3. Repertorio bibliografico 3.1. Pubblicazioni recenti su Origene e la tradizione alessandrina a cura di Lorenzo Perrone con la collaborazione di Marie-Odile Boulnois (Paris), Alberto Camplani (Roma), Attila Jakab (Budapest), Claudio Zamagni (Lausanne)

[Indice: 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi; 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale; 2. Ellenismo e cultura alessandrina; 3. Giudaismo ellenistico; 4. LXX; 5. Aristobulo; 6. Lettera di Aristea; 7. Filone Alessandrino (1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori; 2. Edizioni e traduzioni; 3. Miscellanee e raccolte; 4. Studi); 8. Pseudo-Filone; 9. Flavio Giuseppe (1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori; 2. Edizioni e traduzioni; 3. Miscellanee e raccolte; 4. Studi); 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (1. Il contesto religioso egiziano; 2. Il periodo delle origini; 3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo; 4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici; 5. Il monachesimo); 11. Clemente Alessandrino; 12. Origene (1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori; 2. Edizioni e traduzioni; 3. Miscellanee e raccolte; 4. Studi); 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene; 14. Dionigi Alessandrino; 15. Pierio di Alessandria; 16. Pietro di Alessandria; 17. Alessandro di Alessandria; 18. Ario; 19. Eusebio di Cesarea; 20. Atanasio; 21. I Padri Cappadoci (1. Basilio di Cesarea; 2. Gregorio di Nazianzo; 3. Gregorio di Nissa); 22. Ambrogio di Milano; 23. Didimo il Cieco; 24. Evagrio; 25. Rufino di Aquileia; 26. Teofilo di Alessandria; 27. Sinesio di Cirene; 28. Gerolamo; 29. Agostino; 30. Isidoro di Pelusio; 31. Cirillo Alessandrino; 32. Nonno di Panopoli; 33. Pseudo-Dionigi Areopagita; 34. Cosma Indicopleuste; 35. Giovanni Filopono; 36. Massimo il Confessore]*. 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi BARRUFFO A., P. Enrico Cattaneo S.I.: un itinerario, in Vangelo, trasmissione, verità. Studi in onore di Enrico Cattaneo (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 327-328. [Con un Curriculum studi di Enrico Cattaneo (p. 329)]. BASTIT-KALINOWSKA A., De la méthode à la vérité. l’œuvre d’Enrico Cattaneo, in Vangelo, trasmissione, verità. Studi in onore di Enrico Cattaneo (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 321-326. [Abstract: «The article traces the scientific work of Enrico Cattaneo, focusing on the aspect of method and content of his work and highlighting his contribution to research in the various fields object of his studies» (p. 325)]. BOCHET I., Augustin philosophe et prédicateur: l’unité de la recherche de Goulven Madec, in Augustin philosophe et prédicateur. Hommage à Goulven Madec (→ 29. Agostino), 15-31. [I. De l’étude de la philosophie à celle de la prédication: A. Les premiers travaux augustiniens de Goulven Madec; B. Philosophia: l’amour de la Sagesse; C. La prédication: le service de la Parole. II. À la jonction des deux approches: A. Mise en œuvre; B. Au fondement: le Christ, principe de cohérence de la doctrine augustinienne. – «L’unité de la recherche de Goulven Madec tient donc fondamentalement à son souci de rejoindre ce qui fait l’unité de la vie et de la pensée d’Augustin: le Christ. (...) L’unité de la recherche de Goulven Madec est, de ce fait, indissociable de ses convictions méthodologiques. Pour lire Augustin aujourd’hui, écrit-il encore, “c’est théoriquement très simple, il suffit de se débarrasser des œillères philosophico-théologiques”. On peut alors appréhender l’œuvre augustinienne comme un tout, sans projeter sur elle la distinction postérieure de la philosophie et de la théologie» (p. 30)]. [CATTANEO E.] Pubblicazioni del prof. Enrico Cattaneo sj, a cura di G. ISNARDI, in Vangelo, trasmissione, verità. Studi in onore di Enrico Cattaneo (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 331-341. [La bibliografia raccoglie 121 titoli, dal 1980 al 2012]. DODARO R., A Note on the Leitmotif Christus, scientia et sapientia nostra in Goulven Madec’s Study of Augustine’s Christology, in Augustin philosophe et prédicateur. Hommage à Goulven Madec (→ 29. Agostino), 49-54.

* Per le abbreviazioni si fa in genere riferimento a: Theologische Realenzyklopädie. Abkürzungsverzeichnis. 2. über. u. erw. Aufl., zusammengestellt von S.M. SCHWERTNER, de Gruyter, Berlin – New York 1994. I titoli di opere collettive o di raccolte vengono riportati per esteso nella sezione 1., o in relazione agli autori cui più direttamente si riferiscono e in questo caso sono facilmente ricavabili dal contesto immediato. Si riportano le rubriche anche quando mancano le relative indicazioni bibliografiche per illustrare l’articolazione tendenziale del repertorio nel suo complesso. Autosegnalazioni e ogni altra forma di aiuto sono benvenute [NdR].

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[«Among the many contributions of Goulven Madec to Augustinian studies, his writings on Augustine’s Christology are among the most influential. These contributions over 30 years center around a theme that Madec first exposed in his writings on Augustine in 1975: Christus, scientia et sapientia nostra» (p. 49)]. DRECOLL V.H., Martin Hengel and the Origins of Gnosticism, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 139-165. [1. The significance of Martin Hengel for contemporary German scholarship. 2. Hengel’s place in contemporary research on the origins of Gnosticism: 2.1. The refutation of «Gnosticism» as a historically valuable category; 2.2. «Sethianism»; 2.3. Christian origins of Gnosticism; 2.4. The hypothesis about the Ophites by Rasimus; 2.5. Conclusion: Hengel’s place in current research. 3. Irenaeus about Menander and Satorninos and the «Quick shift theory». – «The aim of this essay is to elucidate the background of contemporary German scholarship on Gnosticism. Current German scholarship maintains that Gnosticism had a Christian origin, while in Anglophone scholarship there is not only considerable skepticism about the term “Gnosticism”, but also a broad discussion as to whether the origins of Gnosticism are Jewish, Christian or lie elsewhere. Therefore, (a) I will point out the significance of Martin Hengel for contemporary German scholarship; (b) I will explain how his position fits into the current discussion about the origins of Gnosticism, and (c) I will show from a passage of Irenaeus that Hengel’s approach is helpful for a reconsideration of the origins of Gnosticism. From these observations I conclude that the most fitting explanation for these origins is what I term the “quick shift” theory» (p. 139)]. DUBOIS J.-D., Les recherches manichéennes actuelles, RSCr 9 (2012) 445-460. [1. Nouveaux instruments de travail. 2. Le monde latin. 3. Le manichéisme attesté en Égypte: 3.1. Les découvertes de Kellis. 4. La publication de textes iraniens. 5. Les publications liées au manichéisme chinois. – Abstract: «This presentation of recent Manichaean publications aims at pointing out the specific domains of research and possible areas of new discoveries. As the collection of the “Corpus Fontium Manichaeorum” is slowly growing with very useful new tools, studies on the polemics of St. Augustine with Manichaeans show a renewed interest among scholars in the last years. Egyptian Manichaeism is also well represented, especially with studies around the Dakhleh oasis with the site of the ancient Kellis where historical Manichaeans can illustrate the life of a community in 4th century Egypt. The “Berliner Turfantexte” collection has brought very interesting volumes about Manichaean hymnology while studies on Chinese Manichaeism are renewed with the discoveries of Medieval Chinese paintings which could be inspired by the transmission of the famous book of Mani, the Image» (p. 459)]. FITZGERALD A.D., Goulven Madec, «le tâcheron du “Bulletin augustinien”», in Augustin philosophe et prédicateur. Hommage à Goulven Madec (→ 29. Agostino), 41-48. [I. Un peu d’histoire. II. La méthodologie du regard critique. III. La conversion d’Augustin, clef de sa doctrine]. [FREDOUILLE J.-C.] Bibliographie de Jean-Claude Fredouille (31 juillet 1934 – 19 juillet 2012), in J.-C. FREDOUILLE, Tertullien et la conversion de la culture antique. Deuxième édition complétée par la bibliographie de l’auteur (Collection des Études Augustiniennes. Série Antiquité, 47), Institut d’Études Augustiniennes, Paris 2012, pp. 541. [Dalla premessa di Frédéric Chapot: «Le décès de l’auteur, pendant la préparation de cette réédition, donne à cette bibliographie le caractère d’un hommage de l’Institut qu’il présida et anima pendant seize ans (1990- 2006) et dont il dirigea la Collection des Études augustiniennes de 1990 à 2009» (p. 541). La bibliografia comprende 88 titoli distribuiti nelle seguenti sezioni: «Livres»; «Articles»; «Notices nécrologiques», «À paraître». – Adamantius si unisce all’omaggio per lo studioso e l’amico (L.P.)]. JAKAB A., Chronique alexandrine VII, Adamantius 19 (2013) 466-481. [Alexandrie hellénistique et romaine: La production du savoir; Le contraste de la société. Alexandrie dans l’antiquité tardive: Athanase (c. 295-373); L’église monophysite d’Alexandrie; Économie]. [MADEC G.] Bibliographie de Goulven Madec, in Augustin philosophe et prédicateur. Hommage à Goulven Madec (→ 29. Agostino), 3-14. [La bibliografia è distribuita in due sezioni: I. Livres (pp. 3-5); II. Articles (pp. 5-14). Gli articoli sono riportati per ordine di anno, dal 1961 al 2012]. MAYER C.P., Goulven Madec und das Augustinus-Lexikon, in Augustin philosophe et prédicateur. Hommage à Goulven Madec (→ 29. Agostino), 33-39. PETIT J.-F., Intériorité et communauté: les «deux sources» de la spiritualité augustinienne selon Goulven Madec, in Augustin philosophe et prédicateur. Hommage à Goulven Madec (→ 29. Agostino), 55-64. [I. Le constat de l’impossible établissement du texte augustinien originel. II. L’expérience d’une absence. III. Un nécessaire réenracinement. IV. Le maintien d’une sagesse de l’écart].

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ROBINSON J.M., The Nag Hammadi Story. Vol. 1: The Discovery and Monopoly (Nag Hammadi and Manichaean Studies, 86-***), Vol. 2: The Publication, Brill, Leiden-Boston 2014, pp. xxxiv+614, xii+615-1216. [Vol. 1: The Discovery and Monopoly: Preface, xiii-xxvii; Acknowledgments, xxix-xxxiv. 1. The discovery and trafficking of the Nag Hammadi Codices, 1-119; II. The French leadership in early Nag Hammadi studies, 121-349; III. The Eid Codex – the Jung Codex – Codex I, 351-485; IV. The Swiss leadership in Nag Hammadi studies, 487-614. Vol. 2: V. The Dutch leadership in Nag Hammadi studies, 615-693; VI. The International Committee of Gnosticism 1956, 693-798; VII. The Gospel of Thomas, 799-899; VIII. The German leadership in Nag Hammadi studies, 901-945; IX. UNESCO under French leadership 1960-1970, 947-994; X. The Coptic Gnostic library project, 995-1038; XI. The International Committee for the Nag Hammadi Codices, 1039- 1100; XII. The Nag Hammadi excavations, 1101-1148. Index, 1149-1216]. SHON F.S., «Hellenistic Judaism» in the Works of Edwyn Robert Bevan, HThR 106 (2013) 403-431. [Introduction. Part I: The Victorian and Edwardian background; Hellenism; Judaism. Part 2: Tcherikover, Bevan, and Bickerman; Catholic Modernism and Liberal Judaism; Teleology and historiography. Part 3: The twentieth century. Conclusion. – «In many ways, Bevan seems to provide an object lesson in the historical erosion of conceptual categories. He believed passionately in the special affinity between Hellenism and Judaism, which he believed had been brought into collision by “God’s providence”. Hellenistic Judaism, though shaped in part by persecution and martyrdom, seemed to foreshadow a new “moral partnership” in which individual and communitarian identity could be reconciled with liberal forms of religious and political progress. But although this Greek-Jewish affinity is not so very far away, in a sense, from the cultural interconnectedness that modern scholarship has identified in Judaism and Hellenism, the terms in which Bevan expressed it have been largely repudiated, both by scholarship and by events» (p. 431)]. [TURNER J.D.] Bibliography of John D. Turner, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), xliii-li. [Books and Book-length contributions. Articles and book chapters]. [VAN WINDEN J.C.M.] In Memoriam J.C.M. (Bertram) van Winden, 1922-2013, VigChr 67 (2013) 469-470. WHITE CRAWFORD S., John D. Turner: An Appreciation, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), xxxix-xliii. 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale ALBANO E., I silenzi delle Sacre Scritture. Limiti e possibilità di rivelazione del Logos negli scritti di Filone, Clemente e Origene (Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum, 138), Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, Roma 2014, pp. 629. [Sigle e abbreviazioni, 7-10. M. SIMONETTI, Prefazione, 11-13. Introduzione generale, 15-48. I Parte: I silenzi delle Scritture nell’opera di Filone di Alessandria: Introduzione, 51-52: Cap. 1. Ciò che il testo sacro non dice, 53-60; Cap. 2. Il θεῖος λόγος ed i χρησμοί: due realtà a confronto, 61-72; Cap. 3. Il limite della mediazione umana del divino: il livello dell’essere, 73-96; Cap. 4. Il limite della mediazione umana del divino: il livello del linguaggio, 97-149; Cap. 5. Sacra Scrittura: Parola di Dio o linguaggio umano? Un tentativo di mediazione, 151-200; Cap. 6. I silenzi del testo sacro che provengono dalla ἀνθρώπεια ἀσθένεια, 201-208; Cap. 7. Alcune conclusioni, 209-215. II Parte: I silenzi delle Scritture nell’opera di Clemente di Alessandria: Introduzione, 219-222; Cap. I. Il silenzio degli interpreti del testo sacro, 223-238; Cap. 2. Il silenzio del disvelamento delle Scritture, 239-245; Cap. 3. Il silenzio dell’impossibilità delle Scritture, 247-338; Cap. 4. La Sacra Scrittura come σύντομος dei misteri divini, 339-345; Cap. 5. Alcune conclusioni: confronto tra la mediazione del Cristo e della Scrittura, 347-367. III Parte: I silenzi delle Scritture nell’opera di Origene di Alessandria: Introduzione, 371-375; Cap. I. Il silenzio dell’impossibilità delle Scritture, 377-467; Cap. 2. Il silenzio del disvelamento delle Scritture, 469-523; Cap. 3. Alcune conclusioni: L’unità dei silenzi delle Scritture e il loro posto nell’opera origeniana, 525-535. Conclusioni generali, 539-558. Bibliografia e indici, 561-629]. Alexandria, herausgegeben von T. GEORGES, F. ALBRECHT und R. FELDMEIER, unter Mitarbeit von M. KADEN und C. MARTSCH (COMES, 1), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2013, pp. xiv+574 (= Alexandria). [R. FELDMEIER– T. GEORGES, Vorwort, xi-xiv. 1. Archäologie und Geschichte Alexandrias: B. BÄBLER, Zur Archäologie Alexandrias, 3-27; D. ENGSTER, Wissenschaftliche Forschung und technologischer Fortschritt in Alexandria, 29-63; H.-G. NESSELRATH, Das Museion und die Große Bibliothek von Alexandria, 65-88. 2. Paganes Alexandria: J.K. ZANGENBERG, Fragile Vielfalt – Beobachtungen zur Sozialgeschichte Alexandrias in hellenistisch-römischer Zeit, 91-107; I. TANASEANU-DÖBLER, Philosophie in Alexandria – der Kreis um Ammonios Sakkas, 109-126; M. BOMMAS, Isis in Alexandria – Theologie und Ikonographie, 127-147; S. SCHMIDT, Der Sturz des Serapis – Zur Bedeutung paganer Götterbilder in der spätantiken Gesellschaft Alexandrias, 149-172. 3. Jüdisches Alexandria: A.M. SCHWEMER, Zur griechischen und jüdischen Gründungslegende Alexandriens, 175-192; R.G. KRATZ, Elephantine und Alexandria – Nicht-biblisches und biblisches Judentum in Ägypten, 193-208; F. ALBRECHT, Die alexandrinische Bibelübersetzung. Einsichten zur

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Entstehungs- Überlieferungs- und Wirkungsgeschichte der Septuaginta, 209-243; F.V. REITERER, Zwischen Jerusalem und Alexandria – Alttestamentlicher Glaube im Umfeld hellenistischer Politik und Bildung, 245-284; J. DOCHHORN, Jüdisch-alexandrinische Literatur? Eine Problemanzeige und ein Überblick über diejenige Literatur, die potentiell dem antiken Judentum entstammt, 285-312; K. SCHÖPFLIN, Die Hellenisierung der jüdischen Gottesbezeichnung. Ein Versuch anhand von Beobachtungen am spätbiblischen Buch Tobit, 313-340; M.R. NIEHOFF, Jüdische Bibelinterpretation zwischen Homerforschung und Christentum, 341-360; B. WYSS, Philon und die Pentas – Arithmologie als exegetische Methode, 361-379; A.M. SCHWEMER, Zum Abbruch des jüdischen Lebens in Alexandria – Der Aufstand in der Diaspora unter Trajan (115-117), 381-399. 4. Christliches Alexandria: J. WEHNERT, Apollos, 403-412; W. LÖHR, Christliche ‘Gnostiker’ in Alexandria, 413- 433; R. SEDLAK, Klemens – ein christlicher Autor in Alexandria, 435-444; P. GEMEINHARDT, Glaube, Bildung, Theologie – Ein Spannungsfeld im frühchristlichen Alexandria, 445-473. 5. Islamisches Alexandria: H. BIESTERFELDT, “Von Alexandrien nach Bagdad”, 477-490. Bibliographie, 491-541. Autorenverzeichnis, 543- 544. Stellenregister, 545-565. Sachregister, 566-574]. Alexandrie la divine (Fondation Martin Bodmer, Fondation Gandur pour l’art, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Fondation Carène), sous la direction de C. MÉLA et F. MÖRI, en collaboration avec S.H. AUFRÈRE, G. DORIVAL, A. LE BOULLUEC; comité scientifique: S.H. AUFRÈRE, C. BONNET, L. BRISSON, J. CHAMAY, G. DORIVAL, A. LE BOULLUEC, C. MÉLA, F. MÖRI, P. SCHUBERT, M. TARDIEU, S. TOUSSAINT, avec R.S. BIANCHI (objets archéologiques) et V. VALITUTTO, I.G. RAO (Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana); Édition: S. GAFFINO; Photographies: F. MÖRI; 2 volumes; Éditions de La Baconnière, Genève 2014. [Volume I: Avant-Propos et introduction: C. MÉLA, V. VALITUTTO, Biblioteca Alexandrina, Laurenziana, Bodmeriana, 24-31; J.C. GANDUR, R.S. BIANCHI, La collection d’archéologie de la Fondation Gandur pour l’art, Genève, 31-37; O. DELHOUME, La transmission à l’œuvre, 38-40; F. MÖRI, G. DORIVAL, A. LE BOULLUEC, Pourquoi Alexandrie la divine?, 42-57. I. Grecs et barbares: 1. L’Égypte des derniers pharaons: B. MENU, L’Égypte avant Alexandre. Un état des lieux, 63-65; S.H. AUFRÈRE, Croyance, attitudes et magie au temps des derniers pharaons, 69-76; S.H. AUFRÈRE, La bibliothèque et le cercle d’or: du tombeau d’Osymandias à Thèbes, 78-82; J.F. QUACK, Le scribe et le processus de traduction du corpus égyptien, 87-91; J. MÉLÈZE-MODRZEJEWSKI, Le judaïsme égyptien avant Alexandre, 92-100. 2. Hellénisme et orient: C. BONNET, Les Grecs et l’Orient: échanges culturels et religieux, 106-111; M. SARTRE, Grecs et Égyptiens: échanges politiques et économiques, 112- 121; A. SCHWAB, Les sept sages grecs et les «barbares», 124-129; L. BRISSON, L’Égypte de Platon, 131-137. II. Alexandre et Alexandrie: 1. L’universalisme hellène: A. Le projet aristotélicien: E. CAIRE, L’émergence de l’universalisme grec, 146-150; D. PRALON, L’universalisme d’Aristote, 152-156; A.-M. GUIMIER-SORBETS, Philippe II et la Macédoine durant la jeunesse d’Alexandre, 159-163. B. Alexandre le Grand: P. PAYEN, Le projet d’Alexandre le Grand, 164-175; L. BRICAULT, Alexandre et l’Égypte, 177-183; C. BONNET, Le nouvel espace hellénistique, 187-203. 2. La ville universelle: A. Le projet ptolémaïque: L. BRICAULT, Les Ptolémées et le mythe d’Alexandre, 210-218; C. LÉVY, Pouvoir et cultures: ombres et lumières, 222-229; P. BORGEAUD, Sarapis, 232-238; G. WEILL GOUDCHAUX, Les données de la politique étrangère des Lagides, 244-248; M. CHAUVEAU, Cléopâtre et le rêve d’un empire universel, 250-253. B. Alexandrie près de l’Égypte: M. HAGGAG, L’urbanisme et l’architecture, 254-258; A.-M. GUIMIER-SORBETS, Du royaume d’Hadès à celui d’Osiris: la tombe 2 d’Anfouchi, 260-267; J.-Y. CARREZ, Le Boubasteion (Artémision) d’Alexandrie, 268-271; E. KHALIL, Alexandrie axis mundi, 274-279; L. CHRZANOVSKI, Alexandrie, ou la ville qui a bravé les confins du monde connu, 282-289. 3. Le Musée et la Bibliothèque: D. PRALON, Les Péripatéticiens, 294-299; V. COSTA, Une histoire des collections, 300- 311; M. BERTI, Le complexe culturel de la Bibliothèque (Palais Royal, Musée et bibliothèques). Architecture et fonctionnement, 313-319; D. BOUVIER, Homère à Alexandrie: le choix des philologues, 321-326; A. HURST, Dramaturges et orateurs, 329-332; Y. DURREC, Les poètes alexandrins de la deuxième génération: Callimaque, Théocrite, Apollonios de Rhode, La Pléiade, 335-338. 4. Philosophie et science: A. Philosophie: PH. HOFFMANN, Le cursus d’étude dans l’école néoplatonicienne d’Alexandrie, 342-353; L. BRISSON, Alexandrie, berceau du néoplatonisme. Eudore, Philon, Ammonios et l’école d’Alexandrie, 354-363; L. BRISSON, Hermès Trismégiste, 364-371; M. ZAGO, Le philosophe dieu, 372-375; H.D. SAFFREY, La fiction égyptienne dans un échange de lettres entre Porphyre et Jamblique, 376-379; H.D. SAFFREY, Hypatie d’Alexandrie, 380-383; C. MACRIS, Hiéroclès d’Alexandrie, 384-387; P. MUELLER-JOURDAN, Ammonios [fils] d’Hermeias. Sources, héritages, transmission et postérité, 388-392. B. Sciences: M.-H. MARGANNE, S.H. AUFRÈRE, La question de l’interface entre les sciences égyptiennes et grecques, 395-401; A. DAN, La géographie, 403-405; J. GAVIN, A. SCHÄRLIG, Les mathématiques, 408-411; A. ZUCKER, L’astronomie, 414-417; M.-H. MARGANNE, La médecine, 420-424; A. ZUCKER, La biologie et la zoologie, 428-431; PH. FLEURY, La capitale de la mécanique, 432-435. 5. Alexandrie dans Rome: A. DAN, Alexandrie dans Rome, 438-445; F. QUEYREL, Alexandrie hellénistique et l’art romain, 449-451; L. BRICAULT, Isis à Rome, 452-457; J.-P. DESCOEUDRES, Le temple d’Isis à Pompéi, 460-466; J. PIÀ, D’Alexandrie à Rome: les échanges scientifiques et philosophiques dans l’urbs, 468-473; R.S. BIANCHI, La mosaïque nilotique du sanctuaire de Fortuna Primigenia à Préneste (Palestrina), 474-477; J.-P. DESCOEUDRES, La mosaïque

