrius Ponticus. Beyond Heresy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge–New York 2013, pp. IX+267. [Introduction: Evagrius Ponticus and his theology, 1-6. Part I. Evagrius Ponticus in ecclesiastical history: 1. Evagrius’ life, 9-27; 2. Evagrius’ writings, 28-45; 3. Evagrius’ reputation, 46-71. II. The theology of Evagrius Ponticus: 4. The fellowship of Evagrius, 75-99; 5. The interpretation and enactment of Scripture, 100-132; 6. Prayer: the fountainhead of Evagrius’ theology, 133-166; 7. Christ, the face of God and the face of man, 167-204; 8. The Trinity and the ultimate blessedness, 205-242. Conclusion, 243-250. Bibliography, 251-264. Index, 265-267].

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GEHIN P., D’Égypte en Mésopotamie: la réception d’Évagre le Pontique dans les communautés syriaques, in Monachismes d’Orient. Images, échanges, influences, 29-49. MUEHLBERGER E., Angels in Late Ancient Christianity → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [1. Late ancient theories of angels: Evagrius of Pontus and Augustine of Hippo compared, 29-57: Angels as rational beings: Evagrius of Pontus and the cultivation of the nous (pp. 32-43). 3. Angels as equipment for living: the companion angel tradition in Evagrian Christianity, 89-118: Philosophical guides; Companion angels; Looking back at Egypt]. PERROT A., Pratiques chrétiennes de silence et philosophie grecque. Le motif de l’adoration silencieuse dans l’argumentation des Pères, in Les chrétiens et l’hellénisme. Identités religieuses et culture grecque dans l’Antiquité tardive (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 149-159. [Un texte paradigmatique: christianisme et paideia grecque. Le silence d’hommage: la langue des mystères et l’expression de la transcendance divine. Le silence des Cappadociens: fidéisme et orthodoxie dans le discours de controverse théologique. Conclusion. – «La réflexion que nous proposons est née de la lecture d’un chapitre du Gnostique d’Évagre le Pontique (deuxième moitié du IVe siècle), traditionnellement invoqué comme document à verser au dossier du “tournant mystique” de la théologie chrétienne. C’est à l’explication et à la mise en perspective de ce kefavlaion, forme d’expression brève destinée à la mémorisation et à la rumination, que nous voudrions consacrer les lignes qui suivent» (p. 149)]. RAMELLI I.L.E., Preexistence of Souls? The ajrchv and tevlo" of Rational Creatures in Origen and Some Origenians → 12. Origene (4. Studi) SCULLY J., Angelic Pneumatology in the Egyptian Desert: The Role of the Angels and the Holy Spirit in Evagrian Ascetism, JECS 19 (2011) 287-305. [Evagrius’s understanding of the Holy Spirit. Scholarly reactions to the paucity of references to the Holy Spirit in Evagrius’s ascetical texts. The hierarchical division of spiritual life according to Evagrius. The role of the Holy Spirit and the angels in Evagrius’s division of the spiritual life. The Evagrian chain of being: where does it end? Conclusion. – Abstract: «This article explains why Evagrius seemingly neglects the Holy Spirit in his ascetical writings, even though we know from his doctrinal texts that he held a robust pneumatology. This paucity of Spirit references confused twentieth-century scholars, who dismissed Evagrius as having unorthodox positions regarding the Trinity. An analysis of Evagrius’ references to the angels and the Spirit, however, shows that Evagrius’s silence regarding the Spirit is due to his increased attention to the roles that the angels play in the beginning stages of the ascetic life. As mediators, the angels assist the monks who are in the beginning stages of the ascetic life while the Spirit interacts with those who are in more advanced stages» (p. 287)].