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d’Alexandre, 478-484. Volume II: III. Sagesses barbares: 1. Introduction: A. LE BOULLUEC, Les sagesses barbares: une fiction féconde, 497-509. 2. Phrygie: M. TARDIEU, L’Attis pluriel des Naassènes, ou l’appropriation phrygienne des sagesses grecques et barbares, 517-527. 3. La religion égyptienne dans l’Égypte grecque et romaine: S.H. AUFRÈRE, Le cercle des sages égyptiens disparus, 532-537; S.H. AUFRÈRE, Manéthon et la médiation du Livre sacré, 538-543; S.H. AUFRÈRE, Le hiérogrammate et le pouvoir alexandrino-romain, 547- 553; B. LEGRAS, Les reclus grecs du Sarapieion, 556-562; S.H. AUFRÈRE, Le substrat nilotique de l’hermétisme, 565-570; P.P. KOEMOTH, Aux origines de l’Isis hellénistique et de ses cultes alexandrins, 572-580; A.- M. GUIMIER-SORBETS, Renaître dans l’au-delà: les deux tombes peintes de Kôm el-Chougafa, 583-587; P. ZIGNANI, Le temple de Dendara: un travail excellent pour l’eternité, 588-597; J.-L. FOURNET, Alexandrie et la fin des hiéroglyphes, 599-607. 4. Les métamorphoses d’Orphée: J.-M. ROESSLI, Orphée, médiateur des sagesses grecque et barbares, 610-617; M.-C. FAYANT, Orphée: sagesse barbare ou déraison hellénique?, 618-623; F. JOURDAN, Le poème judéo-hellénistique attribué à Orphée, 625-627; J.-M. ROESSLI, L’Orphée juif et chrétien, 629-631. 5. Sémites d’Orient et d’Occident: M. TARDIEU, Ahiqar, ou l’éveil à la «philosophie barbare», 635-641; M. TARDIEU, Les Chaldéens de l’extérieur, 643-651; P. CHUVIN, Genèses cananéennes. Philon de Byblos contre les Septante, 654-657; P. CHUVIN, Noces alexandrines de la mythologie et de la théologie, 663-665. 6. Inde: G. DUCOEUR, Alexandrie et les sages de l’Inde, 672-693. 7. Judaïsme: J. MÉLÈZE MODRZEJEWSKI, Le judaïsme alexandrin, 698-702; G. DORIVAL, La Septante, 704-711; P. LANFRANCHI, La littérature juive d’expression grecque, 713-715; M.-F. BASLEZ, Yahvé et Dionysos: la guerre des dieux dans les livres de la Sagesse et des Maccabées, 716-722; L. SAUDELLI, Loi de Moïse et philosophie grecque: le judaïsme alexandrin, 726-731; M.R. NIEHOFF, Les Juifs d’Alexandrie à l’école de la critique textuelle des païens, 733-740; J. MÉLÈZE MODRZEJEWSKI, G. DORIVAL, Leontopolis, 742-745. IV. Nouvelles religions: I. L’école chrétienne d’Alexandrie: A. LE BOULLUEC, Les origines du christianisme alexandrin, 750-755; A. LE BOULLUEC, Le didascalée, 757-763; A. LE BOULLUEC, La philosophie barbare selon Clément d’Alexandrie, 765-767; J.-M. ROESSLI, Alexandrie, berceau de la poésie sibylline juive et chrétienne, 768-773; E. WIPSZYCKA, La naissance du monachisme égyptien, 774-781; A. MARTIN, Arius, Athanase et les Ariens, 782-785; N. BOSSON, A. BOUD’HORS, L’«univers merveilleux» de la Bible chez les Coptes, 789-795; F. DUNAND, M. COUDERT, Les débuts de la christianisation dans les Oasis. Le cas de Kharga, 796-801; C. BOUDIGNON, La théologie alexandrine des Ve et VIIe siècles, 802- 807; M. MALOUTA, G. FOWDEN, La culture païenne face à l’avènement du christianisme, 809-816. 2. Gnoses et Manichéisme: J.-D. DUBOIS, Les courants gnostiques à Alexandrie, 820-828; M. SCOPELLO, Gnose et Judaïsme, 830-833; P.-H. POIRIER, Écoles gnostiques chrétiennes, 834-837; P.-H. POIRIER, Gnose et philosophie, 839-841; M. SCOPELLO, Gnose et magie, 842-845. V. Héritages: 1. Monde musulman: C. GENEQUAND, Alexandre le Grand en Islam, 850-853; G. CECERE, Des soufis sur les épaules des philosophes? Le «nid» d’Ibn Sab‘în à Alexandrie (XIIIe-XIVe siècles), 854-858; H. HUGONNARD-ROCHE, La translatio studiorum d’Alexandrie à Bagdad: l’œuvre des Syriaques, 860-865; C. D’ANCONA, La pseudo-théologie d’Aristote. Vue d’ensemble, 867- 869; J. JANSSENS, La philosophie d’Avicenne: éléments d’influence de penseurs alexandrins, 870-875; D. JACQUART, «D’Alexandrie à Bagdad»? Les sources grecques des sciences arabes, 876-880; K. VAN BLADEL, L’Hermès arabe, 883-885. 2. Monde chrétien: D. LAURITZEN, Alexandrie et le monde byzantin, 888-895; B. TAMBRUN-KRASKER, Hermès Trismégiste à Byzance, 896-899; V. CALZOLARI, Alexandrie et le monde arménien, 900-908; B. BAKHOUCHE, Science et philosophie dans le cursus studiorum latin de l’antiquité tardive au Moyen Âge, 910-921; D. JACQUART, Tradition grecque et savoirs arabes dans l’Europe latine du XIIe siècle: la synthèse tolédane, 924-929; C. MÉLA, Alexandre sans limites. De la Vie d’Alexandre de Macédoine du Pseudo- Callisthène au Roman d’Alexandre d’Alexandre de Paris, 930-941; F. LELLI, Maïmonide, la cabale et le retour de l’Égypte dans la Renaissance italienne, 942-946; M.-Y. PERRIN, Traducteurs et traductions de la littérature patristique alexandrine au XVe siècle, 948-952; I.G. RAO, La Bibliothèque Laurentienne des Médicis, 954-960; N. DUCIMETIÈRE, Sauveurs et passeurs de texts: Bibliophiles et imprimeurs humanistes du XVe siècle, 962-969; S. TOUSSAINT, Alexandrie à Florence: la Renaissance et sa prisca theologia, 971-990. VI. Cartes: J.- M. KOWALSKI, Introduction et principes de composition, 994-1017. VII. Annexes: Notices (Description des objets et des manuscrits photographiés dans l’ouvrage et exposés du 4 avril au 30 août 2014 à la Fondation Martin Bodmer), par P. Andrist, S.H. Aufrère, R.S. Bianchi, P.G. Borbone, N. Bosson, A. Boud’hors, V. Calzolari, J.-Y. Carrez, J. Chamay, J.-L. Chappaz, G. Dorival, E. Dozio, J.-D. Dubois, T. Dubois, N. Ducimetière, J.- Y. Empereur, J.-L. Fournet, Ch. Förstel, J. Gascou, A.-M. Guimier-Sorbets, F. Lelli, M.-H. Marganne, M. Martiniani-Reber, C. Méla, N. Monbaron, A.M. Piemontese, J. Quack, C. Rapin, P. Schubert, D. Speranzi, M. Tardieu, S. Toussaint, A. Vanautgaerden, K.M. Mahmoud Younes, 1018-1109; Sélection bibliographique, 1111-1117; «Alexandrie la divine»: Interview de M. Frédéric Möri par M. William A. Ewing, le 20 septembre 2013], 1121-1132]. The Apocryphal Gospels within the Context of Early Christian Theology, edited by J. SCHRÖTER (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium, 260), Peeters, Leuven – Paris – Walpole/MA 2013, pp. xii+804.

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[Vorwort, vii-xii; Einleitung, 1-16. Main papers and seminars: J. SCHRÖTER, Die apokryphen Evangelien im Kontext der frühchristlichen Theologiegeschichte, 19-66; I. DUNDERBERG, Johannine Traditions and Apocryphal Gospels, 67-93; P.-H. POIRIER, L’Évangile selon Thomas (NH II,2; P. Oxy. 1, 654, 655), témoin de la théologie chrétienne primitive?, 95-125; T. NICKLAS, Die andere Seite: Das Judasevangelium und seine Polemik im Kontext altkirchlicher Diskurse, 127-155; J. FREY, «Apokryphisierung» im Petrusevangelium: Überlegungen zum Ort des Petrumsevangeliums in der Entwicklung der Evangelienüberlieferung, 157-195; P. PERKINS, Jewish Christian Gospels: Primitive Tradition Imagined, 197-247; F. BOVON, L’enfant Jésus durant la fuite en Égypte: Les récits apocryphes de l’enfance comme légendes profitables à l’âme, 249-270; G. VAN OYEN, The Protevangelium Jacobi: An Apocryphal Gospel?, 271-304; J. HARTENSTEIN, Erscheinungsevangelien (Gespräche mit dem Auferstandenen) im Kontext frühchristlicher Theologie: Anknüpfungspunkte und Besonderheiten der christologischen Vorstellungen, 305-332; C. MARKSCHIES, Apokryphen als Zeugnisse mehrheitskirchlicher Frömmigkeit: Das Beispiel des Bartholomaeus Evangeliums, 333-355; R. GOUNELLE, Un nouvel évangile judéo- chrétien? Les Actes de Pilate, 357-401; E. NORELLI, Les premières traditions sur la Dormition de Marie comme catalysateurs de formes très anciennes de réflexion théologique et sotériologique. Le cas du paradis terrestre, 403- 446; S.J. PATTERSON, Platonism and the Apocryphal Origins of Immortality in the Christian Imagination. Or: Why Do Christians Have Souls that Go to Heaven?, 447-476; J. VERHEYDEN, The Early Church and «the other Gospels», 477-506. Offered Papers: M. FRENSCHKOWSKI, Zwillingstheologie in der Thomastradition, 509-528; A. GAGNÉ, Structure and Meaning in Gos. Thom. 49-54: An Erotapocritic Teaching on Identity and Eschatology, 529-537; G. LUTTIKHUIZEN, The Hidden Meaning of «The Kingsom inside You and Outside You» in the Gospel of Thomas, 539-547; M. GROSSO, A Matter of Life and Death: Theological Refractions of a Literary Motive in the Gospel of Thomas, 549-561; S. WITETSCHEK, Scheinbar im Fleisch erschienen? Zur Frage nach doketistischer Christologie in EvThom 28, 563-573; S.R. JOHNSON, Retranslating the Gospel of Thomas: A Response, 575-580; J. BRANKAER, Representations of Judaism in the Gospel of Judas: The Church of Judas, the Jew, 581-594; F. BERMEJO-RUBIO, Does the Gospel of Judas Overcome Christian Anti-Judaism? Wishful Thinking versus Textual Facts, 595-609; A.G. VAN AARDE, The Ebionite Perspective in the Infancy Gospel of Thomas, 611-626; A. NARRO, L’importance de la foule (ὁ ὄχλος) dans l’Évangile de l’Enfance de Thomas l’Israélite, 627-638; M. SCHÄRTL, Die Pilatusakten – Versuch einer Quellenscheidung, 639-659; E.E. POPKES, Das Jakobusbild des Hebräerevangeliums im Kontext frühchristlicher Jakobustraditionen, 661-673; L.R. ZELYCK, Parallel Material in the Fourth Gospel, Apocryphal Gospels, and Early Church Fathers: The Influence of the Fourth Gospel or Dependence on a Common Source/Tradition?, 675-691; S. KOCH, Überlegungen zur Bedeutung der explizit weltweiten Dimension im Neuen Testament und ihrer möglichen Konkretion im «Evangelium der vier Himmelsrichtungen», 695-706; N. FÖRSTER, Jesus und die Bezeichnung der Steuern als τὰ ἀνήκοντα τῇ ἀρχῇ in P.Egerton 2 (Frgm. 2r), 707-718; V. BURZ-TROPPER, Jesus als Lehrer in apokryphen Evangelien, 719-735; E. RAU†, Die jüdischen, heidnischen udn christlichen Quellen des Lebens Jesu in der Forschung des 19. Jahrhunderts: Theodor Keims Geschichte Jesu von Nazara als Beispiel, 737-758. Indexes, 767-804]. Atlante delle Tebaidi e dei temi figurativi, a cura di A. MALQUORI con M. DE GIORGI e L. FENELLI → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (5. Il monachesimo) Augustin philosophe et prédicateur. Hommage à Goulven Madec → 29. Agostino Augustine and Manichaean Christianity → 29. Agostino BÄBLER B., Zur Archäologie Alexandrias, in Alexandria, 3-27. [1. Gründung und Anlage. 2. Das königliche Viertel (Basileia). 3. Der Leuchtturm. 4. Weitere öffentliche Anlagen. 5. Wasserversorgung: Kanäle und Zisternen. 6. Nekropolen. 7. Kom el-Shoqafa. 8. Kom el-Dikka: Ein neues Stadtzentrum in der Spätantike]. La Bibbia dei Settanta. Opera diretta da P. SACCHI in collaborazione con L. MAZZINGHI → 4. LXX BRENNECKE H.CH., Zu den Proömien der spätantiken Kirchengeschichten, in Streit um die Wahrheit. Kirchengeschichtsschreibung und Theologie, hrsg. von S. FROST, U. MENNECKE, J.C. SALZMANN (Kontexte. Neue Beiträge zur historischen und systematischen Theologie, 44), Edition Ruprecht, Göttingen 2013, 31-78. [I. Euseb von Caesarea und die Gattung einer ἐκκλησιαστικὴ ἱστορία: Eus., h.e. I 1; Übersetzung. II. Anonyme oder fragmentarische Fortsetzer Eusebs im 4. Jahrhundert: Fragmente einer anonymen homöischen Kirchengeschichte; Gelasius von Caesarea. III. Die lateinische Tradition (Rufin von Aquileia). IV. Die griechische Kirchengeschichtsschreibung im Zeitalter Theodosius II: Philostorgius; Philippus von Side; Socrates Scholasticus; Sozomenus Scholasticus; Theodoret von Cyrus. V. Kirchengseschichtsschreibung nach Chalkedon: Der Ausgange der antiken Kirchengeschichtsschreibung: Der Anonymus Cyzigenus (sic!); Zacharias von Mytilene; Theodorus Lector; Cassiodor-Epiphanius; Evagrius Scholasticus. – «Die literarische Gattung Kirchengeschichte ist eine Gattung ausschließlich der griechischen Literaturgeschichte, die zwar in der syrischen Tradition eine Fortsetzung gefunden hat, kaum dagegen in der lateinischen. Bis an die Schwelle

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des Mittelalters gibt es keine lateinische Kirchengeschichtsschreibung. Rufin hatte zu Beginn des fünften Jahrhunderts zwar Eusebs Kirchengeschichte ins Lateinische übersetzt; aber auch seine Fortsetzung bis zum Tode Kaiser Theodosius’ war nach unserem heutigen Kenntnisstand wahrscheinlich die Übersetzung eines griechischen Werkes, dessen Verfasser er aber nicht nennt. Sulpicius Severus und Orosius verfassten keine Kirchengeschichte, sondern eine Weltgeschichte aus christlicher Perspektive. Nach Euseb waren alle “Kirchengeschichten” auf das Imperium Romanum und seine Kaiser bezogen» (p. 73)]. – «Arianismus»: Inszenierungen eines Konstrukts, Erlanger Universitätsreden Nr. 83/2014, 3. Folge, Erlangen 2014, 17-40. [I. Prolog. II. Historische Spurensuche. III. Von Arius zum «Arianismus». IV. «Germanischer Arianismus»? V. Der «Arianismus» der Unitarier – ein polemischer Konstrukt des 16. Jahrhunderts. VI. «Arianismus» als Chance für den interreligiösen Dialog? VII. Epilog]. BURNS D.M., Care or Prayer? Justin Martyr’s Dialogue with Trypho 1.4. Revisited, VigChr 68 (2014) 178-191. [Care or prayer? Justin Martyr and Maximus of Tyre. Stoics and Platonists on divine care for individuals. Stoics and platonists on prayer. Early Christian philosophers on prayer and providence. – Abstract: «Justin Martyr reports (and rejects) the curious argument that the practice of prayer is mutually exclusive with God’s providential care for individual beings. Pépin has demonstrated that the same argument, probably of Middle- Platonic provenance, is extant in Maximus of Tyre. A closer look shows its ambiguous stance towards Stoicism, with which it might have some affinity (in Maximus’ use) but could also target (in the use known to Justin); the problem is that we possess little data on Stoic prayer. The approach of early Christian philosophers to prayer, however, shows deep indebtedness to Stoic ideas about providence and freedom in an attempt to theorize and defend tra- ditional Christian practice. Thus even this brief survey of early Christian material not only reveals the Stoic hue of emerging Christian philosophy, but also that the Stoa probably had similar ideas as did Christian thinkers about the consonance of providence and prayer»]. Christliches Ägypten in der spätantiken Zeit. Akten der 2. Tübinger Tagung zum Christlichen Orient (7.-8. Dezember 2007), herausgegeben von D. BUMAZHNOV (Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum, 79), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2013, pp. xi+355 (= Christliches Ägypten in der spätantiken Zeit). [Vorwort, v-vii. Biblisches: F. FEDER, Die koptischen Versionen des Proverbienbuches, 1-21. Apokrypha und Verwandtes: J. DOCHHORN, Mythen von der Einsetzung des Erzengels Michaels in der koptischen Literatur, 23- 42; E. GRYPEOU, Höllenreisen und engelgleiches Leben: Die Rezeption von apokalyptischen Traditionen in der koptisch-monastischen Literatur, 43-54; P. NAGEL, Der Beitrag der Koptologie zur Wiedergewinnung und Erforschung der apokryphen Evangelien, 55-69; U.-K. PLISCH, Thomasevangelium 29 als Exzerpt – ein Blick in die Entstehungsgeschichte des Thomasevangeliums, 71-74; A. TOEPEL, «Was ihr verabscheut, das tut nicht» – Ethik im Thomasevangelium und bei Epikur, 75-79. 4. Jahrhundert: P. ARGÁRATE, Zwischen Origenes, Athanasius und Kyrill: ein weiteres Kapitel der alexandrinischen Pneumatologie. Das Traktat «Über den Heiligen Geist» des Didymos, 81-91; D. BUMAZHNOV, Der Reigentanz der zwölf Tugenden in der Seele eines Demütigen: eine Plotinreminiszenz bei dem koptischen Mönch Paulus von Tamma? Zum Problem der Traditionszuordnungen im frühen Ägyptischen Mönchtum, 93-111; I.K. GROSSMANN, Neue Beobachtungen zur arabischen Göttinger Pachomiusvita im Vergleich mit den koptischen und griechischen Fassungen, 113-148; I. MÄNNLEIN-ROBERT, Vom Wald in die Wüste: Der Mittagsdämon in der Spätantike, 149-160. 5.-6. Jahrhundert: H.-J. CRISTEA, Schenute gegen ein falsches Sündenbewusstsein. Paris BNF copte 1302 ff. 110-111 (= DS 241/241 + 247/248), 161-177; B. GLEEDE, Der Traktat De sectis des Abbas Theodor. Eine unvollendete Handreichung zur Widerlegung der diakrinovmenoi, 179-216; E. SCHULZ-FLÜGEL, AMATOR EREMI: Zum Stellenwert des Begriffs «Wüste» im ägyptischen und europäischen Mönchtum, 217-229. Ikonographie und Ikonologie: B. DÜMLER, Bilder in der Wüste. Fragen zur Funktion und Deutung von Maiestas-Darstellungen in ägyptischen Klöstern, 231-259. Anhang. Textpublikation: J. DOCHHORN, Das Testament Isaaks nach den sahidischen Textzeugen und dem bohairischen Paralleltext. Eine synoptische Übersicht mit kritischen Anmerkungen, 261-329. Stellenregister, 331-342; Register moderner Autoren, 343-348; Personen-, Sach- und Ortsregister, 349-355]. COAKLEY S., Prayer, Politics and the Trinity: Vying Models of Authority in Third–Fourth-Century Debates on Prayer and ‘Orthodoxy’, SJTh 66 (2013) 379-399. [Romans 8:8-30 and its early patristic interpretation. Origen’s De Oratione, Romans 8 and implicit themes of power and spiritual authority. The power of monastic prayer and the Origenist crisis. Conclusions and coda: hierarchy and monastic authority, ‘power’ and prayer. – Abstract: «This article presents a theory about a distinctive, but still neglected, approach to trinitarianism in the early church which was founded explicitly in demanding practices of prayer and personal transformation. The central thesis of the article is that this approach (with its characteristic appeal to Romans 8, and its Spirit-initiated prayer of an elevated or ascetic sort) was set on a course of almost tension with certain kinds of episcopal authority, and particularly with post-Nicene renditions of ‘orthodoxy’ as propositional assent. The theory is not to be confused, however, with

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a rather tired sociological disjunction between institution and ‘charisma’; the matter is spiritually more subtle than that, and implies vying perceptions of theological power, ‘orthodoxy’, and the nature of the ecclesial body. In this article I opt for a focus on the relation between Origen’s De oratione (one of the finest discussions of the implications of Romans 8 for Christian contemplation), the suggested influence of Origen on early Antonite monasticism, and the still-mysterious motivations for Theophilus’ first attack on Origenism and the monks of Nitria in 399. The picture that emerges, once this distinctive prayer-base approach to the Trinity is clarified, is one of a late fourth-century crisis of simultaneous rejection, domestication and attempted assimilation of this elite spirituality of intra-divine incorporation»]. La controversia origenista: un affare mediterraneo / The Origenist Controversy: a Mediterranean Affair, a cura di R. ALCIATI e F. FATTI → 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene La conversion chez les Pères de l’Église, éd. D. VIGNE, Parole et Silence – Centre Théologie et Histoire, Paris 2014, pp. 278 (= La conversion chez les Pères de l’Église). [D. VIGNE, Présentation, 5-8. A. DE BAYNAST, Le converti: un aveugle illuminé, 9-27. D. VIGNE, La conversion de Justin de Rome, 29-50. B. POUDERON, Récits de conversion chez les Apologistes grecs, 51-69. I. JURASZ, «Supérieurs aux lois de la fatalité». La dimension cosmique de la conversion chez les Apologistes syriaques, 71-94. A. JAKAB, Le christianisme d’Origène, ou comment être chrétien dans une période de mutation, 95-106. R. GOUNELLE, L’itinéraire spirituel d’Hilaire de Poitiers (De Trinitate, I,1-14), 107-119. V. DESPREZ, Conversion et pénitence, portes du progrès spirituel selon le Pseudo-Macaire, 121-140. L. GOSSEREZ, Une pédagogie de la foi: l’exégèse de Jn 11, 1-44 dans l’Exameron d’Ambroise de Milan, 141-157. E. CATTANEO, La conversion dans le Commentaire sur Isaïe de Basile de Césarée, 159-173. M.-A. CALVET-SEBASTI, Les chemins de la conversion dans l’œuvre de Grégoire de Nazianze, 175-187. A.-C. FAVRY, Accueillir un nouveau converti: les conseils d’Augustin au diacre Deogratias, 189-202. R. COURTRAY, Saint Jérôme et la conversion à l’Écriture, 203-217. D. BERTRAND, Une conversion théologique: Cyrille d’Alexandrie et l’acte d’union de 433, 219-232. É. AYROULET, Retournement et transformation: les deux dimensions de la conversion selon Maxime le Confesseur, 233-247. F. VINEL, Conversion collectives, conversion des peuples. Hagiographie et histoire, 249-266. Les auteurs, 267-275]. COSTACHE D., Adam’s Holiness: Athonite and Alexandrine Perceptions, Phronema 29 (2014) 173-218. [St Silouan the Athonite. St Gregory Palamas. St Cyril of Alexandria. St Athanasius the Great and the Desert tradition. – Abstract: «The paper considers a particular interpretive strand within patristic tradition, for which the paradise narrative in Genesis constituted a metaphor of the spiritual life with Adam as a hesychast saint – virtuous, directly connected with God and transformed by this experience. The authors and the texts discussed herein, from St Silouan the Athonite’s diary to a Palamite chapter, from St Cyril of Alexandria’s Against the Anthropomorphites and St Athanasius’ Against the Gentiles to the Sayings of the Fathers, represented the experience of Adam both contextually and in various terms, such as image and likeness, vision, union and the breath of life, all converging toward the notion of the paradise narrative as signifying the experience of holiness in general. This contextual interpretation of Genesis, from the vantage point of holiness, reveals uncommon aspects of the traditional construal of Adam and likewise says something about the personal character of the interpreters»]. Credible, Incredible. The Miraculous in the Ancient Mediterranean, Edited by T. NICKLAS and J.E. SPITTLER (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, 321), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2013, pp. xiv+373 (= Credible, Incredible. The Miraculous in the Ancient Mediterranean). [Preface, vii-xi. J.N. BREMMER, Richard Reitzenstein’s Hellenistische Wundererzählungen, 1-19. G. STEMBERGER, Wunder und unglaubwürdige Ereignisse im rabbinischen Judentum, 20-36. H.-G. NESSELRATH, Wundergeschichten in der Perspektive eines paganen satirischen Skeptikers: Lukian von Samosata, 37-55. H. KLEIN, Wunder bei den Synoptikern, 56-84. C. MOUNT, Belief, Gullibility, and the Presence of a God in the Early Roman Empire, 85-105. C.K. ROTSCHILD, Hocus Pocus, Galen’s On Prognosis and the Gospel of Mark, 107-142. T.W. THOMPSON, Antinoos, The New God: Origen on Miracle and Belief in Third-Century Egypt, 143-172. J. DOCHHORN, Jesus und die jüdischen Wundertäter: Eine Detailstudie am Beispiel einer Geschichte über Chanina ben Dosa in Talmud Babli, Berakhot 33a, 173-190. P. BUSCH, Wunderhaftes im Testament Salomos, 191-208. M. VIELBERG, Glaubwürdig oder unglaubwürdig? Erzählung und Rezeption wunderbarer Ereignisse in den Pseudoklementinen, 209-226. T. NICKLAS, Staunen über Natur und christliche Lebenshaltung. Die Welten des Physiologus, 227-250. J. VERHEYDEN, Talking Miracles – Celsus and Origen in Dispute: The Evidence of Contra Celsum I, 251-282. C.R. MOSS, Miraculous Events in Early Christian Stories about Martyrs, 283-301. G. VAN BELLE, The Criticism of the Miracles in the Fourth Gospel: A Reflection on the Ideological Criterion of the Semeia Hypothesis, 302-321. L. FELDT, Wild and Wondrous Men: Elijah and Elisha in the Hebrew Bible, 322-351. Index of ancient sources, 353-368; Subject index, 369-370; Sach- und Namenregister, 371-373]. DEPALMA DIGESER E., A Threat to Public Piety. Christians, Platonists, and the Great Persecution, Cornell University Press, Ithaca-London 2012, pp. xv+218.

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[Preface, ix-xi; List of abbreviations, xiii-xv. Introduction: From permeable circles to hardened boundaries, 1-22. Ch. 1. Ammonius Saccas and the philosophy without conflicts, 23-48. 2. Origen as a student of Ammonius, 49- 71. 3. Plotinus, Porphyry, and philosophy in the public realm, 72-97. 4. Schism in the Ammonian community: Prophyry v. Iamblichus, 98-127. 5. Schism in the Ammonian community: Porphyry v. Methodius of Olympus, 128-163. Conclusion: The Ammonian community and the Great Persecution, 164-191. Bibliography, 193-213. Index, 215-218]. DOERFLER M.E., Entertaining the Trinity Unawares: Genesis XVIII in Western Christian Interpretation, JEH 65 (2014) 485-503. [Justin and Hilary: the Logos at Mamre. Augustine of Hippo: Trinitarian suspicions. Origen and Caesarius: from Trinitarian premonitions to consensus. Abraham at Mamre: between text and commentary. – Abstract: «Abraham’s encounter at Mamre (Genesis xviii.1-16) captivated the Christian imagination from the tradition’s very origins. The story hints at God’s self-disclosure in a triad of visitors – a theophany that evoked the presence of the Logos or even the Trinity. This article examines late antique exegetical trajectories, focusing upon the interaction between text and expositor in light of the latter’s socio-historical context. For patristic exegetes, the Mamre account contained profound spiritual truth if read through the correct doctrinal lens, while presenting a foothold for heresy to the unwary. Changing visions of Trinitarian orthodoxy thus gave rise to new strategies of reading»]. Der Erste Clemensbrief und der sogenannte Valentinianismus – Schlaglichter auf das Christentum der frühen Kaiserzeit, ZAC 18 (2014) 1-133. [C. MARKSCHIES, Editorial, 1-5. L.L. WELBORN, Voluntary Exile as the Solution to Discord in 1 Clement, 6-21. C. BREYTENBACH, The Historical Example in 1 Clement, 22-33. D.L. EASTMAN, Jealousy, Internal Strife, and the Deaths of Peter and Paul: A Reassessment of 1 Clement, 34-53. C. MARKSCHIES, Harnack’s Image of 1 Clement and Contemporary Research, 54-69. M.D. LITWA, The God ‘Human’ and Human Gods. Models of Deification in Irenaeus and the Apocryphon of John, 70-94. G. CHIAPPARINI, Irenaeus and the Gnostic Valentinus: Orthodoxy and Heresy in the Church of Rome around the Middle of the Second Century, 95-119. T.S. DE BRUYN, A Late Witness to Valentinian Devotion in Egypt?, 120-133]. GALLAGHER E.L., The Blood from Abel to Zechariah in the History of Interpretation, NTS 60 (2014) 121-138. [1. Greek Fathers on the identity of Zechariah. 2. Latin Fathers on the identity of Zechariah. 3. Why did Jesus mention Zechariah? 4. The origins of the canonical interpretation. 5. Conclusion. – Abstract: «The saying in the Gospels about the blood “from Abel to Zechariah” has generated a number of theories regarding the identity of Zechariah and why Jesus specifically mentions these two victims. While a prominent interpretation today regards the name as pointing to the bookends of the Hebrew Bible, the Greek and Latin Fathers had their own peculiar ways of solving the exegetical puzzles connected to the saying. It seems that the invention of the printing press, and the stable sequence of books it created, exerted an influence on the development of the popular modern view»]. GÉHIN P., Les collections de kephalaia monastiques. Naissance et succès d’un genre entre création originale, plagiat et florilège, in The Minor Genres of Byzantine Theological Literature, ed. by A. RIGO (Studies in Byzantine History and Civilization, 8), Brepols, Turnhout 2013, 1-50. [1. Le rôle d’Évagre le Pontique († 399). 2. Sens et origine du mot kephalaion. 3. Les groupements. 4. Évolution du genre: 4.1. La période ancienne (4e-5e siècles); 4.2. La fin de la période patristique (7e); 4.3. La période mésobyzantine (10e-12e); 4.4. La période hésychaste (13e-14e siècles). 5. Les collections d’inspiration profane. 6. Les collections florilèges. Conclusions. – Abstract: «In their literary production, Greek monastic authors favored the chapter form, or kephalaion. This article examines the origins of this genre in profane literature, its characteristics and modes of organization. It traces its evolution over a millennium, from Evagrius Ponticus, who was the promoter at the end of the 4th century, up to the Xanthopouloi in the late 14th century. It also highlights the variable degree of originality of these compositions and their proximity to collection of extracts and monastic florilegia» (p. 50)]. GEMEINHARDT P., Glaube, Bildung, Theologie – Ein Spannungsfeld im frühchristlichen Alexandria → 12. Origene (4. Studi) Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World. Essays in Honour of John D. Turner, Edited by K. CORRIGAN & T. RASIMUS, in collaboration with D.M. BURNS, L. JENOTT, Z. MAZUR (Nag Hammadi and Manichaean Studies, 82), Brill, Leiden-Boston 2013, pp. li+701 (= Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World). [Preface, xi-xvii; Abbreviations, xix-xxv; Illustrations, xxvii; Contributors, xxix-xxxvii. S. WHITE CRAWFORD, John D. Turner: An Appreciation, xxxix-xliii; Bibliography of John D. Turner, xliii-li. Part I. Gnosticism and other religious movements of antiquity: K.L. KING, A Distinctive Intertextuality: Genesis and Platonizing Philosophy in The Secret Revelation of John, 3-22; P.-H. POIRIER, The Three Forms of First Thought (NHC XIII.1), and the Secret Book of John (NHC II,1 and par.), 23-41; L. JENOTT, Emissaries of Truth and Justice:

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The Seed of Seth as Agents of Divine Providence, 43-62; E. THOMASSEN, Sethian Names in Magical Texts: Protophanes and Meirotheos, 63-77; W.-P. FUNK, «Third Ones and Fourth Ones»: Some Reflections on the Use of Indefinite Ordinals in Zostrianos, 79-87; L. PAINCHAUD, Le quatrième écrit du codex Tchacos: les livres d’Allogène et la tradition littéraire séthienne, 89-104; B.A. PEARSON, The Book of Allogenes (CT,4) and Sethian Gnosticism, 105-116; M. SCOPELLO, The Temptation of Allogenes (Codex Tchacos, Tractate IV), 117-137; V.H. DRECOLL, Martin Hengel and the Origins of Gnosticism, 139-165; R.M. BERCHMAN, Arithmos and Kosmos: Arithmology as an Exegetical Tool in the De opificio mundi of Philo of Alexandria, 167-198; A. PASQUIER, Parole intérieure et parole proférée chez Philon d’Alexandrie et dans l’Évangile de vérité (NH I,3), 199-208; J.-D. DUBOIS, Remarques sur la cohérence des Extraits de Théodote, 209-223; H. LUNDHAUG, Evidence of «Valentinian» Ritual Practice? The Liturgical Fragments of Nag Hammadi Codex XI (NHC XI,2a- e), 225-243; A. MARJANEN, A Salvific Act of Transformation or a Symbol of Defilement? Baptism in Valentinian Liturgical Readings (NHC XI,2) and in the Testimony of Truth (NHC IX,3), 245-259; D.M. BURNS, «The Garment Poured its Entire Self over Me»: Christian Baptismal Traditions and the Origins of the Hymn of the Pearl, 261-273; J. VAN OORT, Alexander of Lycopolis, Manichaeism and Neoplatonism, 275-283; A.D. DECONICK, Crafting Gnosis: Gnostic Spirituality in the Ancient New Age, 285-305. Part II. Crossing Boundaries: Gnosticism and Platonism: K. CORRIGAN, The Symposion and Republic in the Mystical Thought of Plotinus and the Sethian Gnostics, 309-327; Z. MAZUR, «Those Who Ascend to the Sanctuaries of the Temples»: The Gnostic Context of Plotinus’ First Treatise, 1.6[1], On Beauty, 329-368; T. RASIMUS, Johannine Background of the Being-Life-Mind Triad, 369-409; J.-M. NARBONNE, The Neopythagorean Backdrop to the Fall (σφάλμα/νεῦσις) of the Soul in Gnosticism and its Echo in the Plotinian Treatises 33 and 34, 411-425; M. TARDIEU, Écho et les antitypes, 427-441; L. BRISSON, Plotinus and the Magical Rites Practiced by the Gnostics, 443-458; L. FERRONI, Where Did Matter Appear From? A Syntactic Problem in a Plotinian anti- Gnostic Treatise, 459-463; A. CORNEA, Plotinus, Epicurus, and the Gnostics: On Plotinian Classification of Philosophies, 465-484; J. DILLON, Plotinus and the Vehicle of the Soul, 485-496; M.A. WILLIAMS, Life and Happiness in the ‘Platonic Underworld’, 497-523; S. SLAVEVA-GRIFFIN, Trial by Fire: An Ontological Reading of Katharsis, 525-542; G. BECHTLE, «Harmonizing» Aristotle’s Categories and Plato’s Parmenides before the Background of Natural Philosophy, 543-568; M. EDWARDS, Christians against Matter: A Bouquet for Bishop Berkeley, 569-580; B. GLEEDE, Proclus against the Gnostics? Some Remarks on a Subtle Allusion in the Timaeus- Commentary concerning Caves and Cages, 581-594; A. LERNOULD, Imagination and Psychic Body: Apparitions of the Divine and Geometric Imagination according to Proclus, 595-607; J. BREGMAN, Neoplatonizing Gnosticism and Gnosticizing Neoplatonism in the «American Baroque», 609-629. Indexes, 631-701]. GRÜNSTÄUDL W., Petrus Alexandrinus. Studien zum historischen und theologischen Ort des zweiten Petrusbriefes (WUNT. 2. R., 353), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2013, pp. xii+363. [Vorwort, vii-viii. 1. Konturen: 1.1. Die Ortlosigkeit des 2 Petr, 1-5; 1.2. Zielsetzung, Methodik und Aufbau der Untersuchung, 5-8; 1.3. Pseudepigraphie und zentrale literarische Verbindungen, 9-41; 1.4. Annäherungen an einen terminus ad quem, 42-87; 1.5. Zusammenfassung: Konturen des Untersuchungsraums, 87-88. 2. Petrus Apocryphus: 2.1. Das Kerygma Petri, 90-97; 2.2. Die Apoklaypse des Petrus, 97-144; 2.3. Das Evangelium des Petrus, 144-147; 2.4. Die Akten des Petrus, 147-156; 2.5. Die Pseudoclementinen, 157-165; 2.6. Die Apokalypse des Petrus (NHC VII,3), 165-181; 2.7. Petrus Apocryphus: Zusammenfassung, 181-186. 3. Petrus Receptus: 3.1. Rezeption des 2 Petr vor Justin, 187-205; 3.2. Justin der Märtyrer und 2 Petr, 206-226; 3.3. Rezeption des 2 Petr nach Justin, 226-232; 3.4. Petrus Receptus: Zusammenfassung, 232-233. 4. Petrus Alexandrinus: 4.1. Einführung, 234-236; 4.2. Clemens von Alexandrien, 236-286. Ergebnisse und Impulse, 287-295. Literaturverzeichnis, 297-330. Stellenregister, 331-351; Autorenregister, 352-357; Sachregister, 358-363]. HARL M., Voix de louange. Les cantiques bibliques dans la liturgie chrétienne, avec la collaboration de B. MEYNADIER et A. PIETROBELLI (Anagôgê), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2014, pp. 358. [Avant-Propos, 9-16. Première Partie. Présentation des quatorze cantiques joints au Psautier de l’Alexandrinus: 1. Le codex Alexandrinus et son psautier (A. PIETROBELLI), 19-30; 2. La liste des quatorze cantiques, 31-37; 3. Texte grec et traduction des quatorze cantiques, 39-42. Les quatorze cantiques: 1. Ode de Moïse dans l’Exode, 44-47; 2. Ode de Moïse dans le Deutéronome, 48-57; 3. Prière d’Anna mère de Samuel, 58-61; 4. Prière d’Isaïe, 62-65; 5. Prière de Jonas, 66-67; 6. Prière d’Habacuc, 68-73; 7. Prière d’Ézéchias, 74-77; 8. Prière de Manassé, 78-81; 9. Prière d’Azarias, 82-85; 10. Hymne des trois enfants, 86-91; 11. Prière de Marie mère de Dieu, 92-93; 12. Prière de Syméon, 94-95; 13. Prière de Zacharie, 96-97; 14. Hymne du matin, 98-101; Ode d’Isaïe (Chant de la vigne), 102- 103; Note sur les illustrations hors-texte, 105-106. Deuxième Partie. Description des quatorze cantiques: 4. Les chants insérés dans la Bible (MEYNADIER), 109-121; 5. L’organisation de la prière chrétienne avec psaumes et cantiques, 123-137; 6. Genres littéraires, traits poétiques et liturgiques, 139-154; 7. Les personnages bibliques, modèles de vie et témoins de la foi dans le Dieu des Hébreux, 155-162; 8. La visée théologique du recueil chrétien: l’histoire du salut de l’un à l’autre Testament, 163-173. Troisième Partie. Enquête archéologique sur la

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composition du recueil: 9. Les listes d’Odes chez les rabbins et chez Origène, 177-190; 10. Les listes d’Hébreux «sauvés» dans la Bible et le judaïsme, 191-204; 11. Les listes de prières bibliques dans le traité d’Origène Sur la prière, 205-210; 12. L’usage chrétiens de prières synagogales dans les Constitutions Apostoliques: l’exemple de la prière en VII, 37, 211-223. Quatrième Partie. Vers l’achèvement d’une liste liturgique complète: 13. Les pladoyers épiscopaux du IVe siècle, grecs et latins, en faveur du chant dans prière liturgique, 227-241; 14. Le clivage entre Grecs et Latins à propos du «Chant de la vigne» (Is 5), 243-249; 15. Le sermon de Nicéta de Rémésiana et sa liste de 9 cantiques, 251-278; 16. Le problème chronologique posé par la coïncidence entre la liste de Nicéta et les 9 cantiques du canon byzantin, 279-285; 17. Les prières d’Ézéchias et de Manassé, pièces «supplémentaires» dans le recueil de l’Alexandrinus?, 287-294; 18. La clôture du recueil par l’«Hymne du matin» (B. MEYNADIER), 295-312; 19. La postérité de l’Alexandrinus et la question de son origine (A. PIETROBELLI), 313-325. Conclusion et prolongements, 327-340. Bibliographie, 341-354]. Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus → 28. Gerolamo In Defence of Christianity. Early Christian Apologists, ed. by J. ENGBERG, A.-C. JACOBSEN, J. ULRICH (Early Christianity in the Context of Antiquity, 15), Peter Lang Edition, Frankfurt am Main 2014, pp. xi+263 (= In Defence of Christianity. Early Christian Apologists). [J. ENGBERG, A.-C. JACOBSEN, J. ULRICH, Apology in Context, vii-xi. Part I. Introduction: J. ULRICH, Apologists and Apologetics in the second century, 1-32. Part II. The early Christian Apologists: N.A. PEDERSEN, Aristides, 35-49; J. ULRICH, Justin Martyr, 51-66; R. FALKENBERG, Tatian, 67-79; A.-C. JACOBSEN, Athenagoras, 81-100; J. ENGBERG, Theophilus, 101-124; A. KLOSTERGAARD PETERSEN, Heaven-borne in the world: A study of the Letter to Diognetus, 125-138; J. HYLDAHL, Clement of Alexandria: Paganism and its positive significance for Christianity, 139-157; N. WILLERT, Tertullian, 159-183; S.E. MATHIASSEN, Minucius Felix, Octavius, 185-198. Part III. Contemporary Greco-Roman authors regarding Christians and Christianity: J. ENGBERG, Condemnation, criticism and consternation: Contemporary pagan authors’ assessment of Christians and Christianity, 201-227; J. ENGBERG, P.M. FRITZ, R.B.N. HANSEN, J. MØLLER LARSEN, 229-235. Part IV. Eusebius’ use of early apologists in the Ecclesiastical History: M. VERDONER, The defenders of Christianity in the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, 239-251. Bibliography, 253-263]. In the Footsteps of Sherlock Holmes. Studies in the Biblical Text in Honour of Anneli Aejmelaeus → 4. LXX KELHOFFER J.A., Conceptions of “Gospel” and Legitimacy in Early Christianity (WUNT, 324), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2014, pp. xxiii+400. LIMONE V., La chiesa preesistente. La πρώτη ἐκκλησία nel cristianesimo giudaico ed alessandrino dei primi tre secoli, Firmana 22 (2013) 81-99. [La spada e la sposa: la chiesa di Pietro e la chiesa di Giovanni. Πρώτη ἐκκλησία: la donna anziana. La Gerusalemme celeste: le età della chiesa. Ἡ ἄνω ἐκκλησία: il mondo che illumina]. Literature or Liturgy? Early Christian Hymns and Prayers in their Literary and Liturgical Context in Antiquity, ed. by C. LEONHARD and H. LÖHR (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament. 2. Reihe, 363), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2014, pp. vii+222. [C. LEONHARD–H. LÖHR, Preface, v-vi. R. BRUCKER, «Songs», «Hymns», and «Encomia» in the New Testament, 1-14. N. JANOWITZ, Water, Word, and Name: The Shifting Pragmatics of the Sotah/Suspected Adulterers Ritual, 15-31. D.K. FALK, Material Aspects of Prayer Manuscripts at Qumran, 33-87. S. SCHREIBER, Can Wisdom be Prayer? Form and Function of the Psalms of Solomon, 89-106. M. RAND, Fundamentals of the Study of Piyyut, 107-125. D. PRALON, Les hymnes grecs païens de l’époque hellénistique et romaine, 127-155. H. LÖHR, What can we know about the Beginnings of Christian Hymnody?, 157-174. C. LEONHARD, Which Hymns were sung in Ancient Christian Liturgies?, 175-194. G. ROUWHORST, Hymns and Prayers in the Apocryphal Acts of Thomas, 195-212. Index of modern authors, 213-218; Index of subjects and sources, 219-222]. La littérature des questions et réponses dans l’antiquité profane et chrétienne: de l’enseignement à l’exégèse. Actes du séminaire sur le genre des questions et réponses tenu à Ottawa les 27 et 28 septembre 2009, édités par M.-P. BUSSIÈRES (Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaevalia, 64), Brepols, Turnhout 2013, pp. vii+314 (= La littérature des questions et réponses dans l’antiquité profane et chrétienne). [M.-P. BUSSIÈRES, De l’enseignement à l’exégèse et à rebours. Préface aux actes du séminaire sur le genre des questions et réponses tenu à Ottawa les 27 et 28 septembre 2009, v-vii. La littérature apocryphe et l’échange éducatif / Apocryphal literature and educational dialogue: V.K. ROBBINS, Questions and Answers in Gospel of Thomas, 3-36; M. KALER, Just How Close Are the Gnostic Revelation Dialogues to Erotapokriseis Literature, Anyway?, 37-49; T. PETTIPIECE, Coptic Answers to Manichaean Questions: The Erotapocritic Nature of the Kephalaia, 51-61. La figure du maître / The master’s persona: R.M. EDWARDS, The Rhetoric of Authority: The Nature of Revelation in the First Apocalypse of James, 65-79; P. FLEURY, La question rhétorique: exploration

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d’un genre didactique chez les Rhetores latini minores, 81-89. Transformations et réécritures / Transformations and Rewritings: P. PIOVANELLI, Entre oralité et (ré)écriture: le modèle des erotapokriseis dans les dialogues apocryphes de Nag Hammadi, 93-103; M.-P. BUSSIÈRES, Le genre des questions et réponses encouragerait-il à l’autocorrection? L’exemple des réécritures dans les Questions de l’Ambrosiaster, 105-120; C. MACÉ, Les Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem d’un Pseudo-Athanase (CPG 2257). Un état de la question, 121-150. Les quaestiones du IVe au Ve siècle / The quaestiones in the 4th and 5th centuries: R. BHOLA, Dating Eusebius’ Quaestiones ad Stephanum, 153-176; J.-N. GUINOT, Les Questions sur l’Octateuque et les Règnes de Théodoret de Cyr: œuvre originale ou simple compilation?, 177-214; J.F. PETRUCCIONE, The Audience of Theodoret’s Questions on the Octateuch, 215-239; C. ZAMAGNI, Is the Question-and-Answer Literary Genre in Early Christian Literature a Homogeneous Group?, 241-268. Postérité / Posterity: Y. PAPADOGIANNIS, Didacticism, Exegesis, and Polemics in pseudo-Kaisarios Erotapokriseis, 271-289; T. SCHMIDT, Jeux de réponses et programme didactique dans les Commentaires de Basile le Minime aux Discours de Grégoire de Nazianze, 291-305. Indices: Index rerum, 307-310; Index personarum, 310-311]. MONACI CASTAGNO A., Egitto, deserto, città: rappresentazioni e trasformazioni fra III e IV secolo, in Itinerari mediterranei fra IV e IX secolo, a cura di B. ASTRUA, Accademia University Press, Torino 2013, 55-68. [«In questa relazione affronterò il tema della rappresentazione del rapporto deserto-città cercando di mettere in luce le trasformazioni cui essa è oggetto fra III e IV secolo, attraverso alcuni autori esemplificativi: Origene di Alessandria, Atanasio vescovo di Alessandria, Gerolamo. Nella mia esposizione cercherò di tenere presente tre piani distinti: la percezione soggettiva dello spazio geografico di cui parla l’autore, percezione che dipende dalla sua posizione sociale e istituzionale; la forza plasmante della Bibbia, il grande codice al di fuori del quale nulla può essere pensato ma che nello stesso tempo è il luogo ove tutte le trasformazioni culturali cercano le proprie radici; infine la rimodellizzazione del paesaggio alla luce delle mutate condizioni storiche» (p. 55)]. Monotheistische Denkfiguren in der Spätantike, Herausgegeben von A. FÜRST, L. AHMED, C. GERS-UPHAUS und S. KLUG (Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum, 81), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2013, pp. viii+293. [Vorwort, v. C. GERS-UPHAUS – S. KLUG, Die Debatte über den Monotheismus. Einleitung, 1-6. A. FÜRST, Die Rhetorik des Monotheismus im Römischen Reich. Ein neuer Zugang zu einem zentralen historischen Konzept, 7-32. L. AHMED, Das monotheistische Gottesbild als Konversionsmotiv? Christliche Apologeten der Antike erzählen von ihrer Bekehrung, 33-53. C. MÜLLER, Aggressiver Polytheismus? Monotheismus als (k)ein Thema in frühen christlichen Märtyrerakten, 55-81. C. GERS-UPHAUS, Rhetorik des Monotheismus in der Oratio ad Graecos Tatians, 83-93. A. VILLANI, Tertullianische Variationen zum Thema Monotheismus, 95-114. C. BRUNS, Überlegungen zum Subordinatianismus in der Trinitätslehre des Origenes, 115-128. J. SAUER, Eine Anthropologie der Erkenntnis in Laktanz’ Argumentation für den Monotheismus, 129-144. S. STÖCKLIN-KALDEWEY, Göttliche Hierarchie und Aufgabenteilung bei Kaiser Julian, 145-161. N. HÖMKE, Pater rerum und dreieiniger Gott. Die Prädikation des einen Gottes in den Versus paschales des Ausonius, 163-177. T. FUHRER, Augustins Modellierung des manichäischen Gottesbildes in den Confessiones, 179-195. P. LÖTSCHER, Varro in der lateinischen Apologetik und der pagane Monotheismus, 197-213. G.F. CHIAI, Die Ortsgebundenheit des Göttlichen bei Macrobius, 215-242. I. TANASEANU-DÖBLER, «Alles, was am Einen teilhat, ist Eins und Nicht-Eins». Zur Darstellung des Göttlichen in der Elementatio theologica des Proklos, 243-267. Verzeichnis der Autorinnen und Autoren, 269-270. Register, 271-293]. MORLET S., Christianisme et philosophie. Les premières confrontations (Ier-VIe siècle), Le livre de poche, Paris 2014, pp. 260. [Préface, 7-19. Note sur les traductions, 19. Ch. I. Le christianisme contre la philosophie, 21-46. Ch. 2. La philosophie contre le christianisme, 47-78. Ch. 3. Le christianisme, «vraie philosophie». La rationalité du christianisme, 79-101. Ch. 4. La philosophie, introduction au christianisme, 103-128. Ch. 5. La relecture chrétienne de la philosophie, 129-167. Ch. 6. Le christianisme a-t-il influencé la philosophie antique?, 169- 193. Conclusion, 195-201. Repères chronologiques, 203-205; Répertoire des auteurs chrétiens cités, 207-221; Bibliographie, 223-248; Index, 249-258]. NIEHOFF M.R., Commentary Culture in the Land of Israel from an Alexandrian Perspective, Dead Sea Discoveries 19 (2012) 442-463. [Abstract: «This article investigates the development of commentary culture in the Land of Israel from an Alexandrian perspective. While both the rabbis and the exegetes at Qumran developed forms of systematic commentary, they differ in important respects. I argue that there are significant similarities between rabbinic exegesis and the commentary culture of Alexandria, both Homeric and biblical, while Qumranic exegesis can be characterized as prophetic. The Alexandrians and the rabbis explained their canonical text from within itself and appreciated it as a literary work. This implies that a human author with a distinct style is assumed and that problems of contradictions as well as verisimilitude are explicitly addressed. The particular form of rabbinic exegesis, which is novel in the Land of Israel, thus seems to have resulted from a lively engagement with Hellenistic culture. In Qumran, on the other hand, prophetic forms of commentary were prevalent. The

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exegete does not inquire into the biblical text from within itself, but assumes prophetic authority, which enables him to reveal the “secrets” of the text and gain direct access to God’s wisdom. Biblical lemmata are directly applied to contemporary events, while textual problems or literary questions are not explicitly addressed»]. Oracoli, visioni, profezie. L’Egitto da Alessandro il Grande all’Alto Medioevo = SMSR 79/1 (2013) 13-151. [P. BUZI, Introduzione, 15-25. E.M. CIAMPINI, Oracoli e regalità a Napata, 26-46. G. CAPRIOTTI VITTOZZI, Lampade e visioni. Forme oracolari di origine egizia, 47-59. M. ZECCHI, Horo-sema-tawy-pa-khered, che predice (sr) ciò che accadrà, 60-74. M. BETRÒ, Letteratura profetica e opposizione politica nei primi secoli dell’Egitto romano. Storia di un’assenza?, 75-90. S. PERNIGOTTI, Qualche osservazione in tema di domande oracolari, 91-102. R. WESTALL, Monks as Philosophers and Oracles in Late Antique Egypt, 103-122. A. DELATTRE, L’oracle de Kollouthos à Antinoé. Nouvelles perspectives, 123-133. G. AGOSTI, La Visione di Doroteo. Paideia classica ed esperienza visionaria nell’Egitto tardoantico, 134-151]. Origenist Textualities, ed. by J. SCHOTT → 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene PANCERZ R.M., Christian towards Material Goods. Reflection of the Alexandrian School from Clement to Didymus the Blind, Vox Patrum 32/57 (2012) 483-492 (pol.). [Summary: «The article presents how three great Alexandrian writers (Clemens, Origen and Didymus the Blind) estimated possession of material wealth (...)»]. PEVARELLO D., The Sentences of Sextus and the Origins of Christian Asceticism (Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum, 78), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2013, pp. xii+248. [Preface, vii-xii. Introduction: The golden cup of Babylon, 1-7. Ch. 1. The Sentences of Sextus: Reception and Interpretation, 9-59. Ch. 2. Sextus and sexual morality: castration, celibacy and procreation, 60-97. Ch. 3. Sages without property: the example of Sext. 15-21, 98-132. Ch. 4. Wordiness, brevity and silence in Sextus, 133-165. Ch. 5. The social life of the ascetic sage, 166-202. Conclusion, 203-210. Bibliography, 211-222. Reference index, 223-239; Author index, 240-243; Subject index, 244-248]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena (VigChr.S, 120), Brill, Leiden-Boston 2013, pp. xx+890. [1. The roots of the doctrine of apokatastasis, 1-221. 2. Origen’s first followers in Alexandria and the East, and his first «detractors», 223-277. 3. Origen’s apologists and followers, the Cappadocians, Evagrius, the Antiochenes, and Fourth-Century Latin Origenians, 279-658. 4. From Augustine to Eriugena. Latin, Greek and Syriac receptions of Origen’s apokatastasis theory, 659-815. By way of conclusion: the main features of the Christian apokatastasis theory from the New Testament to Eriugena, and its theological significance, 817- 826. Ancient authors and sources index, 827-870. Modern authors index, 871-882. Subject index, 883-890]. –, Harmony between Arkhê and Telos in Patristic Platonism and the Imagery of Astronomical Harmony Applied to Apokatastasis, The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 7 (2013) 1-49. [1. Harmony as a protological and eschatological principle in three Patristic Platonists: 1.1. Origen; 1.2. Gregory of Nyssa; 1.3. Evagrius. 2. Origen, Gregory, and Plotinus. 3. Eschatological harmony in an astronomical metaphor discovered in Evagrius KG 3.60 and its indebtness to Plato. 4. Conclusion. – Abstract: «This study investigates the idea of harmony as a protological and eschatological principle in three outstanding Patristic philosophers, well steeped in the Platonic tradition: Origen, Gregory Nyssen, and Evagrius. All of them attached an extraordinary importance to harmony, homonoia, and unity in the arkhē and, even more, in the telos. This ideal is opposed to the disagreement/dispersion of rational creatures’ acts of volition after their fall and before the eventual apokatastasis. These Christian Platonists are among the strongest supporters of the final universal restoration. Their reflection on the unity-multiplicity dialectic, which parallels that between harmony and disorder/discord/dissonance, is informed by the Platonic tradition. In Gregory, the idea of harmony assumes musical connotations, especially in relation to the telos. In this connection, I examine the relationship between their notion of harmony in the arkhē and telos and Plotinus’ concept of harmony. Plotinus was well known to Gregory, the author of a Christianized version of Plato’s Phaedo in which apokatastasis is prominent. Origen, whose readings included many Middle-Platonic and Neo-Pythagorean texts, in Alexandria attended the classes of the “proto-Neoplatonist” Ammonius, who was also Plotinus’ teacher. A wide-ranging methodical investigation of the relation between Origen’s and Plotinus’ philosophical thoughts is still a notable desideratum. Finally, I concentrate on the concept of harmony in astronomy as a metaphor for intellectual harmony and apokatastasis in Patristic Platonism, especially in Evagrius’ Kephalaia Gnōstika. The noun apokatastasis was used in an astronomical sense, and employed in Stoicism for the conclusion of a cosmic cycle. Evagrius, who loved astronomical metaphors, focussed a kephalaion on a wordplay – which escaped Guillaumont and all other scholars – concerning the astronomical meaning of apokatastasis, thus embedding his theory of the eventual restoration in an allegorical framework that rests on a notion of astronomical harmony. A strong case is made in this connection that