25. Rufino di Aquileia

CICCOLINI L. – MORLET S., La version latine de l’ Histoire ecclésiastique → 19. Eusebio di Cesarea MOLIN PRADEL M., Novità origeniane dalla Staatsbibliothek di Monaco di Baviera: il Cod. Graec. 314 → 12. Origene (4. Studi)

26. Teofilo di Alessandria

GRELIER H., La lettre de Grégoire de Nysse à Théophile d’Alexandrie, un exemple de la pratique apologétique dans les controverses doctrinales, in L’apologétique chrétienne. Expression de la pensée religieuse de l’Antiquité à nos jours. Sous la direction de D. BOISSON et É. PINTO-MATHIEU (Histoire), Presses Universitaires, Rennes 2012, 79-98. MOSSHAMMER A.A., The Praefatio (Prologus) Sancti Cyrilli de Paschate and the 437-year (not 418!) Paschal list attributed to Theophilus, VigChr 67 (2013) 49-78. [Abstract: «The Editio Princeps of the Prologus Sancti Cyrilli de Paschate was published by Denis Petau in 1627 from a manuscript in which the author attributed a 418-year list of dates for Passover and

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Easter to Theophilus of Alexandria, which the author claimed to have abbreviated to 95 years. Bruno Krusch used two additional manuscripts for his 1880 edition, in which the number attributed to Theophilus is 428. Scholars have argued that 418 must be the correct original number, because 428 is not a multiple of 19. Three previously neglected manuscripts show that the number was originally 437. The author of this text deduced that the 95-year list began approximately 438 years after the birth of Christ and therefore surmised that it was a continuation of a 437-year list that began with Passover in the first year after the Nativity. The 418 years may have been substituted by a redactor who was misled by a postscript that appears in two of the manuscripts»].

27. Sinesio di Cirene

BALDI I., Gli inni di Sinesio di Cirene. Vicende testuali di un corpus tardoantico (Beiträge zur Altertumskunde, 299), De Gruyter, Berlin – Boston 2012, pp. IV+187. [Introduzione, 1-4. Novità dai manoscritti, 5-24. Preliminari sul corpus innodico sinesiano, 25-45. Un proemio per gli Inni, 46-64. L’inno 1, 66-110. Gli inni 6, 7 e 8, 111-156. Appendice: Caratteristiche dell’apokroton sinesiano e constitutio textus, 157-159. Conclusioni, 160-162; Conspectus Codicum, 163- 164; Bibliografia, 165-177; Indici, 178-187].

28. Gerolamo

Saint Jérôme. Lettres lues par Benoît Jeanjean, Traduction nouvelle de B. JEANJEAN, Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2012, pp. 233. Agostino. Commento alla Lettera ai Galati, Introduzione, traduzione e note di F. COCCHINI → 29. Agostino BETTINI M., Vertere. Un’antropologia della traduzione nella cultura antica (Piccola Biblioteca Einaudi, 573. NS. Saggistica letteraria e linguistica), Einaudi, Torino 2012, pp. 314. [Cap. IX. Alla ricerca della traduzione perfetta: Gerolamo: la vera traduzione è altrove, 245-251]. CANELLIS A., Désert et ville dans la Correspondance de saint Jérôme, VigChr 67 (2013) 22-48. [1) Loin de la ville, le désert. 2) Vivre en ville: les villes contemporaines. 3) Les villes: entre histoire et exégèse biblique. – Abstract: «Jerome travelled widely in East and West. Being a vir trilinguis, who was fluent in Greek and Latin and also knew Hebrew (and a few Syrian words), he was familiar with life in the desert and the cities. His letters make clear what living in the desert meant for him, and the same is true for life in the contemporary towns and cities. Thourough educated in classical and biblical culture, he pictures the desert and the city in a rather peculiar manner, by placing them in the history of Rome and Israel with the addition of exegetical interpretation» (p. 22)]. DUNN G.D., The Call to Perfection, financial Asceticism, and Jerome, Aug. 52 (2012) 197-218. [Abstract: «The encounter between Jesus and the rich young man in Mt. 19,16-30 (with parallels in Mc. 10,17-31 and Lc. 18,18-30) provides the setting for the teaching on the attaining of perfection, which is presented as a three-step process: the selling of one’s possessions, the distribution of the proceeds to the poor, and the following of Christ (Mt. 19,21; Mc. 10,21; Lc. 18,22; and the unique Lukan saying in 12,33). It was a passage to which Jerome appealed frequently in his writings and which Finn, in his recent monograph, believes demonstrates Jerome’s extreme views. In this paper I shall examine Jerome’s references to this biblical passage in his letters and treatises to evaluate whether the first two steps in the process (self-dispossession and almsgiving) were considered equally virtuous by Jerome»]. GALLAGHER E. L, The Old Testament “Apocrypha” in Jerome’s Canonical Theory, JECS 20 (2012) 213-233. [Abstract: «In his preface to Samuel and Kings (the Prologus Galeatus), Jerome sets forth a theory of the Old Testament canon that allows for no room between the canonical books and the apocrypha. However, Jerome elsewhere maintained a more neutral or even positive view of some of the non- canonical books, even accepting their use within the ecclesiastical liturgy. Jerome’s seemingly inconsistent attitude toward some books he classifies as ‘apocrypha’ has led scholars to posit a development in Jerome’s canonical theory, such that his earlier position was accepting of books that