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Evagrius was elaborating on Plato’s pivotal link between cosmological (astronomical) and intellectual harmony, and was aware that the Stoic theory of cosmological apokatastasis drew on Plato»]. SCHIRONI F., Greek Commentaries, Dead Sea Discoveries 19 (2012) 399-441. [Abstract: «This article provides an overview of the genre of “commentary” in ancient Greece. I will first briefly discuss ancient Greek scholarship and, above all, its sources and the issues that modern scholars have to face when dealing with them. Next, I will focus on the physical appearance of Greek commentaries (hypomnemata), and then I will survey some of the most important contents of ancient exegesis (intralingual translations, variant readings, questions about myths, geography and realia, authenticity of lines and entire texts, style and poetics, specific interests of some commentators). Finally, I will highlight the differences between commentaries on literary texts and commentaries on scientific texts and will focus on the two most important legacies ancient Greek commentators left to biblical and Christian exegetes: the allegorical reading and the principle that the words of an author must be interpreted in terms of the author’s words themselves»]. SCHWAB A., Thales von Milet in der frühen christlichen Literatur. Darstellungen seiner Figur und seiner Ideen in den griechischen und lateinischen Textzeugnissen christlicher Autoren der Kaiserzeit und Spätantike (Studia Praesocratica, 3), De Gruyter, Berlin-Boston 2012, pp. 406. [Vorwort, 7-9; Einleitung, 15. 1. Forschungsstand una Methode: 1.1. Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker (1903), 17-19; 1.2. Die Sammlung Traditio Praesocratica (2009), 19-21; 1.3. Forschungsansatz und Methode, 21-26; 1.4. Hinweise zur Benutzung, 26-27. 2. Textzeugnisse aus dem 2. und 3. Jahrhundert, 29: 2.1. Irenäus von Lyon (Th 145), 30-36; 2.2. Tatian (Th 176), 37-42; 2.3. Athenagoras (Th 186), 43-46; 2.4. Clemens von Alexandrien (Th 197-208), 47-74; 2.5. Hippolytos von Rom (Th 209-215), 75-91; 2.6. Tertullian (Th 216-222), 92-118; 2.7. Minucius Felix (Th 229), 119-128; 2.8. Hermias (Th 230), 125-128. 3. Textzeugnisse aus dem 4. Jahrhundert: 3.1. Laktanz (Th 254-258), 130-147; 3.2. Arnobius (Th 259), 148-154; 3.3. Eusebius von Cäsarea (Th 260-285), 155-199; 3.4. Pseudo-Justin (Th 291-292), 200-209; 3.5. Epiphanius von Salamis (Th 293), 210- 212; 3.6. Hieronymus (Th 304-308), 213-218; 3.7. Ambrosius (Th 309), 219-222; 3.8. Tyrannios Rufinos (Th 310), 223-228. 4. Textzeugnisse aus dem 5.,6. und 7. Jahrhundert, 229: 4.1. Augustinus (Th 311-316), 230-252; 4.2. Nemesios von Emesa (Th 323-324), 253-256; 4.3. Theodoret (Th 326-337), 257-293; 4.4. Kyrill von Alexandrien (Th 373-378), 294-311; 4.5. Sidonius Apollinaris (Th 385-389), 312-326; 4.6. Aponius (Th 338), 327-332; 4.7. Iohannes Malalas (Th 454-455), 333-337; 4.8. Isidor von Sevilla (Th 473-475), 338-344. 5. Zusammenfassung, 345: 5.1. Vom Kontext zum Diskursfeld, 346-347; 5.2. Faktoren für die Thales- Darstellung, 347-348; 5.3. Homogenität der Thales-Darstellungen?, 348-350; 5.4. Neue Perspektiven auf Thales, 350-351. 6. Literaturverzeichnis, 353-373. 7. Appendix: Tabelle zu den verwendeten Attributen in den Textzeugnissen, 375-385. Register, 387-406]. SPUNTARELLI C., Oratore divino. Linguaggio e rappresentazione retorica nella controversia tra Cappadoci e Anomei → 21. I Padri Cappadoci Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur – Philosophie, Herausgegeben von H. SENG und L.M. HOFFMANN → 27. Sinesio di Cirene Vangelo, trasmissione, verità. Studi in onore di Enrico Cattaneo nel suo settantesimo compleanno, a cura di A. BASTIT-KALINOWSKA e A. CARFORA (Oi christianoi. Nuovi studi sul cristianesimo nella storia. Sezione moderna/contemporanea, 15), Il pozzo di Giacobbe, Trapani 2013, pp. 354 (=Vangelo, trasmissione, verità. Studi in onore di Enrico Cattaneo). [A. CARFORA, Introduzione, 5-8. Collaboratori, 9-10. Scrittura e recezione: P. DI LUCCIO, Nomi di Gesù, 13- 24; S. BARBAGLIA, «Il nostro pane, quello di domani (sabato), donacelo oggi (venerdì)» (Mt 6,11). I risvolti ermeneutici del Vangelo ebraico secondo Matteo alla luce della testimonianza di san Girolamo, 25-50; C. PAGLIARA, Il simbolo nuziale in Osea 2,4-25, 51-72; D. MARAFIOTI, Testamentum-Diatheke, 73-112; C. GIRAUDO, Il quarto sacramento in cerca di nome. La liturgia alla luce della Scrittura, 113-120; A. BASTIT- KALINOWSKA, L’interprétation des actes et des paroles de Jésus dans les Lettres d’Ignace d’Antioche, 121-165. Chiesa e contesto storico: E. NORELLI, La testimonianza di Origene su Ignazio di Antiochia, 169-182; A. VILLANI, La rappresentazione dei ministeri negli scritti di Tertulliano, 183-193; A.V. NAZZARO, Costantino e la madre Elena nell’interpretazione politico-religiosa di Ambrogio di Milano, 195-217. Teologia patristica e moderna: E. DAL COVOLO, La testimonianza dei Padri della Chiesa e la trasmissione della fede nel mondo d’oggi, 221-234; D. BERTRAND, Le sujet d’attribution des énoncés bibliques: l’Anathématisme 4 de Cyrille d’Alexandrie, 235-245; N. SALATO, La Persona in Tommaso d’Aquino. Sondaggio critico a partire da Summa Theologiae I, q.29, a. 1, 247-254; G. GUGLIELMI, Storia e teologia. L’apporto di B. Lonergan, 255-261. Spiritualità: PH. LUISIER, Paul de Thamma, Lettre sur la cellule. Une traduction française, 265-283; F. ASTI, Sull’esperienza mistica cristiana fra storia e teologia, 285-317. Enrico Cattaneo: A. BASTIT-KALINOWSKA, De la méthode à la vérité. l’œuvre d’Enrico Cattaneo, 321-326; A. BARRUFFO, P. Enrico Cattaneo S.I.: un itinerario,

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327-328. Curriculum studi di Enrico Cattaneo, 329. G. ISNARDI, Pubblicazioni del prof. Enrico Cattaneo sj, 331-341. Indice dei nomi, 343-348]. VINZENT M., Marcion and the Dating of the Synoptic Gospels (Studia Patristica. Supplement, 2), Peeters, Leuven- Paris-Walpole/MA 2014, pp. xi+353. [Introduction: Deduction from deductions, vii-xi. Ch. 1. Marcion, his Gospel and the Gospels in the Sources, 1-158. Ch. 2. Dating the Synoptic Gospels – the Status quaestionis, 159-214. Ch. 3. Redating the Gospels, 215- 276. Ch. 4. Marcion’s Gospel – An inspirational new literary genre, 277-282. Bibliography, 283-333. Index, 335-353]. ZAMAGNI C., Is the Question-and-Answer Literary Genre in Early Christian Literature a Homogeneous Group?, in La littérature des questions et réponses dans l’antiquité profane et chrétienne, 241-268. [1. Introduction. 2. Philo of Alexandria as forerunner. 3. Eusebius of Caesarea. 4. Ambrosiaster. 5. Jerome. 6. Augustine. 7. Eucherius of Lyons. 8. Pseudo-Justin and other anonymous works of the fifth century. 9, Theodoret of Cyrrhus. 10. Hesychius of Jerusalem. 11. How should we understand this genre in the fourth and fifth centuries? 12. Some observations about the classical genre. 13. Conclusive remarks. – Abstract: «The question-and-answer literature appears in a Christian milieu in the IVth century, with Eusebius of Caesarea and his Evangelical Questions. This text represents a new form of biblical exegesis, a form which will become common later on, for between the IVth and the Vth century, an important number of patristic works – a few dozen – will be written in the question-and-answer format, in Greek as well as in Latin. This body of works has always been perceived as homogeneous in secondary sources, who did not, however, question enough the characteristics composing the common basis of this group of erotapocritic texts. How can these characteristics be located and defined precisely in these works compared to the rest of patristic literature? And once the outlines of this corpus are delineated, how can we apply such a definition to other texts written in question- and-answer to other cultural contexts and times?» (pp. 267-268)]. 2. Ellenismo e cultura alessandrina DEPALMA DIGESER E., A Threat to Public Piety. Christians, Platonists, and the Great Persecution → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale ENGSTER D., Wissenschaftliche Forschung und technologischer Fortschritt in Alexandria, in Alexandria, 29-63. [1. Mathematik: Euklid. 2. Geographie: Eratosthenes, Ptolemaios. 3. Astronomie: Aristarch, Hipparch, Ptolemaios. 4. Medizin: Herophilos, Erasistratos. 5. Mechanik: Ktesibios, Philon, Heron. – «Zusammenfassend sei noch einmal die Frage nach Ziel und Zweck der Finanzierung der Forschung durch die Ptolomäer gestellt. Diese verfolgten sicherlich auch praktische Ziele. Verbesserte Kenntnisse der Astronomie und Geographie konnten für die Seefahrt genutzt werden. Die Unterstützung der Ingenieurwissenschaften diente militärischen Zielen. Die Forschungsförderung wurde zudem eben auch zum Zweck der Repräsentation betrieben. Eine besondere Konkurrenz bestand in dieser Hinsicht zu Pergamon. So wird berichtet, dass die Ptolemäer und Attaliden darum wetteiferten, wer mehr Bücher sein eigen nennen konnte. Dies führte nach Aussagen der Quellen zur Inflation der Buchpreise und auch zu vermehrten Fälschungen berühmter Werke. Die Abhängigkeit von der königlichen Patronage stellte jedoch gleichzeitig eine Gefahr dar. Die Ptolemäer verloren schließlich das Interesse an der Wissenschaft bzw. waren gezwungen, sich auf die Abwehr innerer und äußerer Feinde zu konzentrieren. Infolgedessen gingen die Aufwendungen zurück und viele Wissenschaften verließen Alexandria. Höhepunkt der Bedeutung Alexandrias als wissenschaftliches Zentrum war das 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr. gewesen» (pp. 62-63)]. MANOLEA C.-P., Possessed and Inspired: Hermias on Divine Madness, The International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 7 (2013) 156-179. [Possession. Divine madness. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Hermias of Alexandria (5th cent. A.D.) wrote down the lectures given on the Phaedrus by his teacher Syrianus, Head of the Neoplatonic School of Athens. In the preserved text the Platonic distinction of madness is presented in a Neoplatonic way. In the first section of the article we discuss Hermias’ treatment of possession. The philosopher examines four topics in his effort to present a Neoplatonic doctrine concerning possession. As he holds that divine possession is evident in all parts of the soul, he first argues that it is primarily applied to the one-in-the-soul. Secondly, he explains that possession is also applied to reason, opinion, imagination, thymos and desire, all the above being distinctive parts of the human soul, but not as important as the one-in-the-soul. The third issue he discusses is whether all causes of possession are identical to the divine. Then, Hermias examines the fact that possession is to be traced not only in the human soul but also in the statues. In the second section of the article Hermias’ analysis of the four kinds of Platonic madness is presented. The philosopher first analyzes the interdependence between all four divine kinds of madness and then describes their function on two levels, inside and outside the soul. The function within the soul is richer and is realized in four fields: (a) the restoration of the soul after

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its fall, (b) the restoration of the human being as a whole, (c) the Pythagorean mathematical system and (d) the logic processes. The function outside the soul deals with the manifestations of the soul in human society. Under this perspective, Hermias clearly proposes an original classification of the kinds of madness, on the basis of which we encounter poetic madness. After that follow the madness of the seer, the telestic madness, and the madness of love. The whole analysis incorporates Platonic, Aristotelian, Pythagorean and theurgic elements that cover the fields of psychology, logic and metaphysics»]. NESSELRATH H.-G., Das Museion und die Große Bibliothek von Alexandria, in Alexandria, 65-88. [1. Was ist ein ‘Museion’? 2. Museia vor dem alexandrinischen Museion. 3. Von Athen nach Alexandria: Die Begründung des Museion und der Großen Bibliothek durch Demetrios von Phaleron und König Ptolemaios I. 4. Einrichtung und Ausstattung des Museion. 5. Das Museion und die Große Bibliothek: Verschiedene Institutionen oder Zusammengehörig? 6. Wie groß war die Große Bibliothek? 7. Eine bewegte Geschichte (I): Museion und Große Bibliothek bis zum Ende der Ptolemäerherrschaft. 8. Eine bewegte Geschichte (II): Museion und Große Bibliothek in der römischen Kaiserzeit]. REITERER F.V., Zwischen Jerusalem und Alexandria – Alttestamentlicher Glaube im Umfeld hellenistischer Politik und Bildung → 3. Giudaismo ellenistico ROSKAM G., An unresolved crux in Hermias of Alexandria (In Phdr. 68.ii Couvreur), Mnemosyne 66 (2013) 473-476. SCHWEMER A.M., Zur griechischen und jüdischen Gründungslegende Alexandriens, in Alexandria, 175-192. [1. Gründer und Stadtgründungen in der Antike. 2. Alexandrias Gründung in der griechisch-römischen Literatur. 3. Die jüdische Alexanderüberlieferung. 4. Ergebnis]. TANASEANU-DÖBLER I., Philosophie in Alexandria – der Kreis um Ammonios Sakkas, in Alexandria, 109-126. [1. Einleitung. 2. Ammonios im Spiegel der Quellen. 3. Ammonios’ Schüler: 3.1. Die christlichen Theologen: Heraklas und Origenes; 3.2. Plotin und sein Netzwerk. 4. Schlussbetrachtung: Ammonios und die alexandrinische Philosophie. – «Der Blick auf Ammonios und seine Schüler beleuchtet einen isolierten, aber für die weitere Theologie- und Philosophiegeschichte bedeutenden Ausschnitt aus dem philosophischen Lehrbetrieb Alexandrias. Wir sehen hier einen Lehrer am Werk, der über seine Philosophie bekannt ist und wahrgenommen wird, hinter der seine religiöse Zugehörigkeit unerkennbar bleibt. Sein Schülerkreis, zu dem noch vor Plotins Zeit der Christ Origenes und Longin zählen, zeigt, dass Porphyrios’ Darstellung des Ammonios als unbekannten Außenseiter der alexandrinischen philosophischen Szene literarische Strategie für die Konstruktion der Konversionserzählung Plotins ist. Für Origenes ist Ammonios einfach “der Lehrer der philosophischen Wissenschaften”, die erste Adresse, an die man sich auf der Suche nach höherer Bildung wendet, für Plotin der gesuchte Erschließer der Philosophie. Die Akzente unterscheiden sich notwendigerweise: Origenes verteidigt seine philosophischen Interessen vor einem christlichen Publikum, während Porphyrios für Plotin die typische Konversion zur Philosophie in seinen idealen Bios integrieren muss» (pp. 123-124)]. WYSS B., Philon und die Pentas – Arithmologie als exegetische Methode → 7. Filone Alessandrino ZANGENBERG J.K., Fragile Vielfalt – Beobachtungen zur Sozialgeschichte Alexandrias in hellenistisch-römischer Zeit, in Alexandria, 91-107. [1. Methodische Vorbemerkung. 2. Die Griechen. 3. Die Ägypter. 4. Die Juden. 5. Die Ereignisse des Jahres 38 n. Chr. – «Zu Beginn der Kaiserzeit dürfte die Bewohnerschaft Alexandrias die Halb-Millionengrenze erreicht oder gar überschritten haben. Soziale Konflikte konnten dabei nicht ausbleiben. Sie waren Resultat der besonderen Geschichte und der rechtlichen Verfassung der Stadt. Ein bedeutender Faktor dabei war die Existenz weitgehend selbständig agierender, rechtlich unterschiedlich privilegierter und mit beträchtlichem Selbstbewußtsein ausgestatten Gruppen – zugleich Grundlage für die einzigartige, kreative Vielfalt Alexandrias wie auch Ferment ständiger sozialer und ethnischer Unruhen» (p. 91)]. 3. Giudaismo ellenistico BOIN D., Hellenistic «Judaism» and the Social Origins of the «Pagan-Christian» Debate, JECS 22 (2014) 167-196. [North Africa, the late second century and early third century. The two ‘paganus’ inscriptions. The mid- fourth century. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Why did Latin writers label non-Christians with a word that evoked lack of culture (paganus) while their Greek brethren used a word (Hellene) that connoted the finest education around? This article proposes that Christians who used the latter adopted it from the world of the late Second Temple period. In 2 Maccabees “Hellenism” is a straw man, used to contrast “real Judaism” with other Jews who were look down upon for acting “Greek”. This dynamic suggests a new model for understanding the rise of paganus. Living in the wake of the so-called Edict of Milan, some Christians believed that social separation and rejection of Rome were non-negociable aspects of Christian identity. Seeing themselves as heirs of Jewish tradition, embracing the legacy of the Maccabean martyrs who rejected aspects of Hellenistic culture, and

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writing in Greek, they adopted the word Hellene to disparage their more accomodating Christian peers. In Latin, the force of this argument was lost in translation, Drawing instead upon a tradition that divided “true Christian soldiers” from their more “civilian Christian peers”, Latin writers used paganus as a substitute. Hellene and pagan were thus deployed for similar ideological reasons throughout the fourth century: to draw lines in the sand between Christians over the issue of assimilation and accomodation»]. DOCHHORN J., Jüdisch-alexandrinische Literatur? Eine Problemanzeige und ein Überblick über diejenige Literatur, die potentiell dem antiken Judentum entstammt, in Alexandria, 285-312. [1. Einleitung. 2. Ein Überblick über die in Frage kommende Literatur: 2.1. Die Septuagintaübersetzung der im Tenakh erhaltenen Schriften; 2.2. Septuaginta-Sondergut; 2.3. Parabiblische Literatur; 2.4. Auctores Pseudo- Hellenistici; 2.5. Jüdische Autorenliteratur; 2.6. Spätantike Sach- und Gebrauchsliteratur mit jüdischem Einschlag; 2.7. Spolien; 2.8. Funde. – «Ich habe mich entschlossen, die Definition eines jüdisch-alexandrinischen Corpus unter Absehung von Philo nicht zu wagen. Allzu groß erscheint mir das Risiko, dass man auf diese Weise Literatur eindeutiger als angemessen, also falsch, verortet und dass überdies das alexandrinische Judentum überprofiliert wird, indem etwa Schriften ohne stärkeres philosophisches Interesse von vornherein nicht alexandrinisch sein sollten. Anstatt dessen wird hier ein wesentlich bescheideneres Anliegen verfolgt: Es soll ein Überblick über diejenige Literatur gegeben werden, in der nach jüdisch-alexandrinischem Material gesucht werden muss. Gemeint ist damit alles, was potentiell jüdische Literatur aus hellenistisch-römischer Zeit ist» (pp. 287-288). Il contributo non si sofferma né sulla Lettera di Aristea, né su Aristobulo, né sullo Pseudo-Filone]. KRATZ R.G., Elephantine und Alexandria – Nicht-biblisches und biblisches Judentum in Ägypten, in Alexandria, 193-208. [1. Herkunft und Identität. 2. Politischer Status. 3. Der Alltag. 4. Religion. 5. Literatur. 6. Schluss. – «Der Übergang vom nicht-biblischen zum biblischen Judentum dürfte fließend gewesen sein. Einschlägige Quellen fehlen, doch geht aus dem griechischen Prolog zum Sirachbuch hervor, dass es auch vor der Makkabäerzeit Versuche gab, die biblische Überlieferung zu popularisieren. Hierzu diente das hebräische Sirachbuch ebenso wie die griechische Übersetzung der biblischen Überlieferung, darunter auch des Sirachbuches, in Ägypten. Die griechische Übersetzung ermöglichte zugleich den Eintritt in den Diskurs um die hellenistische Kultur, an dem insbesondere die jüdische Diaspora in Alexandria einen wesentlichen Anteil hatte» (p. 208)]. NIEHOFF M.R., Jüdische Bibelinterpretation zwischen Homerforschung und Christentum, in Alexandria, 341-360. [1. Frühe jüdische Exegeten in Alexandria und Philons anonyme Kollegen. 2. Philon als alexandrinischer Exeget. 3. Ein anonymer jüdischer Exeget bei Kelsus. 4. Zusammenfassung und Schlussfolgerung. – «Drei wichtige Momente lassen sich erkennen. In der ersten Phase diskutieren Demetrius, Aristobulus und Aristeas die Legitimität der homerischen Forschung in den Bibelstudien und beginnen teilweise literarische Methoden anzuwenden, die dann besonders deutlich bei Philons anonymen Kollegen zu Tage treten. In der zweiten Phase reagiert Philon auf die schon vorhandene Synthese zwischen homerischen und biblischen Studien, indem er einen konservativeren Ansatz vorschlägt und literarische Probleme durch Allegorese löst. In der dritten Phase treffen wir auf die Anwendung textkritischer Methoden gegen das sich in Ägypten herauskristallisierende Christentum. Der bei Kelsus zitierte jüdische Autor illustriert somit eine neue Phase des antiken Judentums, welches das Christentum als eine separate Religion wahrnimmt und sich mit den traditionellen Mitteln der Hermeneutik ihm gegenüber neu zu definieren sucht» (p. 360)]. REITERER F.V., Zwischen Jerusalem und Alexandria – Alttestamentlicher Glaube im Umfeld hellenistischer Politik und Bildung, in Alexandria, 245-284. [1. Vorbemerkungen. 2. Das makedonische Königshaus. 3. Alexander der Große. 4. Alexander und die Perser. 5. Die Auswirkungen des Hellenismus für den Landanspruch. 6. Die hellenistische Wende. 7. Rückblick. – «Das hellenistische Konzept, grundgelegt durch Philipp und perfektioniert ab Alexander, bringt innerhalb des Griechentums teilweise grundlegende, oben dargestellte Neuerungen, wirkte auf die Israeliten dann bedrohlich, wenn man diese geistesgeschichtlichen Umwälzungen vom Standpunkt der eigenen Tradition und von den politischen Erfahrungen der früheren Zeiten aus sieht. Zu beachten ist jedoch, dass vor allem die in der Bildung der Hellenen erworbenen Haltungen und Verhaltensformen schon weit vor der alexandrinischen Wende im Orient bekannt und zum Teil akzeptiert worden sind» (p. 283)]. SCHÖPFLIN K., Die Hellenisierung der jüdischen Gottesbezeichnung. Ein Versuch anhand von Beobachtungen am spätbiblischen Buch Tobit, in Alexandria, 313-340. [1. Hebräische und frühjüdische Gottesbezeichnungen. 2. Griechische und hellenistische Gottesbezeichnung. 3. Das Buch Tobit. 4. Der Befund im Buch Tobit und der hellenistische Kontext. 5. Fazit. – «Durch die Übertragung hebräisch-aramäischen Schrifttums in die griechische Sprache werden diese Texte naturgemäß gräzisiert. Doch werden sie dabei zugleich auch hellenisiert. Am Beispiel der Gottesbezeichnungen im Tobitbuch ließ sich erkennen, dass die beiden hauptsächlich verwendeten Begriffe “Gott” und “Herr” auch im hellenistischen Umfeld gewiss zur mutmaßlichen Entstehungs- bzw. Bearbeitungszeit des Tobitbuches benutzt und dabei auf Götter und menschliche Herrscher gleichermaßen bezogen sein konnten. Diese Begriffe versehen die jüdischen Übersetzer

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des Tobitbuches jedoch konsequent mit dem Artikel oder kombinieren sie miteinander, um deutlich zu machen, dass es sich um den einen Gott handelt. Damit zeigen sie einerseits ihren Monotheismus und eine Universalisierung der Gottheit an, die sich mit griechischen philosophischen Strömungen berührt; andererseits weisen sie darauf hin, dass der eine Gott Herr ist und niemand anderer, weder irgendein anderer Gott oder Göttin noch ein menschlicher Herrscher» (pp. 339-340)]. SCHWEMER A.M., Zum Abbruch des jüdischen Lebens in Alexandria – Der Aufstand in der Diaspora unter Trajan (115-117), in Alexandria, 381-399. [1. Die Gründe fur den Ausbruch während des Partherkrieges. 2. Der Verlauf des Krieges und die Zerstörung der ländlichen Bezirke. 3. Die Vorgänge in Alexandria. 4. Zur Wirkungsgeschichte. – «Dass wir so wenig über die ersten (Juden)christen in Ägypten wissen, wird – aus heutiger Sicht – damit zusammenhängen, dass sie im Aufstand unter Trajan weitgehend dezimiert wurden. So wurde auf der einen Seite die reiche jüdische vorchristliche Literatur im Laufe des 2. Jahrhunderts von Heidenchristen übernommen und bewahrt, wir finden aber noch keinen direkten Einfluss alexandrinischer philologischer und philosophischer Bildung in den Schriften des Neuen Testaments – mit der einen Ausnahme in den Hinweisen auf den gebildeten, gebürtigen Alexandriner Apollos» (pp. 398-399)]. –, Zur griechischen und jüdischen Gründungslegende Alexandriens → 2. Ellenismo e cultura alessandrina SHON F.S., «Hellenistic Judaism» in the Works of Edwyn Robert Bevan → 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi 4. LXX La Bibbia dei Settanta. Opera diretta da P. SACCHI in collaborazione con L. MAZZINGHI: I. Pentateuco, Morcelliana, Brescia 2012, pp. 1022. [P. SACCHI, Premessa, 5-7. P. SACCHI, Introduzione storica ai LXX, 9-29; C. MARTONE, La questione filologica, 31-61; L. MAZZINGHI, Tradurre i LXX, 63-75; Bibliografia essenziale, 77-82; Indice delle abbreviazioni, 83-89; Nota alle trascrizioni dall’ebraico e dall’aramaico. Pentateuco (a cura di P. LUCCA): P. LUCCA, Prefazione al Pentateuco dei LXX, 93-99; Γένεσις, Genesi. Introduzione, traduzione e note a cura di E. SGIAROVELLO: Introduzione, 103-110; Testo greco e italiano,112-297. Ἔξοδος, Esodo. Introduzione, traduzione e note a cura di G. IBBA: Introduzione, 301-307; Testo greco e italiano, 310-467. Λευιτικόν, Levitico. Introduzione, traduzione e note a cura di P. LUCCA, 471-477; Testo greco e italiano, 480-607. Ἀριθμοί, Numeri. Introduzione, traduzione e note a cura di P. LUCCA, Introduzione, 611-617; Testo greco e italiano, 620-807. Δευτερονόμιον, Deuteronomio. Introduzione, traduzione e note a cura di C. TERMINI: Introduzione, 811-820; Testo greco e italiano, 822-1019]. In the Footsteps of Sherlock Holmes. Studies in the Biblical Text in Honour of Anneli Aejmelaeus, ed. by K. DE TROYER, T.M. LAW and M. LILIESTRÖM (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology, 72), Peeters, Leuven-Paris- Walpole/MA 2014, xvi+749 (= In the Footsteps of Sherlock Holmes. Studies in the Biblical Text in Honour of Anneli Aejmelaeus). [Preface: Notes of the Three, v-xi. Section One: The Septuagint. Origins and Translation: B.G. WRIGHT, Scribes, Translators, and the Formation of Authoritative Scripture, 3-29; J. SCHAPER, The Concept of the Translator(s) in the Contemporary Study of the Septuagint, 31-46; E. TOV, The Septuagint Translation of Genesis as the First Scripture Translation, 47-64; T. MURAOKA, Women Labouring, 65-78; J.A.L. LEE, Accuracy and Idiom: The Renderings of Mittahat in the Septuagint Pentateuch, 79-99; R. SOLLAMO, Renderings of the Hebrew in 1-4 Reigns, 101-116; R. WIRTH, Das Praesens historicum in den griechischen לפני Semipreposition Samuelbüchern, 117-132; B. LEMMELIN, The Greek Rendering of the Hebrew Hapax Legomena in LXX Proverbs and Job: A Clue to the Question of a Single Translator?, 133-151; M.N. VAN DER MEER, The Use and Non-Use of the Particle Οὖν in the Septuagint, 151-171; S. OLOFSSON, Does the Septuagint Translator speak about the End of Times? A Study of εἰς τὸ τέλος, σύνεσις and συνίημι, 173-193; A. VOITILA, Μέλλω -Auxiliary Verb Construction in the Septuagint, 195-216; A. VAN DER KOOIJ, To Settle and to Dwell: On Lexical Variations in the Old Greek of Isaiah, 217-228. Section Two: The Septuagint and the Versions. Textual Criticism and Textual History: J. TREBOLLE BARRERA, Textual Variants in Joshua – Kings Involving the Terms ‘People’ and ‘Israel’, 231-256; S. SIPILA, Old Latin Text of Josh 5:4-6 and Its Contribution to the Textual History of the Greek Joshua, 257-272; Z. TALSHIR, The Relationship between SAM-MT, 4QSAMA, and CHR and the Case of 2 SAM 24, 273-298; A. PIQUER OTERO – P. TORIJANO MORALES, Between the Search in the Word and the Asking to God. Two Mantic Verbs in the Textual History of Samuel-Kings, 299-330; P. HUGO, The Unique Messiah: A Tendency in Favour of David’s Kingship in the MT of Samuel, 331-351; C. SEPPÄNEN, David and Saul’s daughters, 353-364; J. JOOSTEN, Is There a Place for Conjectures in a Critical Edition of the Hebrew Bible? Reflections in Preparation of a Critical Text of 1 Kings, 365-375; J. PAKKALA, Yahweh, The sun-god, Wants a New Temple: Theological Corrections in 1Kgs 8:12-13/3Reg 8:53a, 377-390; S. KREUZER, Old Greek und Semi-kaige. Zur Frage hebraisierender Bearbeitung in den Nicht-kaige-Abschnitten der Samuel- und Königbücher, 391-416; A. KHARANAULI, The Georgian Translation of

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the Book of Isaiah and Aporiai of the Lucianic Recension, 417-436; J. LUST, Ezechiel in Symmachus: Textual Criticism, 437-450; C. COX, Does a Shorter Hebrew Parent Text Underline Old Greek Job?, 451-462; P.J. GENTRY, The Aristarchian Signs in the Textual Tradition of LXX Ecclesiastes, 463-478; H. AUSLOOS, Mal 3:22-24 (4:1-6) in the Hebrew and Greek: Some Remarks Concerning Its Function in the Canon, 479-491. Section Three: The Septuagint in New Testament and Christian Use: G.A. WALSER, Genesis 47:31 and Hebrews 11:21, 495-511; T. KAUHANEN, The Book of Kings as an Intertext of Revelation, 513-526; K. HAUSPIE, Ezechiel 2 dans la version de la Septante: Notes philologiques et patristiques, 527-537; R. CEULEMANS, Malachias the Monk on the Numerical Proverbs: Sources and Exegetical Tradition, 539-552. Section Four: The Septuagint in the Jewish Tradition: A. SALVESEN, The Tabernacle Accounts in the LXX Exodus and their Reception in Hellenistic Judaism, 555-571; R.A. KRAFT, Seeking ‘the Septuagint’ in a Scroll Dependent World, 573-582. Section Five: Hebrew Bible and Dead Sea Scrolls: M. NISSINEN, Since When Do Prophets Write?, 585-606; G.J. BROOKE, What is a Variant Edition? Perspectives from the Qumran Scrolls, 607-622; E. ULRICH, Intentional Variant Editions or Sporadic Isolated Insertions in 4QSAMa and the Masoretic Text?, 623-643; S. METSO, The Character of Leviticus Traditions at Qumran, 645-657; J. JOKIRANTA, Conceptualizing GER in the Dead Sea Scrolls, 659-677; H. VON WEISSENBERG, Defining Authority, 679-695. Bibliography, 697-749]. ADAMS S.A., Did Aristobulus Use the LXX for His Citations? → 5. Aristobulo ALBRECHT F., Die alexandrinische Bibelübersetzung. Einsichten zur Entstehungs- Überlieferungs- und Wirkungsgeschichte der Septuaginta, in Alexandria, 209-243. [1. Hinführung: 1.1. Die Septuaginta als Übersetzung; 1.2. Die Septuaginta als Kanon. 2. Überlieferungssituation und Editionsgeschichte: 2.1. Handschriften; 2.2. Editionen. 3. Die jüdischen Rezensionen. 4. Die christlichen Rezensiones: 4.1. Origenes; 4.2. Lukian und die lukianische Rezension. 5. Schluss. – «Die Septuaginta, das griechische Alte Testament, ist das aus rezeptionsgeschichtlicher Perspektive betrachtet wohl folgenschwerste Produkt alexandrinischen Geistes: Ihre Anfänge liegen in Alexandria, doch findet sie schnell im gesamten Mittelmeerraum Verbreitung. Die Septuaginta steht paradigmatisch für die Begegnung von Judentum und Hellenismus. Für das neue Testament ist sie von zentraler Bedeutung, für die frühe Christenheit schlicht ‘Die Heilige Schrift’. Auch die weitere Geschichte der Septuaginta steht maßgeblich, wenn auch indirekt, unter alexandrinischen Vorzeichen. Die bahnbrechenden Arbeiten des in Alexandria philologisch geschulten Origenes sind ein Markstein der weiteren Text- und Rezeptionsgeschichte» (p. 209)]. BENTEIN K., The Syntax of the Periphrastic Progressive in the Septuagint and the New Testament, NT 55 (2013) 168-192. [Abstract: «In this article, I discuss the use of the periphrastic progressive construction of εἰµί with present participle in the Septuagint and the New Testament. I argue that a broad distinction can be made between two main uses, called “durative progressive” and “focalized progressive”. In both cases, a number of syntactic frames can be specified in which the periphrastic construction occurs. I conclude the article by discussing the relationship between the Septuagintal and the New Testamental use of the periphrastic construction, arguing that while there are many similarities, this relationship should not be conceived of in terms of imitation, as some scholars have suggested»]. BORCHARDT F., The LXX Myth and the Rise of Textual Fixity, JSJ 43 (2012) 1-21. [Abstract: «This brief study investigates the desire for a fixed textual form as it pertains to Scripture in the Judean tradition. It particularly delves into this phenomenon in three early versions of the Septuagint origin myth. This paper argues that this myth is invaluable for the study of transmission and reception of Scripture, as it is one of the earliest testimonies to the desire for a scriptural text to be frozen. By highlighting the ways the author of the Letter of Aristeas, Philo, and Josephus deal with the issue of textual fixity in the origin myth, this study aims to elucidate the range of opinions held by Judeans concerning the process of transmission of their holy books»]. CEULEMANS R., Malachias the Monk as a Textual Critic of LXX Proverbs, in The Minor Genres of Byzantine Theological Literature, ed. by A. RIGO (Studies in Byzantine History and Civilization, 8), Brepols, Turnhout 2013, 67-85. CORRIGAN K.–GLAZOV G.Y., Compunction and Compassion: Two Overlooked Virtues in Evagrius of Pontus → 24. Evagrio GESUNDHEIT S., The Question of LXX Jeremiah as a Tool for Literary-Critical Analysis, VT 62 (2012) 29-57. [Abstract: «Those who disagree with the accepted theory that LXX reflects an ancient Hebrew version of Jeremiah usually point to the greater coherency of MT as proof of its primacy. This study shows the lack of coherency in MT, stemming from the complexity of the text from a literary-critical perspective, and attempts to answer the question of whether LXX can be used in the literary-critical analysis of MT. At least regarding the passage under discussion (Jer 25:1-14), this question must be answered in the negative. It appears that LXX reflects an adapted and “flattened” version of the text. Without the “rough” version found in MT, a

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version which preserves the tensions and the seams created in the course of the literary growth of the text, it would be likewise impossible to understand the lack of coherence found in LXX»]. GROSSI M., Il paradosso di un inciampo che acceca. Un’ipotesi su Giudici 11,35, Adamantius 19 (2013) 371-379. [1. Status quaestionis. 2. Storia del testo. Aspetti ed ipotesi. 3. Analisi del testo. 4. Σκῶλον. 5. Alcune somiglianze letterarie. 6. A mo’ di riepilogo. – Abstract: «This article deals with a new philological hypothesis concerning the biblical passage of Judges 11,35, so to provide motivations for the textual variances between the Codex Alexandrinus and the Codex Vaticanus, the latter showing accordance with the Masoretic Text. The different lection in the Alexandrinus could have derived from the twofold semantic range of the term σκῶλον, including both the concept of ‘stumbling block’ and that of ‘sharpened object’. This fluctuation could have determined the insertion of ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς μου in order to match the meaning of ‘sharpened object’ which prevailed, from a certain point onward, because of a similar literary syntagm in the Bible and in some classical authors. Instead, the interpretation of σκῶλον as ‘stumbling block’, together with the expunction of ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς μου, which sounds a later gloss, may provide a reading in agreement with the other witnesses»]. HARL M., Voix de louange. Les cantiques bibliques dans la liturgie chrétienne → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Deuxième Partie. Description des quatorze cantiques: 9. Les listes d’Odes chez les rabbins et chez Origène, 177-190. 11. Les listes de prières bibliques dans le traité d’Origène Sur la prière, 205-210]. LEE J.A.L., Accuracy and Idiom: The Renderings of Mittahat in the Septuagint Pentateuch, in In the Footsteps of Sherlock Holmes. Studies in the Biblical Text in Honour of Anneli Aejmelaeus, 79-99. .in later books מתחת Introduction. The data. Analysis. The rendering ἐκ τῆς ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανόν. Renderings of] .[The text of Num 5:20, 29. Conclusion .תחת Renderings of MARTONE C., La questione filologica, in La Bibbia dei Settanta. Opera diretta da P. SACCHI in collaborazione con L. MAZZINGHI, 31-61. [1. Il contesto storico: 1.1. Alessandro Magno; 1.2. La Giudea dopo Alessandro Magno; 1.3. Sotto i Tolomei (301-198 a.C.): la comunità di Alessandria. 2. Il nome. 3. Le revisioni (recensioni): 3.1. Aquila; 3.2. Simmaco; 3.3. Teodozione; 3.4. Proto-Teodozione; 3.5. Origene; 3.6. Dopo Origene. 4. Le teorie moderne sull’origine dei LXX. 5. L’importanza dei LXX per la critica del testo della Bibbia. 6. Bilancio provvisorio. 7. La lingua dei LXX. 8. La tradizione manoscritta]. MAZZINGHI L., Tradurre i LXX, in La Bibbia dei Settanta. Opera diretta da P. SACCHI in collaborazione con L. MAZZINGHI, 63-75. [1. Perché tradurre una traduzione? 2. I LXX: la scoperta di un testo biblico «diverso». 3. I LXX: ovvero alla scoperta del giudaismo alessandrino. 4. I «targumismi» dei LXX. 5. I LXX e il Nuovo Testamento. 6. I LXX: un testo ancora vivo]. MOLLO C., Is 51,9A: interpretazione problematica del testo ebraico. Studio sulle traduzioni greche e sulla Peshitta, SCO 59 (2013) 23-34. [Il testo ebraico di Is 51,9a e le sue due interpretazioni. L’accentazione masoretica. La LXX e le versioni greche. La Peshitta nei manoscritti 7a1 e 9a1. – «Il presente studio intende illuminare problemi di interpretazione di Is 51,9a emergenti dai testimoni della versione siriaca Peshitta. Si individuano sostanzialmente due modi di intendere la costruzione sintattica del versetto ebraico, a cui si conformano le diverse letture proposte dai mss siriaci 7a1, 9a1 e dalle Bibbie poliglotte di Parigi e Londra. La resa della LXX e delle altre versioni greche antiche, analogamente, oscilla, fornendo ulteriori conferme sulla presenza di difficoltà di interpretazione già in epoca antica. Tale problematicità, a nostro parere, deriva dall’ambiguità sintattica del testo ebraico» (p. 23)]. MURAOKA T., Luke and the Septuagint, NT 54 (2012) 13-15. [Abstract: «The choice of Greek words in two passages in the Lukan Gospel appears to suggest that the Evangelist was consciously drawing upon two OT passages in its Greek version, i.e. the LXX. This close dependence on the LXX was motivated by the thematic affinity between the Lukan passages and their respective LXX passages»]. –, Women Labouring, in In the Footsteps of Sherlock Holmes. Studies in the Biblical Text in Honour of Anneli Aejmelaeus, 65-78. [Eve. Rachel and Benjamin. Tamar and Judah. Leah and Rachel. Sarah. Hagar]. PERKINS L., The Greek Translator of Exodus: Interpres (Translator) and Expositor (Interpreter). His Treatment of Theophanies, JSJ 44 (2013) 16-56. [Abstract: «Scholars have noted the various strategies used in Greek Exodus to ensure conformity in the narrative with Yahweh’s warning (Exod 33:20) “No one shall see me and live”. Close examination of five when Yahweh is subject, and the rendering of the יעד theophanies”, the rendering of the Hebrew verb“

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Hebrew expression “see the face of Yahweh” indicates that the translator carefully communicated in the target text compliance of Moses and others with the principle expressed in Exod 33:20. In some cases the translator may be following a different Hebrew Vorlage, but in most cases the text suggests the translator shapes the Greek text to conform with the Exod 33:20 axiom. That this tendency occurs in at least three different types of situations within Greek Exodus indicates that the translator is both interpres and expositor»]. RILEY J., An Explanation for the Reading ἐν μέσῳ αὐτῆς in LXX-Jer 29:14 in Light of Dalet-Resh Interchange, VT 63 (2013) 433-439. [Abstract: «This article argues that in LXX-Jer 29, the rendering ἐν μέσῳ αὐτῆς “in her midst” suggests that .which the MT reads ,בצרה rather than בצדה the Greek translator had before him a true variant which read is supported by several other Greek versions. Furthermore, dalet-resh interchange is a בצדה The variant common phenomenon exhibited by LXX-Jer 29 and the parallel Hebrew texts»]. SACCHI P., Introduzione storica ai LXX, in La Bibbia dei Settanta. Opera diretta da P. SACCHI in collaborazione con L. MAZZINGHI, 9-29. [1. Generalia. 2. Il nome e le origini. 3. Le caratteristiche dei LXX di fronte al testo ebraico. 4. I LXX e il Nuovo Testamento. 5. I LXX nella chiesa delle origini. 6. La crisi dei LXX in seno alla chiesa d’Occidente: Agostino e Girolamo]. SCHAPER J., The Concept of the Translator(s) in the Contemporary Study of the Septuagint, in In the Footsteps of Sherlock Holmes. Studies in the Biblical Text in Honour of Anneli Aejmelaeus, 31-46. [1. Introduction. 2. «Translation technique» and «interlinear» translators... 3. The translators, their social milieux, and their methods. 4. Conclusions]. SCHÖPFLIN K., Die Hellenisierung der jüdischen Gottesbezeichnung. Ein Versuch anhand von Beobachtungen am spätbiblischen Buch Tobit → 3. Giudaismo ellenistico

.in 1-4 Reigns, in In the Footsteps of Sherlock Holmes לפני SOLLAMO R., Renderings of the Hebrew Semipreposition Studies in the Biblical Text in Honour of Anneli Aejmelaeus, 101-116. referring to לפני referring to living beings. Renderings ofלפני Introduction. The renderings of local] denoting ‘(Going) ahead of ’ andלפני something other than a living being. Renderings of intermediate .[Conclusions .לפני renderings of temporal SMIT SIBINGA J., On the Composition of Amos 1-2 LXX, VT 62 (2012) 416-432. [Abstract: «For an adequate and readily verifiable description of a given text a count of the number of its words is of essential value. This article on the literary composition of Amos 1-2 LXX uses this numerical aspect as a main criterion. It is found that the author-translator frequently balances small and larger segments of his text; he favours round figures and square numbers, achieves clear and simple proportions within his composition, such as, i.a., the golden mean, and so on. He is not only a capable translator, but throughout this passage shows himself a skilful and competent craftsman, ambitious and well trained in the numerical features of ancient literary composition»]. STIPP H.-J., Legenden der Jeremia-Exegese (I): Das eschatologische Schema im alexandrinischen Jeremiabuch, VT 64 (2014) 484-501. [Abstract: «The article examines the widely accepted theory that the Alexandrian edition of the book of Jeremiah, as represented by the Septuagint, is structured in line with the so-called “tripartite eschatological pattern”, a way of organizing prophetical books in three major sections: first, oracles of doom for Israel; second, oracles of doom for the nations; and third, oracles of salvation for Israel. The scrutiny concludes that the theory fails to give proper consideration to the preponderance of prophecies and descriptions of doom in part three of the Greek Jeremiah, chaps. 33-52 (Hebrew 26-45 + 52). Moreover, if indeed a redactor had wished to subject the book to the eschatological pattern, the material would have afforded him opportunities to arrange it in ways much more amenable to the pattern. Therefore, the theory should be abandoned. More probably, chaps. 26-45 + 46-49 + 50-51 in the Hebrew serve to illustrate the doom announced first on Judah, then on the foreign nations, and finally on Babylon in Jer 25:15-29»]. TOV E., The Septuagint Translation of Genesis as the First Scripture Translation, in In the Footsteps of Sherlock Holmes. Studies in the Biblical Text in Honour of Anneli Aejmelaeus, 47-64. [A. The Septuagint of Genesis uses an equivalent in the first chapters differing from equivalents used later in the book. B. The Septuagint of Genesis uses an equivalent that was not accepted in the later translation units. C. Summary. Table 1: Differences between the first and subsequent equivalents in Genesis; Table 2. Differences between the equivalents of Genesis and of the later books].

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TROTTER J.R., Another Stage in the Redactional History of the Bel Story (Dan 14:1-22): The Evidence of Polemic against Foreign Priests and the Focus on Daniel in the Old Greek, JSJ 44 (2013) 481-496. [Abstract: «It is the contention of this paper that a comparison between the Theodotion and Old Greek versions of the Bel narrative (Dan 14:1-22) gives indications about some specific stages of the textual history of the story. Many of the distinctive elements in the Old Greek story suggest that in its core narrative the Old Greek represents a more thoroughly modified version of the story and even a variant literary edition. In the Old Greek, evidence of the development of the Bel narrative can be seen in its very concentrated focus on (1) the deception of the priests of Bel and (2) the centrality and cunning of Daniel. Both of these emphases in the Old Greek are interconnected and, it will be argued, result in a more pronounced tension between Daniel and the priests of Bel as well as a concentration of control almost exclusively with Daniel in the Old Greek»]. WEEKS S., Restoring the Greek Tobit, JSJ 44 (2013) 1-15. [Abstract: «The modern consensus that the “Long” text of Tobit is earlier than the “Short” has brought about a paralysis in attempts to restore the Greek, with the very unsatisfactory text in Sinaiticus coming to serve as our de facto best effort. It is important to appreciate that the Long witnesses do not constitute a specific and coherent recension, capable of reconstruction in its own right, but are potentially miscellaneous texts, that happened individually to elude the two major revisions of the tradition. Original readings are preserved in both the revised and unrevised witnesses, and if we are to progress then we need to employ and evaluate all those witnesses. The paper ends with an attempt to reconstruct the original form of 4:7-19, which is lacking in Sinaiticus, as an illustration of the scope for such progress»]. WIRTH R., Das Praesens historicum in den griechischen Samuelbüchern, in In the Footsteps of Sherlock Holmes. Studies in the Biblical Text in Honour of Anneli Aejmelaeus, 117-132. [Die Verwendung des praesens historicum durch den Übersetzer. Das praesens historicum im Kaige- Abschnitt]. WRIGHT B.G., Scribes, Translators, and the Formation of Authoritative Scripture, in In the Footsteps of Sherlock Holmes. Studies in the Biblical Text in Honour of Anneli Aejmelaeus, 3-29. [Translation as reworking of Scripture. Examples of scribal interventions in the Septuagint. Redaction and rewriting. Translation as an authorizing activity]. 5. Aristobulo ADAMS S.A., Did Aristobulus Use the LXX for His Citations?, JSJ 45 (2014) 185-198. [Abstract: «This paper investigates the similarities and differences between Aristobulus’s fragments and the LXX to determine how close Aristobulus’s citations adhere to our LXX text. Having identified specific differences between the texts we will turn our attention to the question of whether or not the text as presented by Aristobulus provides evidence of the use of the LXX, of an alternate Greek version, or of a personal translation. Ultimately, after discussing Aristobulus’s citation technique and the nature of the cited text we will challenge some of the blanket claims of LXX use by scholars and call for greater nuance when discussing this issue»]. 6. Lettera di Aristea BORCHARDT F., The LXX Myth and the Rise of Textual Fixity → 4. LXX WRIGHT B.G., Scribes, Translators, and the Formation of Authoritative Scripture → 4. LXX [The translation of the Pentateuch and the Letter of Aristeas (pp. 21-28)]. 7. Filone Alessandrino 1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori 2. Edizioni e traduzioni 3. Miscellanee e raccolte 4. Studi ALBANO E., I silenzi delle Sacre Scritture. Limiti e possibilità di rivelazione del Logos negli scritti di Filone, Clemente e Origene → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [I Parte: I silenzi delle Scritture nell’opera di Filone di Alessandria: Introduzione, 51-52: Cap. 1. Ciò che il testo sacro non dice, 53-60; Cap. 2. Il θεῖος λόγος ed i χρησμοί: due realtà a confronto, 61-72; Cap. 3. Il limite della mediazione umana del divino: il livello dell’essere, 73-96; Cap. 4. Il limite della mediazione umana del divino: il livello del linguaggio, 97-149; Cap. 5. Sacra Scrittura: Parola di Dio o linguaggio umano? Un tentativo di mediazione, 151-200; Cap. 6. I silenzi del testo sacro che provengono dalla ἀνθρώπεια ἀσθένεια, 201-208; Cap. 7. Alcune conclusioni, 209-215].

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BERCHMAN R.M., Arithmos and Kosmos: Arithmology as an Exegetical Tool in the De opificio mundi of Philo of Alexandria, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 167-198. [Preface. 1. Introduction. 2. Philo of Alexandria and Hellenistic Philosophy. 3. Philo and Platonism. 4. Philo and Pythagoreanism. 5. Philo of Alexandria: De opificio mundi and neopythagorean physics. 6. Neopythagorean physics and arithmology in Philo of Alexandria. – «In summary, the De opificio mundi gives ample evidence for Philo’s belief that the biblical text contains philosophical truths about the cosmos. Among the exegetical tools used by Philo to lay open the many levels of cosmological meaning extant in the Pentateuch is arithmology. Philo was able to demonstrate the full agreement of the Torah with what is correct in the philosophical and scientific traditions of the Greeks» (p. 196)]. BORCHARDT F., The LXX Myth and the Rise of Textual Fixity → 4. LXX BUCUR B.G., Clement of Alexandria’s Exegesis of Old Testament Theophanies → 11. Clemente Alessandrino FRAADE S.D., Between Rewritten Bible and Allegorical Commentary: Philo’s Interpretation of the Burning Bush, in Rewritten Bible after Fifty Years: Texts, Terms, or Techniques? A Last Dialogue with Geza Vermes, ed. by J. ZSENGELLÉR (JSJ.S, 166), Leiden – Boston 2014, 221-232. [Introduction. Philo’s rewriting of Exodus 3:1-2. The first level of Symbolic Commentary. The second level of Allegorical Commentary. From “rewritten Bible” to Allegorical Commentary. Bibliography. – «Thus far, I have sought to demonstrate that Philo’s allegorical interpretation of the scriptural narrative of the burning bush is based not on the scriptural text itself, but on its initial retelling (§ 65 and the beginning of § 66). Philo’s explicit commentary begins with his comment that “it might be supposed that this was the image of Him that is; but let us rather call it an angel or herald...”. From there on, Phiko’s allegorical understanding of bush and fire as signifiying suffererers and their oppressors grows steadily more explicit and pronounced with some surprising twists (the fire changes from the oppressors to the voice that condemns the oppressor and back again). However, notwithstanding this apparent division of labour, it woulrd be difficult to dreaw a sharp line of demarcation between “rewritten Bibble” and “commentary” here» (p. 230)]. LINCICUM D., Philo and the Physiognomic Tradition, JSJ 44 (2013) 57-86. [Abstract: «In the context of recent interest in physiognomy among students of ancient Judaism and Christianity, attention to Philo of Alexandria has been strangely lacking. But Philo does evince some knowledge of the practice of physiognomy. After brief orientating remarks, evidence of Philo’s acquaintance with physiognomic topoi is supplied, together with consideration of the weighty objections Philo has to the theoretical underpinnings of strict physiognomics. In the end, Philo may be said to operate with a certain “physiognomic consciousness” even if he does not have the psychological theory and trust in sense-perception necessary to sustain a more far-reaching commitment to the practice»]. MACKIE S.D., Seeing God in Philo of Alexandria: Means, Methods, and Mysticism, JSJ 43 (2012) 147-179. [Abstract: «For Philo of Alexandria, seeing God represents the pinnacle of human experience. This essay examines three important aspects of that experience: the effectual means of the vision, the methods employed in evoking it, and the function and influence of Philo’s mysticism in the experience. While in some contexts Philo emphasizes the singular role of God in empowering the contemplative ascent and affording the vision, many others highlight the part played by human effort. Philo’s accounts of the practices that evoke the ascent and vision of God are also varied. Though Platonic philosophical contemplation and the practice of virtue are occasionally implicated, in most cases exegetical text work is instrumental. Finally, while some have attempted to divorce Philo’s mystical praxis from the vision of God, contending that “seeing” is simply a metaphor for “knowing” (i.e., “achieving a rational awareness of God’s existence”), a number of factors indicate the importance of Philo’s mysticism in the experience and suggest that an actual, mystical visual encounter underlies and informs these textual representations»]. NIEHOFF M.R., Jüdische Bibelinterpretation zwischen Homerforschung und Christentum → 3. Giudaismo ellenistico [2. Philon als alexandrinischer Exeget (pp. 353-356)]. PASQUIER A., Parole intérieure et parole proférée chez Philon d’Alexandrie et dans l’Évangile de vérité (NH I,3), in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 199-208. [1. Discours mental et discours proféré chez Philon d’Alexandrie. 2. La parole cachée et proférée dans l’Évangile de la vérité. 3. Et le verbe s’est fait papier. – «Contrairement à Philon pour qui la lettre de l’Écriture est comme un miroir reflétant le sens intérieur dans l’Évangile de la vérité, cette “lettre” en bloque l’accès. C’est pourquoi, le Logos doit lire ce qui est à l’intérieur et en faire découvrir le sens» (pp. 206-207)]. SPUNTARELLI C., Oratore divino. Linguaggio e rappresentazione retorica nella controversia tra Cappadoci e Anomei → 21. I Padri Cappadoci [Cap. II. Linguaggio e rappresentazione in ambito alessandrino: Parte I. Filone di Alessandria: 1. Principio settenario e rappresentazione in Filone di Alessandria; 2. Adamo-Logos: la creazione attraverso il linguaggio;