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he later excluded, and to suppose that Jerome’s use of the word ‘apocrypha’ in the Prologus Galeatus relied on a neutral definition of the term. This paper examines the evidence for these claims and finds them wanting. While Jerome consistently regarded the books labeled ‘apocrypha’ in the Prologus Galeatus as outside the canon, he chose to propagate an especially harsh judgment against these books especially in this preface. The confusion arising from Jerome’s comments may be explained as a consequence of a multi-faceted plan to realign the church’s Old Testament with the Hebrew Bible, a plan that Jerome articulates only partially on any given occasion»]. GAMBERALE L., Gerolamo e la trasmissione dei testi. Osservazioni sparse (ma non troppo), in La trasmissione dei testi patristici latini: Problemi e prospettive. Atti del Colloquio Internazionale. Roma, 26-28 ottobre 2009, a cura di E. COLOMBI (Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaevalia. Research on the Inheritance of Early and Medieval Christianity, 60), Brepols, Turnhout 2012, 141-178. [«Nei vari elementi di critica testuale che ho fin qui esaminato, relativi alla tradizione e trasmissione dei testi, non c’è, nemmeno da parte di Gerolamo, alcuna sistematicità... E tuttavia l’atteggiamento nei confronti dei testi, anche e in primo luogo dei testi sacri, che tende a diventare marcatamente filologico, permette la ‘scoperta’ di principi critico-testuali importanti e l’applicazione di un metodo a tratti moderno. E la decisa spinta di Gerolamo in questo senso comincia a far breccia già nei contemporanei, come Agostino, e lascia tracce durature nel Medioevo; su di esse, credo, si dovrebbe indagare in modo approfondito con altra competenza che la mia; anche perché si potrebbe scorgere una linea di continuità filologica che parte dai Padri del IV secolo e arriva almeno fino a Erasmo» (pp. 177-178)]. TAMPELLINI S., Le Omelie su Luca da Origene a Gerolamo (e Ambrogio): considerazioni introduttive → 12. Origene (4. Studi)

29. Agostino

A Companion to Augustine, ed. by M. VESSEY with the assistance of S. REID, Wiley-Blackwell, Chichester- Oxford 2012, pp. XLII+595. [List of figures, XI; Notes on contributors, XII-XVII; Preface, XVIII; Source acknowledgments, XIX- XX; Abbreviations, XXI-XXIII; Thw works of Augustine, XXIV-XXXIX; Chronology of Augustine’s life, XL-XLIII. M. VESSEY, Introduction: Augustine and Company, 1-7. Part I. Contexts: C. KELLY, Political History: The Later Roman Empire, 11-23; W.E. KLINGSHIRN, Cultural Geography, 24-39; É. REBILLARD, Religious Sociology: Being Christian in te Time of Augustine, 40-53. Part II. Confessions: R.S.O. TOMLIN, Spes saeculi: Augustine’s Wordly Ambitions and Career, 57-68; K. COOPER, Love and Belonging, Loss and Betrayal in the Confessions, 69-86; 7. P. FREDRIKSEN, The Confessions as Autobiography, 87-98; C. CONYBEARE, Reading the Confessions, 99-110. Part III. Media: P. BURTON, Augustine and Language, 113-124; C. SOTINEL, Augustine’s Information Circuits, 125-137; R. LIM, Augustine and Roman Public Spectacles, 138-150; G.G. STROUMSA, Augustine and Books, 151-157. Part IV. Texts: D. SHANZER, Augustine and the Latin Classics, 161-174; S. BYERS, Augustine and the Philosophers, 175-187; J. VAN OORT, Augustine and the Books of the Manichaeans, 188-199; M. CAMERON, Augustine and Scripture, 200-214; M. EDWARDS, Augustine and His Christian Predecessors, 215-226; M.S. WILLIAMS, Augustine as a Reader of His Christian Contemporaries, 227-239; M. VESSEY, Augustine among the Writers of the Church, 240-254. Part V. Perfomances: G. CLARK, Philosopher: Augustine in Retirement, 257-269; T. FUHRER, Conversationalist and Consultant: Augustine in Dialogue, 270-283; J.P. KENNEY, Mystic and Monk: Augustine and the Spiritual Life, 284-296; H. MÜLLER, Preacher: Augustine and His Congregation, 297-309; N.B. MCLYNN, Administrator: Augustine in His Diocese, 310-322; C. HUMFRESS, Controversialist: Augustine in Combat, 323-335. Part VI. Positions: J. WETZEL, Augustine on the Will, 339-353; D.G. HUNTER, Augustine on the Body, 353- 364; S. REBENICH, Augustine on Friendship and Orthodoxy, 365-374; A. EVERS, Augustine on the Church (Against the Donatists), 375-385; R. DODARO, Augustine on the Statesman and the Two Cities, 386-397; S. MCCORMACK, Augustine on Scripture and the Trinity, 398-415; L. AYRES, Augustine on Redemption, 416-427. Part VII. Aftertimes: C. WEIDMANN, Augustine’s Works in Circulation, 431-449; C. LEYSER, Augustine in the Latin West, 430-ca. 900, 450-464; E.L. SAAK, Augustine in the Western