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3. Linguaggio proferito, doxa, fede; 4. Potenze e rappresentazione; 5. Buon linguaggio e lotta contro i sofisti; 6. Assimilazione della parola e memoria (pp. 93-172)]. WYSS B., Philon und die Pentas – Arithmologie als exegetische Methode, in Alexandria, 361-379. [1. Einleitung. 2. Arithmologie – Definition und Forschungsüberblick. 3. Die arithmologisch nutzbaren Eigenschaften der 5. 4. Die Fünf im Pentateuch und Philon zur Pentas. 5. Philon und Plutarch zur Pentas. 6. Die 50 und die 55 im Pentateuch. Appendix: Die Platonischen Körper. – «Unser bester Zeuge für den Stand der Arithmetik und Arithmologie in Alexandria in der ersten Hälfte des 1. Jahrhunderts ist Philon, besonders die Quaestiones in Genesim und Quaestiones in Exodum sind reich an einschlägigem Material. Er verfasste selber eine Schrift περὶ ἀριθμῶν, und Klemens aus Alexandria klassifizierte ihn als Pythagoräer» (p. 363)]. ZAMAGNI C., Is the Question-and-Answer Literary Genre in Early Christian Literature a Homogeneous Group? → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale 8. Pseudo-Filone 9. Flavio Giuseppe 1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori 2. Edizioni e traduzioni 3. Miscellanee e raccolte 4. Studi AMELING W., Some Remarks on Apion, SCI 33 (2014) 1-15. [«Apion’s way to present things was certainly not philo-semitic – he did his best for his Alexandrian fellow citizens (and he accepted almost everything other authors had written about Jews). But he did not distinguish himself by the depth of his hatred of the Jews, although he certainly was not their friend. But, ‘even the arch- villain Apion may not be quite as bad as he seems’. This was said as an acknowledgment of the fact that Josephus criticizes ‘errors, ignorance, and stupidity, rather than prejudice’. Perhaps even some of the errors were consciously committed by Josephus» (p. 15)]. BERMEJO-RUBIO F., Was the Hypothetical Vorlage of the Testimonium Flavianum a “Neutral” Text? Challenging the Common Wisdom on Antiquitates Judaicae 18.63-64, JSJ 45 (2014) 326-365. [Abstract: «Even if one accepts the most widespread view about the so-called Testimonium Flavianum (Ant. 18.63-64)– i.e., that the text is basically Josephus’s but with some Christian interpolations – a decision on the nature of the alleged original text is still pending. Although a number of scholars have asserted that it contained some unfavorable references to Jesus, the overwhelming majority assert nowadays that it was originally neutral. The aim of the present discussion is to reassess the contemporary discussion on Josephus’s text in order to ascertain which is the most plausible hypothesis regarding the nature of its Vorlage. This article contends that the arguments advanced to support the view of a “neutral” text do not stand up to close examination, and it offers several reasons indicating that the Vorlage must have been at least implicitly negative]. BOND H.K., Josephus on Herod’s Domestic Intrigue in the Jewish War, JSJ 43 (2012) 295-314. [Abstract: «This article argues that women and domestic intrigue are prominent within the Herod narrative in Josephus’ Jewish War for a specific rhetorical reason. While the first half of the narrative presents the famous king in encomiastic terms, using him to illustrate Josephus’ contention that Jews generally were content to remain loyal to Rome, the second half of the account subtly presents a rather different thesis. Attention to domestic drama allowed Josephus to suggest that Herod was a man who was unable to control either his own emotions or his turbulent family, and so was unfit to rule. Ultimately for Josephus, the ideal constituency for Judaea is not monarchy (as represented by Herod) but the theocratic reign of priests»]. BORCHARDT F., The LXX Myth and the Rise of Textual Fixity → 4. LXX FERDA T.S., Jeremiah 7 and Flavius Josephus on the First Jewish War, JSJ 44 (2013) 158-173. [Abstract: «Study of Josephus’ interpretation of the Bible has focused on the paraphrase in Antiquities, but Josephus continued to engage Scripture in his post-biblical history. This article contends that Josephus, like the authors of the synoptic gospels and later Jewish exegetes, saw the events of 66-70 C.E. through the lens of Jeremiah’s temple sermon (7:1-34). The accounts of Jesus ben Ananias and Josephus’ speech before the city walls, among other examples, show recourse to Jeremiah 7»]. LEVENSON D.B. – MARTIN T.R., The Latin Translations of Josephus on Jesus, John the Baptist, and James: Critical Texts of the Latin Translation of the Antiquities and Rufinus’ Translation of Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History Based on Manuscripts and Early Printed Editions, JSJ 45 (2014) 1-79.

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[Abstract: «This article presents the first critical texts of the passages on Jesus, John the Baptist, and James in the Latin translation of Josephus’ Antiquitates Iudaicae and the sections of the Latin Table of Contents for AJ 18 where the references to Jesus and John the Baptist appear. A commentary on these Latin texts is also provided. Since no critical edition of the Latin text of Antiquities 6-20 exists, these are also the first critical texts of any passages from these books. The critical apparatus includes a complete list of variant readings from thirty-seven manuscripts (9th-15th c.e.) and all the printed editions from the 1470 editio princeps to the 1524 Basel edition. Because the passages in the Latin AJ on Jesus and John the Baptist were based on Rufinus’ translation of Eusebius’ Historia Ecclesiastica, a new text of these passages in Rufinus is provided that reports more variant readings than are included in Mommsen’s GCS edition. A Greek text for these passages with revised apparatus correcting and expanding the apparatuses in Niese’s editio maior of Josephus and Schwartz’s GCS edition of Eusebius is also provided. In addition to presenting a text and commentary for the passages in the Latin Antiquities and Rufinus’ translation of Eusebius, there is a catalogue of collated manuscripts and all the early printed editions through 1524, providing a new scholarly resource for further work on the Latin text of the Antiquities»]. REEDER C.A., Pity the Women and Children: Punishment by Siege in Josephus’s Jewish War, JSJ 44 (2013) 174-194. [Abstract: «This paper analyzes the neglected theme of suffering women and children in Josephus’s Jewish War. Women and children did suffer the effects of sieges in Greco-Roman antiquity, but historiographers also use the stories of their suffering to interpret warfare. Josephus participates in this tradition by using the imagery of suffering women and children to condemn the Jewish rebels, a presentation which is also influenced by Deut 28 and Lamentations. The warnings against rebellion in J.W. 2.237, 400, and 5.418 heighten the rhetorical power of this condemnation by offering the alternative of surrender for the sake of women and children»]. ROGLAND M., Elijah and the ‘Voice’ at Horeb (1 Kings 19): Narrative Sequence in the Masoretic Text and Josephus, VT 62 (2012) 88-94. [Abstract: «This study examines the peculiar narrative sequence in the Masoretic Text of 1 Kgs 19.11-13, in which Elijah appears to delay obeying the “still small voice”. It examines Josephus’ version of the account, which presents a different narrative sequence, arguing that it represents a reading of the Hebrew text that is grammatically and exegetically superior to the common interpretatio»]. SCHRECKENBERG H., Textkritisches zu den Antiquitates Judaicae des Flavius Josephus, JSJ 43 (2012) 42-57. 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano 1. Il contesto religioso egiziano AGOSTI G., La Visione di Doroteo. Paideia classica ed esperienza visionaria nell’Egitto tardoantico, SMSR 79 (2013) 134-151. [Poesia in una biblioteca Panopolite. Doroteo e la sua visione. Tradizione e innovazione nel racconto della Visione. – Abstract: «The poem of the Vision of Dorotheus (P. Bodmer XXIX) and the so-called Codex des Visions are one of the most interesting papyrological findings of the last thirty years, but unfortunately still little known among historians of religion and specialist in Late Antique Egypt. In fact, the Vision and the other Christian poems of the codex have been analyzed from the point of view of text criticism, and for their linguistic and prosodic features; but the historical, theological and religious aspects have been left aside in recent research. In particular, the Vision is an important witness of the development of the Egyptian ascetic communities and of the diffusion of the literary genre of visionary experiences in the heavenly Palace. After discussing some literary aspects of this text, I offer same samples to show the fruitfulness of a religious- historical approach» (p. 151)]. BETRÒ M., Letteratura profetica e opposizione politica nei primi secoli dell’Egitto romano. Storia di un’assenza?, SMSR 79 (2013) 75-90. [L’Oracolo dell’Agnello. L’Oracolo del Vasaio. La Profezia di Petesi (P. Carlsberg 562) e il suo seguito (P. Carlsberg 424, 499, 559). Una nuova profezia, P. Carlsberg 399 vs + P.PSI inv. D.17 + P. Tebtynis Tait 13vs.). – Abstract: «The relationship between prophetic literature and political opposition in Graeco-Roman Egypt is documented by several interesting literary sources. Many important studies have been recently dedicated to this “intellectual resistance”, which however seems to have been less strong for the early Roman domination, at least according to the fact that only a few prophetical (and polemical) texts may be attributed to this period. This article, re-analysing and re-evaluating the date of the prophetic works traditionally attributed to Ptolemaic period, aims to clarify if such a lack of documentation is real or fictitious» (pp. 89-90)]. BOMMAS M., Isis in Alexandria – Theologie und Ikonographie, in Alexandria, 127-147. [Einleitung. 1. Pharaonische Isis. 2. Quellen: 2.1. Epigraphische Quellen; 2.2. Tempel für ägyptisch- griechische Gottheiten im Gebiet von Alexandria; 2.3. Serapeum. 3. Erscheinungsform der Isis: Theologie und

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Ikonographie: 3.1. Pharaonische Erscheinungsformen der Isis; 3.2. Alexandrinische Erscheinungsformen der Isis; 3.3. Griechische Erscheinungsformen der Isis; 3.4. Ägyptisch-griechische Mischformen. 4. Isis in Alexandria. – «Die alexandrinische Isis ist eine seefahrende Göttin, in ihrer lokalen Verehrungsform in Alexandria war sie eine Hafengöttin. Es ist daher nur allzu verständlich, dass diese Erscheinungsform zum Zeitpunkt ihrer frühesten Verbreitung in der Ägäis die wichtigste war» (p. 146)]. CAPRIOTTI VITTOZZI G., Lampade e visioni. Forme oracolari di origine egizia, SMSR 79/1 (2013) 47-59. [1. Le lampade mummiformi e i testi magici. 2. Le lampade di Cambridge e Antiochia: la mummia e il serpente. 3. La lampada di Luni e Antinoo come divinità oracolare. 4. L’uso delle lampade e il loro contesto. – Abstract: «A small group of mummiform bronze lamps is taken into consideration here in the light of magical texts as tools for mantic or oracular rituals. The iconography of the mummy surrounded by a snake has been recently attested by another specimen from Antioch. This new sample provides occasion for some considerations. Moreover, a lamp from Luni, the face of which reminds the Antinoos iconography, is taken into account as a witness of the oracular role of Antinoos» (p. 59)]. CIAMPINI E.M., Oracoli e regalità a Napata, SMSR 79/1 (2013) 26-46. [Abstract: «Since the 18th dynasty (Thutmosis III), the area of the Pure Pountain (Jebel Barkal) at Napata was identified with the dwelling-place of a god, similar to the Theban Amon. After the New Kingdom (8th-3rd century BC), the site became the screenplay for the coronation rituals; several royal inscriptions (Taharqa, Tanutamon, Aspelta, Harsiotef, Irikeamanote, Nastasen) describe the complex ceremony, in which the oracle of Amon legitimized the king. The analysis of the textual evidence let us recognize the characters of a local tradition, where the pharaonic pattern was reelaborated according to the local conceptions» (pp. 45-46)]. DELATTRE A., L’oracle de Kollouthos à Antinoé. Nouvelles perspectives, SMSR 79 (2013) 123-133. [Le contexte archéologique. Forme, structure et contenu des billets oraculaires. La pratique oraculaire à Antinoé et ses variantes. Sortes sanctorum, incubation et pratiques médicales. – Abstract: «The recent excavation works carried out in Antinoupolis by an Italian Mission directed by Rosario Pintaudi have resulted in the finding of some more oracle tickets addressed to St. Colluthus, that, together with those found since the third decade of the 20th century, form a corpus of about 200 pieces. This article – which represents a preliminary account of a more detailed study which will analyze also the archaeological context where the oracle tickets have been found – focuses on the formulas used in the documents, on the medical-oracular practices attested in Antinoupolis and on analogous oracular cults of Egypt» (p. 133)]. Oracoli, visioni, profezie. L’Egitto da Alessandro il Grande all’Alto Medioevo → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale PERNIGOTTI S., Qualche osservazione in tema di domande oracolari, SMSR 79 (2013) 91-102. [Abstract: «The oracle tickets, in Demotic, Greek and Coptic, represent the point of arrival of a long tradition which dates back at least to the New Kingdom. They belong to the modest context of the villages and refer to problems of a personal nature. For all these reasons they are extremely important because they reveal a world otherwise unknown. This is the case of an oracle question found in Bakchias, which seems to prove the existence of a place of worship dedicated to the Dioscures, although it is very likely that in fact this name hides the two crocodiles gods patrons of the kome» (p. 102)]. SCHMIDT S., Der Sturz des Serapis – Zur Bedeutung paganer Götterbilder in der spätantiken Gesellschaft Alexandrias, in Alexandria, 149-172. [1. Das Bild eines ‘neuen’ Gottes – Die Statue des Serapis. 2. Kult und Architektur – Das Serapeum in der Kaiserzeit. 3. Urkraft und Spektakel – Der Kuss der Sonne. 4. Kult und Bildung – Das Serapeum im 4. Jahrhundert. 5. Gott und Bild – Der Angriff auf die Statuen. 6. Der Herrscher der Stadt – Ein Nachspiel. – «Warum entzündeten sich gerade an der monumentalen Serapisstatue so heftige Auseinandersetzungen? Welche Rolle spielte das Serapeum in der Großstadt, in der selbst im vierten Jahrhundert noch viele verschiedene Bevölkerungsgruppen miteinander und nebeneinander lebten? Und was machte das Götterbild zu einer so wichtigen, Identität stiftenden Institution für so viele Menschen in Alexandria? Wenn an dieser Stelle Antworten auf diese Fragen gegeben werden sollen, hilft es zunächst die verschiedenen Indizien zu den Abläufen des Kultbetriebs im Serapeum auf griechische oder ägyptische Kultformen hin zu untersuchen. Da sich der Umgang mit den Kultbildern in der griechischen und der ägyptischen Religion deutlich unterscheiden lässt, ergeben sich so Hinweise auf die zeitgenössische Wahrnehmung des Serapis und seiner Statue. In einem zweiten Schritt gilt es die Einbindung des Heiligtums in das kulturelle Leben der spätantiken Stadt zu untersuchen, um einerseits die Wechselwirkung zwischen der Verehrung der Serapisstatue und dem christlichen Ikonoklasmus zu verdeutlichen, und andererseits die Einschätzung des Bildersturzes als entscheidendes Ereignis auf dem Weg zu einer christlichen Gesellschaft verständlich zu machen» (p. 151)].

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THOMPSON T.W., Antinoos, The New God: Origen on Miracle and Belief in Third-Century Egypt → 12. Origene (4. Studi) ZECCHI M., Horo-sema-tawy-pa-khered, che predice (sr) ciò che accadrà, SMSR 79/1 (2013) 60-74. [Abstract: «The use and meaning of the Egyptian verb sr, translated in different ways, “prophesy”, “foretell”, “announce”, has become an ongoing topic of research. The present study concentrates upon the epithets formed with the verb sr bestowed to the young god Hor-sema-tawy-pa-khered, “Hor-sema-tawy the child”, in the Greco-Roman» (p. 74)]. 2. Il periodo delle origini DEPAUW M.–CLARYSSE W., How Christian was Fourth Century Egypt? Onomastic Perspectives on Conversion, VigChr 67 (2013) 407-435. [1. Christianization: The quantification controversy. 2. A new dataset for quantification. Christian names. Testing the sample: quantiying Christian name occurrences. 5. Onomastics and the rise of Christianity in fourth century Egypt. 6. Conclusions. – Abstract: «In 1982 Roger Bagnall published a ground-breaking article about conversion to Christianity in fourth century Egypt. Usign onomastic data for individuals in selected texts, he tried to demonstrate that the growth of the Christian element in the population was early and rapid, rising to 90% by the end of the century. A new date for one of the documents led to a revision of the pace of growth in 1987, but his method was never tested on other datasets. In this article we apply an adapted version of his method to a large new dataset, containing all attestations of personal names in fourth century documentary papyri and ostraca. We also investigate the sccuracy of Christian names as a binary test for Christianity, and estimate the multiplication factor which can be applied to determine the number of Christians. Our results are similar to the curve which can be distilled from Bagnall’s adapted results in 1987, with 20-30% Christians around 314, a Christian majority around 350 and virtually complete Christianization around the middle of the fifth century»]. FRANKFURTER D., Onomastic Statistics and the Christianization of Egypt: A Response to Depauw and Clarysse, VigChr 68 (2014) 284-289. [Abstract: «In showing a more gradual spread of Christianity over the fourth century, Depauw and Clarysse’s revised statistical approach has some merits over Bagnall’s earlier conclusions from onomastic evidence. However, given the complex, even ambiguous Christianity evident in late antique Egyptian sources, all attempts to track “conversion” on the basis of naming beg the questions: (a) what constitutes “being Christian” and (b) what do new naming practices actually represent in the overall assimilation of Christian traditions»]. GRÜNSTÄUDL W., Petrus Alexandrinus. Studien zum historischen und theologischen Ort des zweiten Petrusbriefes → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale LÖHR W., Christliche ‘Gnostiker’ in Alexandria → 3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo SCHWEMER A.M., Zum Abbruch des jüdischen Lebens in Alexandria – Der Aufstand in der Diaspora unter Trajan (115-117) → 3. Giudaismo ellenistico TANASEANU-DÖBLER I., Philosophie in Alexandria – der Kreis um Ammonios Sakkas → 2. Ellenismo e cultura alessandrina WEHNERT J., Apollos, in Alexandria, 403-412. [1. Zur Biographie des Apollos. 2. Zur Lehre des Apollos. – «Zur Lehre des Apollos ergibt sich daraus folgendes Fazit: Die Möglichkeit, dass Apollos seine Christologie, die den Glauben an Christus mit der Begabung des Menschen durch die göttliche sophia in Zusammenhang brachte, aus der jüdisch- alexandrinischen Weisheitstheologie entwickelte, ist trotz der schmalen Indizien ernsthaft zu erwägen. Jedenfalls hat der selbstbewusste Alexandriner mit seiner Weisheitspredigt Spuren in der frühchristlichen Theologie hinterlassen – auch Paulus konnte sie nicht ignorieren, sondern sah sich durch sie zum Entwirf einer eigenen sophia-Lehre herausgefordert» (p. 412)]. 3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo Augustine and Manichaean Christianity → 29. Agostino Der Erste Clemensbrief und der sogenannte Valentinianismus – Schlaglichter auf das Christentum der frühen Kaiserzeit → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale The Gospel of Thomas. Introduction and Commentary by S. GATHERCOLE (Texts and Editions for New Testament Studies, 11), Brill, Leiden–Boston 2014, pp. xii+723. [Acknowledgments, vii-viii; Preface, ix-xi; Abbreviations, xii. Introduction: 1. Manuscripts, 3-13; 2. A comparison of the Greek and Coptic texts, 14-34; 3. Named testimonia to Thomas, 35-61; 4. Early references

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to the contents of Thomas, 62-90; 5. The original language of Thomas, 91-102; 6. The provenance of Thomas, 103-111; 7. The date of Thomas (with authorship), 112-127; 8. The structure of Thomas, 128-136; 9. The genre of Thomas, 137-143; 10. The religious outlook of Thomas, 144-175; 11. Thomas, the New Testament and the historical Jesus, 176-184; 12. The plan of the commentary, 185-186. Commentary: Prologue, Logia 1-114, Subscriptio, 189-618. Bibliography, 619-673; Index locorum, 674-708; Modern Author index, 709-718; Subject index, 719-723]. BRISSON L., Plotinus and the Magical Rites Practiced by the Gnostics, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 443-458. [1. Plotinus and the Gnostics. 2. The rituals in the Nag Hammadi treatises. 3. Plotinus and the Gnostics: an opposition without concession. – «Plotinus knew some Gnostics, but disapproved of their rituals. In treatise 33 (Enn. 2.9) he gives the theoretical reasons that justify this opposition, which was shared by his disciples Amelius and Porphyry. Might one not imagine, however, that he could have been influenced by the practices and doctrines of the Gnostics, as he was by the Stoic system, which he never ceased to criticize? A superficial influence is always possible, and even probable. But there is a fundamental philosophical reason that led Plotinus to reject the Gnostic dramaturgy of the soul’s re-ascent through the stars with the help of various divinities: this is the fact that the soul, every soul, remains attached to the intelligible. Thus the sage whose soul remains strongly attached to the intellect does not need rituals or the myths justifying these rituals to rise back to the principle. When Iamblichus came to criticize Plotinus’s position, the necessity was felt for rituals that enabled the passage from one world to another» (p. 456)]. BURNS D.M., «The Garment Poured its Entire Self over Me»: Christian Baptismal Traditions and the Origins of the Hymn of the Pearl, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 261-273. [1. Introduction. 2. The Acts of Thomas and the Hymn. 3. The prince’s robe in Thomasine Christianity, «Chaldaean» philosophy, and Jewish apocalyptic. 4. A Syrian baptismal milieu? 5. Conclusion. – «There is no need... to isolate Parthian epic poetry, Greek philosophy, and Jewish apocalyptic as the central background of the Hymn. Indeed, it is a paradigmatically “syncretic” work. Nonetheless, the Hymn of the Pearl probably originates in a Syrian Christian baptismal group, for the puzzling motif of the garment “pouring itself” over the prince most likely preserves a tradition, also attested in Justin and probably originating in Syria, wherein the “gift of the (Holy) Spirit” pours itself out into the baptised, who become its “robe”» (p. 279)]. CHIAPPARINI G., Valentino gnostico e platonico. Il valentinianesimo della ‘Grande Notizia’ di Ireneo di Lione: fra esegesi gnostica e filosofia medioplatonica, Prefazione di G. SFAMENI GASPARRO (Temi metafisici e problemi del pensiero antico. Studi e testi, 126), Vita e Pensiero, Milano 2012, pp. xv+490. [G. SFAMENI GASPARRO, Prefazione, vii-viii; Premessa, ix; Sigle e abbreviazioni, xi-xv. Parte I. Il ruolo della ‘Grande Notizia’ di Ireneo nella ricostruzione storico-dottrinale del Valentinianesimo: Cap. I. Il valentinianesimo e l’evoluzione degli studi gnostici, 3-12; Cap. II. Valentinianesimo e ‘Grande Notizia’, 13-20; Cap. III. Dubbi sulla datazione tradizionale della ‘Grande Notizia’, 21-26; Cap. IV. Fonti e fasi di realizzazione, 27-42. Parte II. Sinossi della ‘Grande Notizia’ di Ireneo e del testo parallelo dell’Adversus Valentinianos di Tertulliano: Cap. I. Il problema del testo della ‘Grande Notizia’, 45-56; Cap. II. Avvertenze circa la sinossi, 57-60; Cap. III. ‘Grande Notizia’ e Adversus Valentinianos: sinossi con testo greco e latino, traduzione italiana, note filologiche e commento, 61-276. Parte III. Struttura e contenuti dottrinari della ‘Grande Notizia’: Cap. I. Come ha lavorato Ireneo: fonti e retorica, 279-296; Cap. II. Teologia valentiniana: la dottrina del Plèroma, 297-325; Cap. III. La vicenda di Sophia e la predisposizione della materia, 327-343; Cap. IV. Il cosmo come divino degradato, 345-369; Cap. V. Rivelazione, etica e salvezza, 371-397. Conclusioni, 399-413. Bibliografia e indici, 415-485]. – Irenaeus and the Gnostic Valentinus: Orthodoxy and Heresy in the Church of Rome around the Middle of the Second Century, ZAC 18 (2014) 95-119. [1. New dating of Book 1 of Adversus Haereses. 2. Reliability of the «Grande Notice». 3. The necessary re- establishment of the original Greek text of the «Grande Notice». 4. The sources of the «Grande Notice» and the inlay technique. 5. Valentinus’ original Gnostic doctrine and the role of the New Testament. 6. Middle- Platonic Valentinus: the «two gods» and the divine by degrees. 7. The ruptures with the Great Church and the developments until the early 3rd century. 8. Conclusions. – Abstract: «The re-examination of the first eight chapters of Book 1 of Adversus Haereses by Irenaeus of Lyon (so-called “Grande Notice”) has allowed reasserting the importance of this source, not only to reconstruct the history of early Valentinianism and Gnosticism as a whole, but also to get to know better a crucial phase of the doctrinal evolution which accompanied the exegetic-theological debate in the Church of Rome in the mid 2nd century, a debate which was to result in the distinction between orthodoxy and heresy. Analysing the praefationes of Books 1 and 2 of Adversus Haereses, it seems that the phases of realization of work are two and the conception of the “Grande Notice” and the retrieval of the sources (mainly from Ptolemy and his disciples) can be anticipated from the traditional dating, i.e. 180 CE, to the Roman period of Irenaeus (ca. 160-165). The chronological distance

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between Valentinus’ stay in Rome and that of Irenaeus is shorter and Irenaeus knows the doctrine of Valentinus and that of the continuers in detail, as well as being aware of the theological differences among them. The research was based on philological reconstruction, ever made so far, of the Greek text of the “Grande Notice” on the basis of the quotation handed down by Epiphanius, using synotically the Latin transposition of Tertullian (Adversis Valentinianos) and considering that the Latin text of Adversus Haereses is not a version written by Irenaeus himself, but a translation dating back to the 4th-5th century, not always faithful to the original text»]. CORNEA A., Plotinus, Epicurus, and the Gnostics: On Plotinian Classification of Philosophies, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 465-484. [«So, to some extent, the Epicureans anticipated some features of second- and third century Gnosis. And Plotinus probably understood that long before the “real” Gnostics, the Epicureans were the only philosophers who, in contrast with the “Greeks’, had a “gnosis” that thought man’s existential estrangement and Geworfenheit» (p. 482)]. CORRIGAN K., The Symposion and Republic in the Mystical Thought of Plotinus and the Sethian Gnostics, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 309-327. [«... Plotinus probably describes a momentary experience of union with the One – or perhaps divine intellect; and the content of ascent and descent, active and passive moments (“seating myself” and “having been seated”) involves language that Plotinus inherits from Plato, Aristotle and others (but especially the Symposium, Republic and Phaedrus), a language, we have come to realize more and more in the last 25 years, Plotinus shares with – perhaps even gets in part from – those Sethian Gnostic texts found at Nag Hammadi in the twentieth century» (p. 309)]. DE BRUYN T.S., A Late Witness to Valentinian Devotion in Egypt?, ZAC 18 (2014) 120-133. [Abstract: «Among the spells with Christian elements published in Papyri Graecae Magicae is a charitesion or “good luck charm”, Papyrus Wessely Pragensis Graecus no. 1. The spell concludes with an acclamation to Jesus Christ that is remarkable for its long series of epithets. These have thus far eluded satisfactory explanation. Several of the epithets recall language used in Valentinian writings to express the relationship between Father and Son in Valentinian protology and soteriology. This paper presents evidence to support reading the acclamation as an expression of Valentinian devotion, and discusses the significance of such an acclamation in a spell that may have been written in the fifth century, taking into account the scribal features of the papyrus»]. DECONICK A.D., Crafting Gnosis: Gnostic Spirituality in the Ancient New Age, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 285-305. [1. The way humans think. 2. The creation of emergent structure. 3. Recovering the Gnostic frame. 4. Crafting Gnostic spirituality. 5. Mushrooms. – «Once Gnostic spirituality emerges and is distributed into the cultural web, it is engaged by a variety of people and groups. The result is a large number of Gnostic religious movements, which boast alternative mythologies and doctrinal systems. Boundaries around the groups are difficult to delineate. Relations between individuals and groups is less than clear. Some Gnostics form supplemental or lodge movements whose members remain affiliated with a traditional Catholic church» (p. 302)]. DEKERT T., Mark the Gnostic, Cain and the Counterfeiters of the Truth. The Fatherhood of Satan in anti-heretical Polemics of the second Century, Vox Patrum 32/57 (2012) 115-135 (pol.). [Summary: «One of the polemical tools used by the 2nd century Christian authors in disputes with the heretics is to define them as “children of Satan” (or, in reverse, identifying Satan as their “father”). According to the author of this text, this is by no means empty invective, but polisemic category, whose polemical force requires decoding. The purpose of this paper is to hypothesize about its sources in the hermeneutic tradition and its importance as an “argument” used against ideological adversaries. The reconstruction of these dimensions will be made on the basis of the speech against Mark the Gnostic which was delivered by an unknown (probably Asiatic) presbyter and preserved in the first book of Adversus haereses (15.6) of Irenaeus of Lyons. In the opinion of the author of this paper, naming heretics as children of Satan has its source in the targumic and midrashic interpretation of Gen 4,1, according to which Cain was not the child of Adam but of the Satan-serpent. If this intuition is correct, the polemical force of this phrase would lie in the stock of the negative associations, anchored in the myth of Cain – fratricide, who shared murderous intent with his father, Satan» (p. 135)]. DENZEY LEWIS N., I manoscritti di Nag Hammadi. Una biblioteca gnostica del IV secolo, Edizione italiana a cura di M. GROSSO, Carocci Editore, Roma 2014, pp. 447. [M. GROSSO, Premessa all’edizione italiana, 17-19. Premessa, 21-30. 1. I codici di Nag Hammadi: una biblioteca cristiana del IV secolo e.v., 31-45. 2. La questione dello gnosticismo, 47-69. 3. Orizzonti religiosi dell’Impero romano, 71-84. 4. Il cristianesimo nel contesto dell’Impero nel secondo secolo: una visione

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d’insieme, 85-99. 5. Preghiere gnostiche, 101-116. 6. Valentino e i Valentiniani, 117-132. 7. Alcuni testi valentiniani, 133-149. 8. Due vangeli valentiniani, 151-168. 9. I testi legati a Tommaso, 169-194. 10. Lo gnosticismo setiano, 195-212. 11. «In principio»: due racconti della creazione, 213-239. 12. Un classico dello gnosticismo: Apocrifo di Giovanni, 241-263. 13. Un classico testo liturgico, 265-276. 14. Confrontarsi con la morte, 277-300. 15. Decostruzione del «femminile divino», 301-322. 16. Perché in questa biblioteca cristiana ci sono anche testi pagani?, 323-337. 17. Tradizioni apostoliche in conflitto, 339-356. 18. L’Apocalisse! Visioni della fine del mondo, 357-376. 19. Le apocalissi setiano-platoniche, 377-395. 20. Oltre Nag Hammadi, 397- 416. Glossario, 417-433. Indice analitico, 435-447]. DENZEY LEWIS N.–BLOUNT J.A., Rethinking the Origins of the Nag Hammadi Codices, JBL 133 (2014) 397-417. [I. Find-stories and suspicions. II. The Nag Hammadi Codices and monasticism: rethinking the links. III. The curious case of the dishna papers. IV. Athanasius and the bruying of books: dispelling a myth. V. Books and tombs. VI. A new context: exploring the possibilities. – Abstract: «The famous find-story behind the Nag Hammadi codices, discovered in Egypt in 1945, has been one of the most cherished narratives in our field. Yet a close examination of its details reveals inconsistencies, ambiguities, implicitly colonialist attitudes, and assumptions that call for a thorough reevaluation. This article explores the problematic moments in the find- story narrative and challenges the suggestions of James M. Robinson and others that the Nag Hammadi codices were intentionally buried for posterity, perhaps by Pachomian monks, in the wake of Athanasius’s thirty-ninth Festal Letter. We consider, rather, that the Nag Hammadi codices may have derived from private Greco-Egyptian citizens in late antiquity who commissioned the texts for personal use, depositing them as grave goods following a practice well attested in Egypt»]. DRECOLL V.H., Martin Hengel and the Origins of Gnosticism → 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi DUBOIS J.-D., Les recherches manichéennes actuelles → 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi –, Remarques sur la cohérence des Extraits de Théodote → 11. Clemente Alessandrino FERRONI L., Trois passages difficiles liés à la gnose chez Plotin, Mnemosyne 66 (3013) 399-410. [Abstract: «This work examines three difficult Plotinian passages, i.e. 33 (2.9) 13.25-33, 33 (2.9) 9.80 and 30 (3.8) 9.29-32. In the first passage, a correct grammatical analysis of the text clarifies the sense of the philosophical argumentation; in the second passage, it is necessary to change the text established by Henry and Schwyzer and choose the reading of a different manuscript; in the third passage, it seems inevitable to modify by conjecture the text of the medieval manuscripts»]. –, Where Did Matter Appear From? A Syntactic Problem in a Plotinian anti-Gnostic Treatise, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 459-463. [«... Plotinus’ aim here is to show that it is impossible to bring back the world together with matter and evil to the first principles. Certainly, matter did not appear from τὰ πρῶτα» (p. 463)]. FUNK W.-P., «Third Ones and Fourth Ones»: Some Reflections on the Use of Indefinite Ordinals in Zostrianos, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 79-87. [«In conclusion, I would suggest that even for a mainly contemplative and metaphysically oriented writer like the one who authored Zostrianos, the basic soteriological coordinates of traditional (or ‘classical’) Sethianism must still have had some validity» (p. 84)]. GARDNER I., Once More on Mani’s Epistles and Manichaean Letter-Writing, ZAC 17 (2013) 291-314. [Abstract: «The Epistles were originally written during the years of Mani’s public mission in the Sasanian Empire (ca. 240-276 C.E.). They were collected together by his followers and became one of the canonical books of the Manichaean community, carried right across the ancient world from Roman North Africa to Medieval China. No complete edition is known; but scattered remnants and quotations are extant, and the author is engaged in a long-term project to edit and study these remains. Further, he has also been a leading proponent of the idea that a number of known personal letters on papyrus, principally dating from the 4th century and Egypt, should be identified as having been written by members of that community. Here he shows how Manichaeans consciously modelled themselves on their master’s example, and thus how Mani’s Epistles provide a framework for understanding the ethic of the religion as well as having been exemplars for the letters of individual believers. The article concludes with a tentative identification of part of the apostle’s last writing from prison, the Seal Letter» (p. 291)]. JENOTT L., Emissaries of Truth and Justice: The Seed of Seth as Agents of Divine Providence, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 43-62. [1. Becoming «the seed of Seth»: resocialization into a new self-image. 2. The Apocryphon of John. 3. The Apocalypse of Adam. 4. The Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit. 5. Conclusion. – «Contrary to usual descriptions of Sethian Christianity as alienated “Gnostics”, the pattern that I have elucidated here suggests that they had a rather positive outlook about their purpose in the cosmos. Their myths inculcated within them

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the self-image of persons intimately linked with the establishment of truth and justice; they were couriers of the providential spirit that worked toward the rectification of deficiency; they were “fruit-bearing trees”, “the holy people of the great light coming into the world” to illuminate the whole realm. This portrait, found throughout their own literature, should invite us to reconsider typical descriptions of Sethians as pessimistic social drop-outs who sought only to escape the bonds of the world into which they had fallen by some cosmic tragedy» (p. 59)]. KALER M., Just How Close Are the Gnostic Revelation Dialogues to Erotapokriseis Literature, Anyway?, in La littérature des questions et réponses dans l’antiquité profane et chrétienne, 37-49. [Introduction. Definitions. Description of genre. Separating frames. Doctrinal sections. One possible exception. First conclusion. The work that frame stories do. The drawback of focusing on the doctrinal material. Function leads to form. – Abstract: «There has been a tendency in previous work to link the gnostic revelation dialogues to erotapokriseis literature. In this paper, I argue against this tendency, suggesting that it leads to a distorted view of the revelation dialogues by over-emphasizing the significance of one aspect of their form. There are similarities between the two genres, but these similarities can be seen as independently arising due to parallels in the functions of these genres, rather than as the result of influence or direct links» (p. 49)]. –, Finding a Safe Spot: An Attempt to Understand the Arrangement of Nag Hammadi Codex VI, JECS 22 (2014) 197-217. [Introduction. Codex VI. Michael Williams. The first half of the Codex. A shared thematic progression. The second half of the Codex. Conclusion. – Abstract: «In this article, I discuss the arrangement of texts in Nag Hammadi codex VI. While some have found the codex’s overall arrangement to lack coherence, I argue that the order of texts has a progressive aspect, as well as a development of themes, showing the reader the need to transcend wordly matters in order to reach a “safe spot” in which esoteric teachings can be received»]. KING K.L., A Distinctive Intertextuality: Genesis and Platonizing Philosophy in The Secret Revelation of John, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 3-22. [«In conclusion, an important step in the analysis of SRJ is the identification of what sources are being deployed, whether by direct literary dependence and allusion, as with Genesis and Plato’s Timaeus, or as comparands that illustrate the thought world of SRJ, such as Philo or Numenius. The next step builds on this work, turning to the question of how such sources are being read together, that is, intertextually, and to what ends. This step is interested in such matters as the principles of selection, hermeneutic strategies, and logics, as well as aims and effects» (p. 17)]. LITWA M.D., The God ‘Human’ and Human Gods. Models of Deification in Irenaeus and the Apocryphon of John, ZAC 18 (2014) 70-94. [Introduction. The term «Deification». 1: Introducing the human God; The groundwork of the God-Human; The content of the image; Salvation as deification; The Christian nature of deification in the Apocryphon of John. 2. Comparison with Irenaeus. Conclusion. – Abstract: «This article compares two models of early Christian deification. Both models posit the reality of a human God, but in different ways. One model, represented by the Apocryphon of John, posits a transcendent God Human whose divine essence is protologically given to humans made in his/her image. The other model, represented by Irenaeus of Lyon, posits a historical God-human whose incarnation paves the way for humans to participate in the immortality of God. In the first model, human and divine nature exist on a continuum, permitting human-divine union and even identity. In the second, an ontological divide separates humans from God, allowing at most a participation in divine attributes. The comparison takes account of other similarities and differences in these two early Christian visions of deification, allowing for a full appreciation of both their diverse aspects and common core»]. LÖHR W., Christliche ‘Gnostiker’ in Alexandria, in Alexandria, 413-433. [1. Die Anfänge des Christentums in Alexandrien. 2. Alexandrinische ‘Gnostiker’. 3. Basilides und seine Schüler. 4. Julius Cassianus. 5. Karpokrates und seine Anhänger. – «Die Anfänge des Christentums in Alexandrien sind kaum mehr zu erhellen: Die Forschung analysiert die wenigen bekannten Quellen und Daten immer wieder, ohne über mehr oder weniger gut begründete Vermutungen hinausgelangen zu können. Bezugspunkt der Kontroverse war und ist zum Teil immer noch die auf Walter Bauer zurückgehende These, der zufolge das ägyptische (und alexandrinische) Christentum “bis tief ins 2. Jahrhundert ... ausgesprochen unorthodox” ist, ja, man von einer Differenzierung in Häresie und Orthodoxie eigentlich gar nicht reden kann. Andere Gelehrte vertreten differenziertere Hypothesen und rechnen in Alexandrien des zweiten Jahrhunderts mit einem Spektrum von Positionen, das sowohl ein ‘gnostisches’ als auch ein weisheitlich geprägtes (zum Teil platonisierendes) Christentum enthält» (p. 413)]. LUNDHAUG H., Evidence of «Valentinian» Ritual Practice? The Liturgical Fragments of Nag Hammadi Codex XI (NHC XI,2a-e), in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 225-243.

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[1. On the anointing. 2. On Baptism A and B. 3. On the Eucharist A and B. 4. Conclusion. – «In conclusion, there seems to be very little reason to regard the five liturgical pieces following A Valentinian Exposition in Nag Hammadi Codex XI as “Valentinian”, other than the fact that they indeed follow A Valentinian Exposition, with which, however, they do not seem to have anything in common» (p. 239)]. MARJANEN A., A Salvific Act of Transformation or a Symbol of Defilement? Baptism in Valentinian Liturgical Readings (NHC XI,2) and in the Testimony of Truth (NHC IX,3), in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 245-259. [1. Baptism in Valentinian liturgical readings. 2. Baptism in the Testimony of Truth. 3. Concluding remarks. – «For Valentinian liturgical readings, baptism is a ritual tied to intellectual and ontological transformation of the baptized person. It signifies the transition from carnal existence to the pleromatic reality as this is already manifested in earthly life. Unlike many other Christians, such as Paul, and the authors of the Letter to the Colossians and the Valentinian Gospel of Philip, the author of Valentinian liturgical readings has a very optimistic view of the transformative power of baptism» (pp. 256-257)]. MAZUR Z., «Those Who Ascend to the Sanctuaries of the Temples»: The Gnostic Context of Plotinus’ First Treatise, 1.6[1], On Beauty, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 329-368. [1. The anti-Gnostic background of Plotinus’ defense of beauty in 1.6 [1] 1-6. 2. The positive use of Gnostic imagery to describe contemplative ascent in 1.6 [1] 7-9. 3. The Gnostic source of Plotinus’ first reference to contemplative ascent. 4. Conclusion: Towards a reassessment of the importance of the Gnostics in the development of Plotinus’ œuvre. – «... It would appear that Plotinus exhibits a far more conciliatory attitude towards the Gnostics here in this early treatise than he does in his later writings. This is consistent with the hypothesis that Plotinus himself had emerged in his youth from an Alexandrian Gnostic milieu which he outwardly rejected well before he began to write (perhaps even before his arrival in Rome ca. 245 CE), and yet with which he nevertheless remained intellectually and spiritually very close thoughout his life» (pp. 360- 361)]. NARBONNE J.-M., The Neopythagorean Backdrop to the Fall (σφάλμα / νεῦσις) of the Soul in Gnosticism and its Echo in the Plotinian Treatises 33 and 34, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 411-425. [1. Σφάλμα in Plotinus’ writings. 2. Why, after Treatise 33, a speculation in Treatise 34 on numbers? – «By opposing one arithmology to another, Plotinus showed that Pythagorean sources were susceptible to a different exegesis than that proposed by the Gnostics, one that was more faithful to the letter of Platonic teachings» (p. 424)]. PAINCHAUD L., The dispositio of the Gospel of Judas, ZAC 17 (2013) 268-290. [1. Earlier analyses. 2. The structure of the text. 3. The impact of the text. 4. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Upon first reading, the Gospel of Judas gives the impression that it is a work composed by an author who was not greatly concerned with organizational matters. However, when we look more closely at it, we are obliged to rethink this first impression. Patterns in the recurrence of themes and language in the Gospel of Judas show the structural importance of a concentric series of inclusions; when these inclusions are taken into account, we see that the work is organised around two sections, with each section echoing and clarifying the other. This bipartite dispositio (to use a term from contemporary Greco-Roman rhetorical analysis) coheres perfectly with the text’s content, in which the holy generation is opposed to mortal humans and in which a great deal of use is made of antithesis. The bipartite structure, the thematic dichotomy between the two groups, and the use of antithesis as a technique all work together to encourage readers to choose between the two options offered to them» (p. 268)]. –, Le quatrième écrit du codex Tchacos: les livres d’Allogène et la tradition littéraire séthienne, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 89-104. [1. L’existence de plusieurs écrits mis sous le nom d’Allogène. 2. Le quatrième écrit du codex Tchacos et les livres d’Allogène. 3. Voyons maintenant les éléments chrétiens. 4. Conclusion. – «La présence de motifs et formules bien attestés dans le corpus séthien et d’éléments narratifs provenant des traditions relatives à Jésus finement entrelacés dans la texture même de l’écrit, ne peut être l’effet d’interpolations secondaires visant à séthianiser un texte chrétien ou à christianiser un texte séthien. Elle ne peut s’expliquer que par une composition originale émanant d’un milieu identifiant Jésus et Allogène à des fins d’édification interne ou de propagande extérieure» (p. 100)]. PASQUIER A., Parole intérieure et parole proférée chez Philon d’Alexandrie et dans l’Évangile de vérité (NH I,3) → 7. Filone Alessandrino (4. Studi) PEARSON B.A., The Book of Allogenes (CT,4) and Sethian Gnosticism, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 105-116. [1. Allogenes (NHC XI,3). 2. The Book of Allogenes (CT,4). 3. Allogenes in NHC XI,3 and CT,4. 4. The Book of Allogenes (CT,4) as a Sethian gnostic text. – «Sethian Gnostic communities had a rich ritual life, involving two

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sacraments, baptism and ritual ascent. Some of our Sethian texts provide information on these ceremonies. For example, there is considerable information on Sethian baptism in the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit (NHC III,2; IV,2). Schenke rightly refers to the Three Steles of Seth (NHC VII,5) as “the etiology of a mystery of ascension of the Sethian community”. Of course, not all of our Sethian texts contain reference to the ritual life of Sethian communities. The Sethian tractates we have are of different genres and were written for different purposes. So the absence of any reference to baptism in the Book of Allogenes is no indication that the community of its author had no interest to cultic practices. To conclude this discussion, I would suggest that the Book of Allogenes can be situated in the history of Christian Sethianism sometime in the eraly third century, either in Syria or in Egypt. The tractate is too poorly preserved to say any more than that» (p. 115)]. PETTIPIECE T., Coptic Answers to Manichaean Questions: The Erotapocritic Nature of the Kephalaia, in La littérature des questions et réponses dans l’antiquité profane et chrétienne, 51-61. [1. Preface/Prologue. 2. Questions and answers. 3. Conclusion. – Abstract: «In terms of its genre, the Manichaean Kephalaia bears a close resemblance to the erotapokrisis, or “question-and-answer” literature that became popular among Jewish and Christian exegetes during the first centuries of the Common Era. This genre, which Claudio Zamagni has described as “un genre très élastique”, was a form of secondary literature and primarily for the exegesis and elucidation of canonical texts (be they Jewish, Christian, or pagan), although such works often contained apologetic, didactic, or polemical overtones. In general, the erotapokrisis takes as its most basic form a three-part structure consisting of 1) preface/prologue, 2) questions and answers, and 3) postscript/colophon. According to this basic set of criteria, the Kephalaia could be classified as part of the erotapokritic genre, especially if its primary aim was the explication of ambiguities found within canonical Manichaean tradition» (pp. 60-61)]. PIOVANELLI P., Entre oralité et (ré)écriture: le modèle des erotapokriseis dans les dialogues apocryphes de Nag Hammadi, in La littérature des questions et réponses dans l’antiquité profane et chrétienne, 93-103. [Abstract: «The apocryphal dialogues between Jesus and his disciples found at Nag Hammadi have already been extensively studied by Pheme Perkins and Helmut Koester. Little attention, however, has generally been granted to the use these texts make of the literary genre of Question and answer. We intend to examine anew the employment of such a didactic and rhetoric device. This study will enable us to better bring to light the oral dimension at the background of the Wisdom of Jesus Christ (NHC III,4; CBG 3) and the Dialogue of the Savior (NHC III,5), two texts characterised by constant re-readings and rewritings» (p. 103)]. PLISCH U.-K., Thomasevangelium 29 als Exzerpt – ein Blick in die Entstehungsgeschichte des Thomasevangeliums, in Christliches Ägypten in der spätantiken Zeit, 71-74. [Fazit: «Wenn diese kurze Präsentation der Phrase θαυμάζω δὲ im Kontext frühchristlicher Schriftauslegung bewirken sollte, dass künftige Ausleger des Thomasevangeliums den kommentierenden Zusatz in EvThom 29,3 nicht länger arglos und selbstverständlich als Bestandteil des vorausgehenden Herrenwortes in EvThom 29,1-2 behandeln, wäre ihr Zweck erfüllt» (p. 74). – Esempi da Origene, Orat IX,1; CMt XII,8,1-5; Atanasio, Apol. contra Arianos 26,1]. POIRIER P.-H., The Three Forms of First Thought (NHC XIII.1), and the Secret Book of John (NHC II,1 and par.), in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 23-41. [1. The final hymn of the long version of the Secret Book of John and the Three Forms of First Thought. 2. The use of the gloss ete paï pe. 3. Mythologoumena and common elements. – «The aim of this essay in honour of one of the foremost editors of the Three Forms is to examine the relationship between this treatise and another Nag Hammadi text, namely the Secret Book of John, which has come down to us in two versions – one long and one short – each of which are found in two manuscripts» (p. 23)]. RASIMUS T., Johannine Background of the Being-Life-Mind Triad, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 369-409. [1. Plotinus and the Being-Life-Mind triad. 2. The triad in sources roughly contemporary with Plotinus. 3. Pre-Plotinian precursors to the triad. 4. Conclusions. – «The evidence suggests that Plotinus received the noetic triad from Sethians, but probably himself connected it with Soph. 248E-249A, as well as to the Aristotelian and anti-Stoic notions that intellect and true being are alive» (p. 403)]. ROBBINS V.K., Questions and Answers in Gospel of Thomas, in La littérature des questions et réponses dans l’antiquité profane et chrétienne, 3-36. [Introduction. 1. The guiding principle about sayings internal to the Gospel of Thomas. 2. Series of questions and answers about ritual behavior and action. 3. Questions and answers about time. Conclusion. – Abstract: «There are between thirty and thirty-eight questions in the Coptic Gospel of Thomas, depending on how a person edits and translates the text. Jesus asks a little more than half of the questions, while Jesus’ disciples and various other people ask the other half. All of the questions attributed to the disciples ask for information. While some of Jesus’ questions ask for information, most are “rhetorical”. They are rhetorical, however, in

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different ways. Following guidelines from the Progymnasmata, this paper classifies the questions and answers in Thomas rhetorically and analyzes the topoi upon which they focus. A special characteristic of the analysis is to approach the questions and answers in the sequential order in which they stand in the collection of 114 logia» (p. 35)]. ROBINSON J.M., The Nag Hammadi Story → 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi ROIG LANZILLOTTA R., A Way of Salvation: Becoming Like God in Nag Hammadi, Numen 60 (2013) 71-102. [Abstract: «Contrary to general belief, ethical progress as a means to attain the divine and thereby achieve salvation occupies a central place in the Nag Hammadi writings. Plato’s conception of the homoiosis theo or “likeness to god” fits very well this dynamic view of man, since it optimistically claims the possibility of human development and progress. Plato’s dialogues are far from offering a univocal exposition of how this progress was fulfilled, but later Platonists show a rather systematizing tendency. The present paper provides an overview of the homoiosis theo in the Platonic dialogues and evaluates its appropriation by both Middle Platonism and the world of Gnosis. It also offers an exposition and analysis of those Nag Hammadi writings that may allow a proper understanding of the meaning and goal of the homoiosis theo in this collection of texts»]. SABAU G., Le modèle sotériologique et l’histoire de la doctrine valentinienne. Une évaluation critique de la thèse d’Einar Thomassen, VigChr 68 (2014) 119-154. [I. La thèse d’Einar Thomassen. II. La critique de l’interprétation de Thomassen: II.1. Problèmes de méthodologie générale; II.2. Le problème de deux «Écoles». III. La christologie valentinienne. Peut-on parler de deux modèles christologiques? IV. La sotériologie valentinienne: IV.1. Éléments d’anthropologie; IV.2. L’interprétation de la sotériologie valentinienne. Conclusions. – Abstract: «This article is a critical evaluation of Einar Thomassen’s thesis, according to which the Valentinian doctrine evolves from the Eastern to the Western school. E. Thomassen starts his classification from the classical separation of Valentinism in two schools – Eastern and Western – and he traces the evolution of the Valentinian doctrine, relying on the extant historical testimonies and also on the inner logic of the Christological doctrine’s evolution from one spiritual nature of the Saviour to his double nature (spiritual and psychical). In this article I tried to question E. Thomassen’s thesis of the two christological and soteriological models, through a comparative analysis of direct and indirect sources. I tried to show that such a perspective over the Valentinian doctrine’s evolution is difficult to maintain if we were to abandon the heresiologists’ assumptions (specially those of Irenaeus of Lyon) on Valentinism»]. SCOPELLO M., The Temptation of Allogenes (Codex Tchacos, Tractate IV), in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 117-137. [1. A character dear to Gnosis. 2. The main connections of the Allogenes T. 3. Translation and commentary: 3.1. The theme of the Dialogues: the temptations; 3.2. From temptation to renunciation. 4. Is there a connection with the Gospel narratives? – «Gnostic negative perceptions about the dangerous seduction of the world as well as the Synoptic narratives about Jesus’ temptations in the wilderness have been a source of inspiration for the author of Allogenes T. Both have provided him with material to illustrate the Gnostic theme of the struggle of man against the powers of evil in recounting the story of Allogenes’ ascension and temptation on mount Tabor. If compared to the Gospel passages, in Allogenes T the landscape darkens more and more, in a merciless fight between Light and Darkness, between Satan and Allogenes – two opposite figures that represent paths between which humanity has to choose» (p. 134)]. TARDIEU M., Écho et les antitypes, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 427-441. [1. Les harmonies de la voix. 2. Les demeures de la Sagesse. 3. Résonances gnostiques et néoplatoniciennes. – «Mon but... est d’attirer l’attention, parmi les façons de reproduire un modèle, sur une autre forme de mimesis, à laquelle on ne pense pas spontanément mais qui, me semble-t-il, a joué un rôle dans l’élaboration de la mythographie philosophique des gnostiques. La particularité de cette mimesis est de s’exercer non plus en fonction de la vision, art des lignes sur un support, mais selon la sensation auditive, plaisir de l’ouïe à des sons qui créent la chaîne des retours en même temps que de nouveaux espaces vocaux en se répétant par rebonds. Pour reprendre une formule célèbre de Zumthor, c’est en vertu des harmonies de la voix que le texte existe» (p. 428)]. THOMASSEN E., Sethian Names in Magical Texts: Protophanes and Meirotheos, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 63-77. [1. Protophanes. 2. Meirotheos. – «Sethian texts display a number of mythological characters whose names and origins have so far defied efforts to give them historical and philological explanations. We are still in the dark, for example, abouth the provenance of such central figures as Barbelo and Yaldabaoth, despite several ingenious attempts in the past to solve the riddles of their names. This article will focus on two somewhat less