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Middle Ages to the Reformation, 465-477; J. BRACHTENDORF, The Reception of Augustine in the Modern Philosophy, 478-491; J.D. CAPUTO, Augustine and Postmodernism, 492-504; J.J. O’ DONNEL, Envoi, 505-515. References, 517-562; Index, 563-593]. Agostino. Commento alla Lettera ai Galati, Introduzione, traduzione e note di F. COCCHINI (Primi secoli, 6), Edizioni Dehoniane Bologna, Bologna 2012, pp. 207. [Introduzione: Agostino commenta Galati: datazione e commento, 7-11; La recezione della Lettera ai Galati nei primi tre secoli, 12-26; I commentari alla Lettera ai Galati nel IV secolo latino, 26-35; La «controversia di Antiochia» (Gal 2, 11-14) e la «controversia» tra Girolamo e Agostino, 35-43; Il Commentario a Galati di Agostino: argumentum e struttura, 43-50. Agostino, Commento alla Lettera ai Galati, 51-190. Bibliografia, 191-196. Indice biblico, 197-202; Indice delle opere di Agostino, 203-206. – Ampi riferimenti all’esegesi di Gal in Clemente Alessandrino, Origene, Gerolamo]. Il De trinitate di Agostino e la sua fortuna nella filosofia medievale. Augustine’s De trinitate and Its Fortune in Medieval Philosophy, a cura di G. CATAPANO e B. CILLERAI = Medioevo. Rivista di storia della filosofia medievale, 37 (2012), Il Poligrafo, Padova 2012, pp. 302. [G. CATAPANO–B. CILLERAI, Presentazione, 5-8. L. GIOIA, Una deviazione ontologica e teista nella dottrina trinitaria di Agostino?, 9-26. E. MORO, Miracolo, natura e rationes causales. Il libro III del De trinitate e i libri VI e IX del De Genesi ad litteram, 27-.56 N. BULTHUIS, A Puzzle about Divine Personhood in De trinitate, VII and VIII, 57-82. P. KING, Augustine’s Trinitarian Examples, 83-106. C. BRITTAIN, Self-knowledge in Cicero and Augustine (De trinitate, X, 5, 7-10, 16), 107-135. S. MCDONALD, Revisiting the Intelligibles: The Theory of Illumination in De trinitate, XII, 137-166. C. TORNAU, Mens, notitia, amor. Eine Kontroverse über Augustinus De trinitate im Sentenzenwerk des Robert von Melun (1100-1167), 167-200. L. SCHUMACHER, Bonaventure’s Journey of the Mind into God: A Traditional Augustinian Ascent?, 201-229. A. COLLI, Ab utroque notitia paritur. Il De trinitate e il processo astrattivo aristotelico tra XIII e XIV secolo, 231-259. G. BARRETO VILHENA DE PAIVA, One Single Yet Manifold Soul. Augustine’s De trinitate and Aristotle’s De anima in John Duns Scotus’ Doctrine of Intellection, 261-289. Abstracts, 291-297. Indice dei nomi, 299-302]. DUPONT A., Augustine’s Exegesis of Rom 1:17 and 4:5. Continuity in Augustine’s Combination of Iustitia, Fides and Gratia?, Adamantius 18 (2012) 233-250. [1. Rom 1:17 (Hab 2:4, Gal 3:11). 2. Rom 4:5. 3. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Recently a scholarly debate has arisen concerning the (dis)continuity within Augustine’s doctrine of grace. First, is there a difference between Augustine’s early and later reflections on grace? Second, does the diversity in genres in Augustine’s oeuvre (especially the difference between the pastoral and morally exhortative sermons and polemical anti-Pelagian treatises) result in a different approach of grace? Via the case study of the use of the Pauline verses Rom 1:17 and 4:5 in Augustine’s oeuvre, the present article argues for a continuity in Augustine’s thinking on grace, both a diachronic chronological continuity within the specific theme of fides /iustitia and a synchronic thematic continuity regarding the genres (during the Pelagian controversy)»]. JEANMART G., Le mensonge et les vertus de la vérité. Une histoire (Monothéismes et philosophie), Brepols, Turnhout 2012, pp. 216. [Introduction, 7-18. Première Partie. Le mensonge à l’aube de la philosophie: Introduction, 19-24; I. La condamnation du pseudos poétique, 24-53; II. La condamnation du pseudos sophistique, 53-98. Deuxième partie. Le mensonge dans la pensée chrétienne: Introduction, 99-104; I. De mendacio – Contra mendacium et Enchiridion: Position du problème dans l’œuvre d’Augustin, 104-129; II. Contextes: la vérité de la foi, 130-195. Conclusion, 197-210. Orientations bibliographiques, 211-216]. MUEHLBERGER E., Angels in Late Ancient Christianity → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [1. Late ancient theories of angels: Evagrius of Pontus and Augustine of Hippo compared, 29-57: Augustine’s angelic citizens: securing the promise of the City of God (pp. 43-55)]. Tractatio Scripturarum. Philological, Exegetical, Rhetorical and Theological Studies on Augustine’s Sermons, Collected and Edited by A. DUPONT, G. PARTOENS, M. LAMBERIGTS: Ministerium Sermonis. Volume II

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(Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaevalia. Research on the Inheritance of Early and Medieval Christianity, 65), Brepols, Turnhout 2012, pp. 512. [Forword, 7. F. DOLBEAU, Une collection méconnue de Sermons sur les psaumes, 9-39. C. WEIDMANN, Discovering Augustine’s Words in Pseudo-Augustinian Sermons, 41-58. P.-M. BOGAERT, Les sermons 4 et 88 de saint Augustin: D’Hippone à Fulda?, 59-77. S. BOODTS – G. PARTOENS, The Manuscript Transmission of the De uerbis Apostoli Collection. State of the Art and New Perspectives, 79-96. H.R. DROBNER, The Transmission of Augustine’s Sermons. A Critical Assessment, 97-116. I. BOCHET, L’exégèse de Jn 6, 44 et la théologie augustinienne de la grâce: la 26ème Homélie sur l’Évangile de Jean et le Sermon 131, 117-153. F. WIM, Non habent nisi ista tria. The Threefold Concupiscence According to Augustine’s Second Homily on the First Epistle of John, and its Reception in the Early Modern Commentaries of Hessels, Cajetan, and Estius, 153-176. J. YATES, Preaching a Good and Immutable God: Augustine on James 1, 17, 177-192. A. EELEN, La prédestination et la justification dans les sermons 158 et 159, 193-222. J. VAN NEER, Scripture as the Structuring Principle of Sermones 295 and 299B, 223-244. P. MATTEI, Notes sur le Sermon CLIII. La Loi et la chair. De la lutte contre les manichéens à la controverse antipélagienne: le choix d’Augustin, 245-270. P.-M. HOMBERT, La prédication sur le Verbe incarné dans les sermons d’Augustin pour Noël et l’Ascension. Rhétorique et théologie, 271-333. A. BIZZOZERO, Le tre nascite di Cristo. Una cristologia dei Sermones di Agostino, 335-353. A. DUPONT, Augustine’s Preaching on December 25. Gratia in Augustine’s Sermones ad Populum on Christmas, 355- 371. U. HEIL, Antiarianisches in den neutestamentlichen Predigten von Augustinus – eine Problemanzeige, 373-403. S.P. ROSENBERG, Beside Books: Approaching Augustine’s Sermons in Oral and Textual Cultures of Late Antiquity, 405-442. P. VAN GEEST, Ante omnia igitur opus est Dei timore conuerti (doctr. chr. 2, 7, 9). Augustine’s Evaluation of Fear, 443-463. Abstracts, 465-482. Indices, 483-512].

30. Isidoro di Pelusio

31. Cirillo Alessandrino

MOSSHAMMER A.A., The Praefatio (Prologus) Sancti Cyrilli de Paschate and the 437-year (not 418!) Paschal list attributed to Theophilus → 26. Teofilo di Alessandria VILLANI B., Trois traducteurs du De adoratione de Cyrille d’Alexandrie au XVIe siècle: Jean Œcolampade, Bonaventure Vulcanius et Antonio Agelli, in Lire les Pères de l’Église entre la Renaissance et la Réforme, 123-148. [Œcolampade – un réformateur traduit les Pères. La résonance des traductions d’Œcolampade et sa ratio interpretandi. Bonaventura Vulcanius – un homme de lettre face aux Pères. Le travail sur Cyrille d’Alexandrie. Les traductions du De adoratione de Bonaventure édités et non édités. Antonio Agelli – un bibliste rencontre les Pères. Comparaison des traductions du De adoratione: quelques exemples. Conclusions. Notes – «En général, l’histoire des traductions du De adoratione au XVIe siècle, retracée ici rapidement, démontre qu’à leur origine il n’y avait pas nécessairement un intérêt marqué pour le texte même. Œcolampade fut chargé de la traduction par Cratander, qui envisageait de publier tous les écrits de Cyrille qu’il pourrait trouver. Ce n’est pas l’Alexandrin qui occupe la place principale dans ses traductions, ce serait plutôt Jean Chrysostome dont la méthode d’exégèse se montre plus proche de la sensibilité protestante. Nèanmoins, Œcolampade utilise Cyrille dans ses œuvres et même dans ses cours universitaires comme une autorité pour soutenir sa position dans certaines questions théologiques et pour défendre ses idées réformistes. En présentant l’Alexandrin comme défenseur de la vraie foi contre les hérésies, il le compare aux réformateurs modernes qui combattent l’église catholique qui aurait déformé la vraie foi en Christ» (p. 141)].

32. Nonno di Panopoli

ARINGER N., Kadmos und Typhon als vorausdeutende Figuren in den Dionysiaka. Bemerkungen zur Kompositionskunst des Nonnos von Panopolis, Wiener Studien 125 (2012) 85-105. D’IPPOLITO G., Inno e preghiera nelle «Dionisiache» di Nonno, Paideia 66 (2011) 121-148.

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FRANCHI R., La «Madre di Dio» in Nonno di Panopoli e il suo contesto storico-dottrinale: tra maternità divina, verginità e sincretismo religioso, Marianum 74 (2012) 125-170. –, La parafrasi in prosa di Nonno di Panopoli nel ms. Athous Dionysiou 326: editio princeps del miracolo del cieco (Gv. 9), Byz. 82 (2012) 79-87. [Summary: «... This article offers the first critical edition of John’s account of Jesus healing the blind man, contained in the ms. Athous Dionysiou 326. The starting point is not the Gospel according to St. John, but the Paraphrase of St. John’s Gospel of Nonnus of Panopolis. In fact, the anonymous author has rewritten in an elegant prose the Paraphrase of St. John’s Gospel of Nonnus, where St. John’s Gospel appears in a new light, as it is rendered into poetic verse» (p. 87)]. ROTONDO A., Pietro, «l’altro discepolo» e la portinaia (Gv 18, 15-18) nell'esegesi di Nonno di Panopoli (Par. 18,69-90) in Quasi vitis (Sir 24,23). Miscellanea in memoria di Antonino Minissale a cura di D. CANDIDO e A. RASPA (Quaderni di SYNAXIS), Catania 2012, 303-314. –, Il silenzio eloquente nella Parafrasi di Nonno di Panopoli, in Silenzio e parola nella patristica. XXXIX Incontro di Studiosi dell'antichità cristiana (Roma, 6-8 maggio 2010), Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, Roma 2012, 431-452. SCOGNAMIGLIO R., Nonno di Panopoli su Gv 13: semplice riscrittura metrico-retorica o riflessione teologica?, Nicolaus 38 (2011) 53-68.

33. Pseudo-Dionigi Areopagita

CASAS G., Le néoplatonisme sans platonisme du Pseudo-Denys l’Aréopagite, in Les chrétiens et l’hellénisme. Identités religieuses et culture grecque dans l’Antiquité tardive (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 199-218. [L’herméneutique du corpus dionysiacum. La double destruction du platonisme. Ruse de faussaire ou stratégie d’un converti?]. FIORI E., La perte de l’ordre sacramentel et le centre du monde. Un point crucial de la réception de Denys l’Aréopagite chez Marsile Ficin, in Lire les Pères de l’Église entre la Renaissance et la Réforme, 55-67. [Permanence d’un ordre hiérarchique. L’autel et l’âme: du vieux au nouveau centre. Aperçu de ces motifs dans le commentaire ficinien aux Noms divins. Implications générales de la perte du centre sacramentel. Conclusion. – «... L’histoire du corpus aréopagitique à la Renaissance fut un parcours paradoxal, où l’autorité de Denys fut invoquée pour soutenir des doctrines qui visaient des buts contraires au sens réel de l’opération dionysienne, et beaucoup plus semblables à ceux des adversaires de Denys. Ficin, tout en prônant encore l’idée de la hiérarchie et de l’ordre cosmique, délivre l’âme individuelle de la médiation de l’Église pour la deificatio, et commence déjà à lui préférer des voies nouvelles, telle la magie – bien que ce fût, on le sait, avec beaucoup de précautions. C’est en empruntant ce chemin qu’on arrive à la philosophie de Bruno qui, tel un nouvel Étienne bar Sudaili, célèbre désormais la libération et la divinisation de l’individu autonome, le magicien qui exerce son pouvoir sur la terre et sur les cieux» (p. 64)].

34. Cosma Indicopleuste

35. Giovanni Filopono

BENVICH G., Maximus Confessor’s Polemics against Tritheism and His Trinitarian Teaching → 36. Massimo il Confessore

36. Massimo il Confessore

BENVICH G., Maximus Confessor’s Polemics against Tritheism and His Trinitarian Teaching, ByzZ 105 (2012) 595-609. [Abstract: «The article deals with Maximus the Confessor’s polemics with Tritheism. It focuses on anlaysis of one place in his Centuries on Charity (Char. 2.29). Sources are identified and analyzed,

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together with Maximus’ “policy” of citation. Comparison is made between some key elements of Maximus’ and Philoponus’ Trinitarian teaching and the way Maximus appropriated the Trinitarian doctrine of the Cappadocians (mainly Gregory of Nazianzus) is analyzed. The article also demonstrate the importance of Maximus’ polemics against the Tritheists in the development of his Trinitarian teaching. It shows that Maximus’ “paradoxical” model of the Trinity was a kind of an answer to Philoponus’ rational model» (p. 595)]. PRASSAS D., Theoria and Praxis in St. Maximos the Confessor’s Quaestiones et dubia, GOTR 56 (2011) 239-258. [The relationship between theoria and praxis. Theoria and praxis reflected in the structure of the Responses. – «St. Maximos the Confessor, in the Quaestiones et dubia, attempts to provide an interpretation of Scripture that upholds the teachings of the Church Fathers, and supports the monastic life by emphasizing the balance between theoria and praxis. He demonstrates a parallelism between the two concepts that validates the importance of each; this position would not have been acceptable to the Origenist monks of his day. Both theoria and praxis were necessary for the Christian life, and Maximos outlines this necessity by the three stages of spiritual development: praktike, theoretike, and mystike theologia. For St. Maximos, these stages were essential in order to achieve the most important goal of the monastic, and the Christian, life: “oneness with God”» (p. 251)].

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