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prominent members of the Sethian pantheon, by exploring the possibility that their historical backgrounds may be illuminated by a small group of magical texts where their names seem to appear» (p. 63)]. TOEPEL A., «Was ihr verabscheut, das tut nicht» – Ethik im Thomasevangelium und bei Epikur, in Christliches Ägypten in der spätantiken Zeit, 75-79. [«Logion 6 ließe sich auf diese Weise als Warnung gegenüber einem äußerlichen Befolgen von Regeln verstehen. Eine solche Haltung ist nicht unethisch in dem Sinne, dass sie Indifferenz oder unbeschränkten Lustgewinn lehren würde; sie muss auch nicht notwendigerweise der Goldenen Regel widersprechen. Vielmehr geht es darum, die Gründe des menschlichen Handelns offenzulegen» (p. 79)]. VAN OORT J., Alexander of Lycopolis, Manichaeism and Neoplatonism, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 275-283. [1. State of research on Alexander of Lycopolis. 2. The main contents of Alexander’s treatise and its importance. 3. Alexander on Manichaeism and its main tenets. 4. In search of Alexander’s philosophy. – «All in all, in his reaction to Manichaean dualism, Alexander turns out to be a Platonist. His position in this school is, in all likelihood, somewhere between Middle Platonism and Neoplatonism. As in Middle Platonism, his highest principle seems a demiurgic intellect. But, as is the case with Hierocles, this idea does not seem to be caused by any Christian influence. Alexander’s explicit monism and theory of hypostases may be interpreted as signs of developing Neoplatonism. Perhaps it is best to characterize him as a pre-Plotinian Neoplatonist» (p. 282)]. 4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici BAUSI A. – CAMPLANI A., New Ethiopic Documents for the History of Christian Egypt, ZAC 17 (2013) 215-247. [1. The manuscript and its linguistic and cultural context: 1.1. Previous contributions and further perspectives; 1.2. The List of Apostles and Disciples; 1.3. Christian Egypt and Christian Ethiopia. 2. A ‘new’ History of the Episcopate of Alexandria (third to fourth century): 2.1. Structure of the text and its unity; 2.2. Ideological tendencies; 2.3. Lists of bishops. – Abstract: «New documents written in Ethiopic have come to light in a manuscript discovered in Ethiopia in 1999. These documents not only shed important light upon the literary and cultural history of the Aksumite civilization, but are also of great significance for the history of Christianity in Egypt. The collection transmitted by the manuscript includes the Ethiopic version of a lost Greek History of the Episcopate of Alexandria, which was formerly known primarily from Latin excerpts transmitted by the Codex Veronensis LX (58), passages by the historian Sozomenus, and other less important witnesses. This paper examines certain features of an apocryphal List of Apostles and Disciples and looks more extensively at the structure of the History, its ideological tendencies, and the lists it preserves of Egyptian bishops appointed by bishops Maximus (264-282), Theonas (282-300?), and Peter of Alexandria (300?-311)»]. CAMPLANI A., La percezione della crisi religiosa calcedonese in alcuni testi storici e agiografici prodotti negli ambienti dell’episcopato di Alessandria, Adamantius 19 (2013) 240-255. [1. I materiali della tradizione: le opere di Atanasio di Alessandria, la Storia episcopale, il Martirio di Pietro di Alessandria. 2. Figure del potere e linguaggio biblico: Teodosio, Marciano, Pulcheria e la svolta filocalcedonense. 3. Figure della tradizione ecclesiale. 4. Conclusioni. – Abstract: «This essay explores the significance and evolution of some symbols and images in a number of Egyptian histories produced in the circles of the institutional church, such as the fragments by Timothy Aelurus, the History of the Church in Coptic, the ancient layer of the History of the Patriarchs, as well as in a number of hagiographic texts produced in the same milieu or connected with the monastic opposition to the Council of Chalcedon under Justinian: the Life of Dioscorus, which relates the last four years of Dioscorus’ existence, in particular his resistance during the council of Chalcedon, his exile, his death; the Panegyric of Macarius, bishop of Tkou, another hero of the resistance against the Council of Chalcedon, fictionally pronounced by Dioscorus while in exile in the short period following Macarius’ death (immediately after his return from Chalcedon to Alexandria, 451- 454). In the prehistory of this literary traditions the role of Athanasius is to be noticed: he created a literary and historiographical genre, where the documents were used in the service of a thesis, embedded in a narrative. Constantius as Antichrist and Arianism as the forerunner of the end of times are images that have been successful. Athanasius’ example was followed especially by Timothy Ailurus, who gave rise to many themes that will be reworked in the following hagiographical tradition: one is the contrast between the age of Cyril and Theodosius and the age of Marcian, or between Leo’s Tome and Chalcedon, connected with the advent of the Antichrist; Pulcheria has not yet assumed the negative role she will play in later hagiographic narratives, as in the Vita Dioscori; the other interesting perspective in Timothy is the focus on the past, on Peter, and especially on Athanasius and Dioscorus; to these figures, during the time of Justinian, other authorities will be added, especially John Chrysostom and Severus of Antioch»].

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GLEEDE B., Der Traktat De sectis des Abbas Theodor. Eine unvollendete Handreichung zur Widerlegung der diakrinovmenoi, in Christliches Ägypten in der spätantiken Zeit, 179-216. [«Wir werden unseren Text... am angemessensten als Handreichung für die verbliebenen alexandrinischen Chalkedonier zu verstehen haben, um sich im Chaos der monophysitischen Sekten zurechtzufinden und mit deren wichtigsten Argumenten gegen die Synode von Chalkedon adäquat umzugehen. Dass diese Handreichung in deutlicher Spannung zur Theologie des eigenen Patriarchen Eulogios sowie zur kaiserlich verfochtenen Religionspolitik steht, ist ein neuerlicher Beweis für die immer wieder festzustellende Tatsache, dass die religiösen Gruppierungen der Antike keineswegs so homogen waren, wie im Lichte der wenigen ihrer jeweils erhaltenen Zeugen erscheinen» (p. 216)]. GOLGOWSKI T., Beginnings of the Monophysite Church in Egypt, Vox Patrum 32/57 (2012) 167-179 (pol.). [Summary: «The author presents the history of the Church of Egypt after the Council of Chalcedon (451), and trying to determine the final destruction of the unity of Patriarchate of Alexandria. At the beginning of the crisis were the decisions taken at the Council, but the process of creating a separate patriarchate (Melkite and Monophysite) in Egypt lasted long. Some researchers, such as William H.C. Frend, consider the turning point in this process the death of Emperor Justinian (565), while in the East they began to create a separate Monophysite Church hierarchy. Such conclusions appear premature regards Egypt, although these may be correct with regard to Syria. It seems that the creation of two separate Christian Churches in Egypt took place later, during the reign of Emperor Heraclius (610-641)» (p. 180)]. IRSHAI O., Christian Historiographers’ Reflections on Jewish-Christian Violence in Fifth-Century Alexandria, in Jews, Christians, and the Roman Empire. The Poetics of Power in Late Antiquity, ed. by N.B. DOHRMANN and A. YOSHIKO REED (Jewish Culture and Contexts), University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 2013, 137-153. [Jewish-Christian tension in early-fifth century Alexandria. The Alexandrian riots of 414-415 CE: events and context. The Calama (North Africa) riot in 408 CE and the «Calama syndrome». Jews in Socrates’ history: through the prism of the Alexandria riots. – «This essay attempts to explore the historical and historiographical aspects of some extreme examples of interfaith violence in Alexandria in 414 and 415 CE, in the early years of Cyril of Alexandria’s episcopacy (elected in 412). This exploration is part of a broader study on Jews and Judaism in early Christian historiography, which concentrates predominantly on the Jewish component in the formation of early Christian history. By “Jewish component”, I denote the anecdotes or lengthier narratives about Jews integrated into what is a thoroughly Christian portrayal of history. The task is to decipher the distinct constituents, contexts, and modes of the integration of these episodes, in an attempt to understand their bearing on the overall narrative prose that was an important tool in the molding of the late antique Christian self-image» (pp. 137-138)]. YOUSSEF Y., The Life and Works of Severus of Antioch in the Coptic and Copto-Arabic Tradition. Texts and Commentaries (Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies, 28), Gorgias Press, Piscataway/NJ 2014, pp. xii+463. 5. Il monachesimo Atlante delle Tebaidi e dei temi figurativi, a cura di A. MALQUORI con M. DE GIORGI e L. FENELLI (Collana dell’Accademia di Firenze), Centro Di, Firenze 2014, pp. 294, ill. [M. BACCI, Le Tebaidi e il deserto come oggetto di contemplazione, 7-11. A. MALQUORI, Atlante delle Tebaidi e dei temi figurativi, 15-24. I. Tebaidi: A. MALQUORI, Introduzione, 27; A. MALQUORI, Storie degli anacoreti nel Camposanto di Pisa, 28-32; A. MALQUORI, La Tebaide degli Uffizi, 33-38; A. MALQUORI, La Tebaide Budapest/Bartolini Salimbeni, 38-43; A. MALQUORI, La Tebaide Esztergom/Christie’s, 44-50; M. BANDINI, La Tebaide di Cercina, 51-55; A. MALQUORI, La «grande» Tebaide Lindsay, 56-63; M. CORSI, Il «puzzle» ricostruito da Ellen Callmann, 64-70; A. MALQUORI, Una Tebaide in Palazzo Rucellai a Firenze, 70-76; A. STADERINI, La Via di perfezione attribuita a Paolo Uccello, 76-80; A. MALQUORI, La «piccola» Tebaide Lindsay, 80-86. II. Storie e immagini di eremiti a carattere narrativo o esemplare: A. MALQUORI, Introduzione, 89-90. a. Le cosiddette Tebaidi: M. BANDINI, Il ciclo della sagrestia di San Remigio a Firenze, 92-95; M. CORSI, Storie di eremiti e monaci nei locali di Santa Maria della Scala a Siena, 96-100; M. CORSI, Storie di eremiti nel convento di Santa Marta a Siena, 101-104; L. FENELLI, La Tebaide ricostruita da Michel Laclotte e da Anne Leader, 105-111; A. DELLE FOGLIE, Storie di eremiti nella chiesa di San Giovanni a Carbonara a Napoli, 112- 115; M. CORSI, Storie di anacoreti in preghiera e in penitenza nell’eremo di Lecceto presso Siena, 115-119; A. MALQUORI, Le Storie dei santi Padri nel monastero di San Miniato al Monte, 120-128. b. Paolo e Antonio: L. FENELLI, Note agiografiche su Paolo e Antonio, 130-131; A. DELLE FOGLIE, Storie di Antonio e Paolo a Sant’Angelo in Formis, 132-135; L. FENELLI, Storie di Antonio e Paolo nella chiesa di Le Campora presso Firenze, 135-140; L. FENELLI, Storie di Antonio e Paolo secondo la Leggenda di Patras, 141-144; A. DELLE FOGLIE, Storie di Antonio e Paolo nel Libretto degli anacoreti, 145-148. c. Onofrio e Pafnuzio: L. FENELLI, Il viaggio di Pafnuzio nel deserto e la tradizione della Vita Onuphrii, 150-151; M. BANDINI, Sant’Onofrio nella chiesa di san Pietro in Palco a Firenze, 152-155; L. FENELLI, Le Storie di sant’Onofrio dall’ospedale di

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Sant’Onofrio a Bologna, 156-161; A. DELLE FOGLIE, L’incontro tra Onofrio e Pafnuzio nel convento di Santa Maria Novella, 162-164; A. MALQUORI, Le Storie di Onofrio e Pafnuzio nel convento di Santa Maria Novella, 165-170. d. Gli eremiti pelosi: L. FENELLI, 171-172; G. ERMINI, Una Scena di vita eremitica nella basilica dei Santi Giorgio e Cristina a Bolsena, 173-175. e. Gli eremiti ‘illustri’: G. ERMINI, 176-178; G. ERMINI, Gli eremiti a tarsia nel coro nel Duomo di Orvieto, 178-184. III. Alcuni temi figurativi: A. MALQUORI, Introduzione, 187. a. M. DE GIORGI, La dormizione dell’eremita, 189-199; M. DE GIORGI, La Dormizione di sant’Arsenio (?) del Monte Sinai, 201-202; M. DE GIORGI, La Dormizione di sant’Efrem il Siro a Koudoumas (Creta), 202-206; M. DE GIORGI, La Dormizione di sant’Efrem il Siro di Andreas Pavias, 206-209; M. DE GIORGI, La Dormizione di san Saba a Lefkada, 210-212; M. DE GIORGI, La Dormizione di sant’Efrem di Emmanuele Tzanfournari, 213-217; A. MALQUORI, La Dormizione dell’eremita di Grifo di Tancredi, 217-224; A. MALQUORI, La Dormizione di sant’Arsenio nel convento di Santa Lucia a Fabriano, 224-229. b. A. MALQUORI, L’eremita sull’albero, 230-240. c. V. ROUCHON MOUILLERON, La scure, 241-250. d. M. CORSI, Gli scorpioni, 251-256. Bibliografia, 257-286; Indice dei nomi, 287-291; Indice dei soggetti e dei temi figurativi, 291-294]. ALCIATI R., Origene, gli antropomorfiti e Cassiano: le ragioni di una relazione istituita → 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene BUMAZHNOV D., Der Reigentanz der zwölf Tugenden in der Seele eines Demütigen: eine Plotinreminiszenz bei dem koptischen Mönch Paulus von Tamma? Zum Problem der Traditionszuordnungen im frühen Ägyptischen Mönchtum, in Christliches Ägypten in der spätantiken Zeit, 93-111. [1. Das Leben und Werk des heiligen Paulus von Tamma. 2. Einige Traditionszuordnungen des Korpus des Paulus von Tamma. 3. De humilitate 4-12: Text, Übersetzung und Komposition. 4. Deutung von De humilitate 9b. 5. Zur Traditionszuordnung von De hum. 4-12. – «Schließlich ist von entscheidender Bedeutung, dass Paulus von Tamma, die auch bei Plotin im Zusammenhang mit dem fraglichen Motiv vorkommende Gottesschau, auf eine radikale nicht hellenistische Weise umdeutet, indem er sie von der Heiligung des Leibes abhängig macht und die Beteiligung der leiblichen Augen an der Gottesvision betont. Diese Umdeutung fußt auf alttestamentliche Überlieferungen und wird von einem Zitat aus Acta Pauli et Theclae unterstützt. Ein derartiges Verständnis der Gottesschau widerspricht den bedeutendsten Grundlagen der platonischen Philosophie und wurde in monastischen Kreisen Ägyptens im 4.-5. Jahrhundert einer ebenfalls mönchischen platonisierenden Auffassung der visio Dei gegenübergestellt, die die Gottesschau den Augen des Geistes zuschrieb» (pp. 110-111)]. CAIN A., The Greek Historia monachorum in Aegypto and Athanasius’ Life of Antony → 20. Atanasio CHOAT M., Monastic Letter Collections in Late Antique Egypt: Structure, Purpose, and Transmission, in Cultues in Contact. Transfer of Knowledge in the Mediterranean Context, Selected Papers ed. by S. TORALLAS TOVAR & J.P. MONFERRER-SALA (Series Syro-Arabica, 1), Cordoba Near Eastern Research Unit – Centre de Documentation et de Recherches Arabes Chrétiennes, Cordoba–Beirut 2013, 73-90. [«The letter is the first literary genre adopted within Egyptian monasticism. Before the Lives of monks were written, before Rules were set down for them, monks wrote letters to one another, setting forth their ideologies, warning against false teachings, offering advice, support, encouragement. Although – at least according to his disciple Abba Daniel – Arsenius was not disposed to letter-writing, many monks were not so disinclined. Epistolary exchange does not in itself create a literary genre, but I would contend that select letters passed into a literary tradition, recopied on rolls, or set down in codices, as soon as, or sooner than, the other monastic literary genre. In these two lives of letters, their immediate context and their ‘literary’ life, letters come to be one of the most important genres in terms of the self-articulation of the monastic movement in Egypt; no less important that sermons, rules, sayings, and lives, and all the more interesting for the comparatively lesser attention devoted to them in modern scholarship. In focusing on them, we can not only assess side by side letters preserved on documentary papyri and in manuscript, but can examine through them how monks related to the outside world, and how they articulated the relationships within their communities. An examination of monastic letters should thus have two components. One is analysis of monastic letters in the time they were written, in their genre as devices for communication; that is, their place within the daily lives of communities, the reasons for sending them; the way they function to tie together translocal networks, to mediate authority. The second aspect is monastic letter collections, after the time in which they were written and sent: their collection, structure, transmission, and the purpose of that transmission. It is this latter issue which I wish to take up here» (pp. 73-74)]. COSTACHE D., Adam’s Holiness: Athonite and Alexandrine Perceptions → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale CRISTEA H.-J., Schenute gegen ein falsches Sündenbewusstsein. Paris BNF copte 1302 ff. 110-111 (= DS 241/241 + 247/248), in Christliches Ägypten in der spätantiken Zeit, 161-177. [Einleitung und koptischer Text. Übersetzung. Exkurs zu DS 241:1-16. Indizes. Abkürzungs- und Literaturverzeichnis. – «Zusammenfassend lässt sich sagen, dass Schenute es hier mit theologischen Gegnern zu

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tun hat, die durch ihre mündliche Verkündigung und durch ihre Bücher Verwirrung unter den Christen stiften und – so darf man vermuten – auch die klösterliche Disziplin in Gefahr bringen. Die Problemlage, auf die Schenute in beiden Fragmenten reagiert, zeigt sich als eine ähnliche wie die in Contra Origenistas» (p. 163)]. DANIELI M.I., La ricerca della sapienza nelle prime fonti monastiche, in Dizionario di spiritualità biblico-patristica. I grandi temi della S. Scrittura per la lectio divina, 65: La sapienza nei Padri della Chiesa, I, Borla, Roma 2013, 174-197. [A) Sapienza divina e umana. B) Le fonti della sapienza: 1. La Bibbia; 2. I Greci (a) la tradizione alessandrina; b) La sapienza del monaco s. Antonio; c) S. Basilio; d) Marcella e Paola. 3. La croce. Conclusione. Bibliografia. – «… La Bibbia e i Greci si compenetrano nella croce come amore, senza il quale non si dà autentica esistenza cristiana, e tanto meno vita monastica, e non si apre la via della sapienza» (p. 191)]. DÜMLER B., Bilder in der Wüste. Fragen zur Funktion und Deutung von Maiestas-Darstellungen in ägyptischen Klöstern, in Christliches Ägypten in der spätantiken Zeit, 231-259. [1. Die Klöster. 2. Die Bilder. 3. Bisherige Deutungen. 4. Die Frage nach der Funktion. 5. Die Frage nach dem Selbstverständnis des Betrachters. 6. Der Heilig-Ruf als Indiz für vorweggenommene himmlische Realität. 7. Ausblick in die deutsche Wissenschaftswirklichkeit. Abb. – «Die bildliche Darstellung der Maiestas Domini dürfte auf diesem Hintergrund wohl zu verstehen sein als Materialisierung der Vision der himmlischen Liturgie der Engel, in die der Mönch antizipierend und in der Mitte zwischen kommemorierten Vorbildern und himmlischen Heerscharen stehend eingebunden ist. “<…> das Oratorium ist damit nicht nur der Ort des Gebets im engeren Sinne; es ist auch der Ort des Schauens künftiger Glückseligkeit” (Descœudres). Er ist der Ort des Schauens und damit des Erlebens, und dies, möchte man gegenüber überwiegend heilsgeschichtlichen Deutungen der Darstellungen betonen, in erster Linie» (pp. 254-255)]. GROSSMANN I.K., Neue Beobachtungen zur arabischen Göttinger Pachomiusvita im Vergleich mit den koptischen und griechischen Fassungen, in Christliches Ägypten in der spätantiken Zeit, 113-148. [1. Kontroverse über Originalsprache und ursprüngliche Form der Vita. 2. Beschreibung und Verhältnis der Fassungen zueinander. 3. S10 ist älter als G1 und die SBo Gruppe. 4. Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede zwischen G1 und der SBo Gruppe. 5. Zwei Redaktionen a/b und g vor der Übersetzung ins Griechische (G1). 6. Zusammensetzung von Ag aus S10 und SBo. 7. Verhältnis von Ag zu Av (Appendix der Pachomiosvita). 8. Form der beiden ersten Redaktionen b und g. Anhang: Das Pachomiosmaterial der arabischen Handschriften des Sinai. Sigelverzeichnis. – «Innerhalb der arabischen Überlieferung sind zwei bisher noch unedierte Fassungen hervorzuheben, die Göttinger (Ag) und die Vatikan Fassung (Av). Anders als die bohairische Vita (Bo) und die griechische Vita prima (G1) enden beide genannten arabischen Fassungen (Ag, Av) mit dem Tod des Pachomios. Die Göttinger Fassung (Ag) ist in der von Amélineau edierten arabischen Vita (Am) enthalten, nur ist sie hier mit mehreren Zusätzen versehen und um den auf den Tod des Pachomios folgenden, aus der griechischen Vita tertia (G2) übersetzten Abschnitt erweitert» (p. 114)]. JASIEWICZ A., Senses of Wonder in the Historia Monachorum in Aegypto, Vox Patrum 32/57 (2012) 217-223 (pol.). [Summary: «The Historia monachorum contains material which is instructive for social life in fourth century Egypt, for monasticism in its exterior aspects in Egypt, and for the spiritual and moral apporach of visitors to Egypt in recording the account of the lives of the monks. One of the elements in the whole literature of early monasticism which is perhaps especially unfamiliar to the modern reader is the account it gives of miracles. There are miracles of clairvoyance; miracles of healing; miraculous dreams and visions; and ‘nature’ miracles. These events are not seen primarily as mirabilia, as things to be wondered for their strangeness, as being contrary to the course of nature. They are signs, and signs of the power of God. There are, moreover, signs that God is working as strongly now as he did among the prophets and the apostles. They illustrate the virtus of the monks, and place them directly in the line of the biblical revelation of the power of God» (p. 224)]. LEWIS D.N. – BLOUNT J.A., Rethinking the Origins of the Nag Hammadi Codices → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo) LÓPEZ A.G., Shenoute of Atripe and the Uses of Poverty: Rural Patronage, Religious Conflict, and Monasticism in Late Antique Egypt, University of California Press, Berkeley/CA 2013, pp. xi+237. LUISIER PH., Paul de Thamma, Lettre sur la cellule. Une traduction française, in Vangelo, trasmissione, verità. Studi in onore di Enrico Cattaneo, 265-283. [Introduction. Traduction. Index: Citations bibliques; Noms propres; Mots grécoptes. – Abstract: «This article proposes the French translation of the Lettre sur la cellule attributed to Paul of Tamma, an Egyptian ascetic of the fourth century. The introduction deals with several issues posed by the double recensio of the text, such as the use of apocryphal literature and the Alexandrian-style exegesis. In his Life, Paul is seen in relation to the monasticism of the Middle Egypt and the Letter seems to conserve it for us as a precious inheritance, where “the grace of the cell” is widely illustrated. Several indices complete the annotated translation» (p. 283)].

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MÄNNLEIN-ROBERT I., Vom Wald in die Wüste: Der Mittagsdämon in der Spätantike, in Christliches Ägypten in der spätantiken Zeit, 149-160. [«Anhand der genannten Beispiele sollte... bereits deutlich geworden sein, dass die paganen Mittagsgottheiten im Begriff des “Mittagsdämons” aus der Septuaginta in Dimensionen einer longue durée weiterleben. Freilich siedeln sie seit dem 4. Jahrhundert n. Chr. in die Wüste Ägyptens um und werden in dieser neuen christlichen “Gegenwelt’ zum Inbegriff bedrohlicher, prinzipiell aber überwindbarer Herausforderungen für die Asketen. Abhängig von Textsorte und Kontext bleiben die mittäglichen Gefahren entweder als Figuren des paganen Mythos präsent oder sie werden abstrahiert und entpersonalisiert als Symptome der Akedia beschrieben» (pp. 159-160)]. MOSCHOS D., The Emperors and the Desert – The Attitude of Egyptian Monasticism towards Constantine and the Prospect of a Christian Empire, in Saint Emperor Constantine and Christianity. International Conference Commemorating the 1700th Anniversary of the Edict of Milan, 31 May – 2 June 2013, ed. D. BOJOVIĆ, Vol. I, The Centre of Church Studies, Niš 2013, 157-163. [Abstract: «Constantine was regarded (at least through the influential image drawn by Eusebius) as an unprecedented model of a leader acting towards reshaping of the public space and putting in its centre the Christian Church. This paper explains how this image of Constantine was reflected among the Egyptian monastic groups and especially in the group of St. Anthony the Great. Combining some information from Vita Antonii and the History of Sozomenus about the letters of Anthony to Emperor Constantine I, we note that although they present a very different background, they share a common critical position against a Christian Emperor. This criticism continues in some monastic texts in the 5th and 6th c. along with a general distancing from the upper-class of landlords or imperial officers mainly in Upper Egypt. On the other hand there are important monastic figures in the 5th c. (like John of Lykopolis) who state their interest for spiritual guidance of high officials. This turn probably derives from an internalization of the renunciation of the world due to the version of asceticism put forward by Evagrios of Pontos»]. PEVARELLO D., The Sentences of Sextus and the Origins of Christian Asceticism → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale RUBENSON S., The Formation and Re-formations of the Sayings of the Desert Fathers, in Studia Patristica. Vol. LV: Papers presented at the Sixteenth International Conference on Patristic Studies held in Oxford 2011, ed. by M. VINZENT. Vol. 3: Early Monasticism and Classical Paideia, ed. S. RUBENSON, Peeters, Leuven-Paris-Walpole/Ma 2013, 5-22. [Previous scholarship. The problem of the editions of the AP. Historical considerations. Literary considerations. What we can learn. To conclude. – «The Apophthegmata Patrum are a central part of an extensive literature shaped by the monastic tradition of the East. The value of this tradition for patristic studies is not limited to research on the emergence of the tradition in fourth-century Egypt (for which it is probably badly suited), but lies primarily in what it reveals about the transmission and transformations of the tradition in the period from mid fifth century to the middle ages. It is further not as documents revealing historical facts, but as material used for the formation of monks in a variety of monastic milieus that the sayings have come done to us and request our attention. Rather than limiting ourselves to what we think the sayings reveal about the desert fathers, or about our own spiritual quest, we can learn about how wisdom has been transmitted from classical paideia through Eastern monasticism to our time, and hopefully open our minds to other forms of education than the modern school» (p. 21)]. SCHROEDER C.T., Women in Anchoritic and Semi-Anchoritic Monasticism in Egypt: Rethinking the Landscape, CH 83 (2014) 1-17. [I. The scholarly landscape of «Desert» asceticism. II. Women as desert ascetics in Late Antiquity. III. The economics and autonomy of women monasteries. IV. Conclusions. – Abstract: «Outside of hagiography, the evidence for female anchorites in early Christian Egypt remains scarce. House ascetics in cities survive for us in documentary and other sources, but women monks in non-coenobitic, non-urban environments are more difficult to locate, to the point at which some scholars have begun to question their very existence. This essay seeks to change the parameters of the scholarly debate over the nature of non-coenobitic female monastic experience. It examines hagiography, monastic rules and letters, and documentary papyri to reassess the state of the field and to produce a fuller portrait of anchoritic and semi-anchoritic female asceticism. Non-coenobitic women’s monasticism existed, and it crossed boundaries of geography and social status, as well as the traditional categories of lavra, eremitic, coenobitic, and house asceticism. This interdisciplinary approach provides insights not only into women ascetics’ physical locations but also into their class, education, and levels of autonomy. An intervention into the historiography of women’s asceticism in late antique Egypt, this study ultimately questions the advisability of using traditional categorizations of “anchoritic”, “lavra”, and “coenobitic” to classify female monasticism, because they obscure the particularities and diversity of female ascetic history»].

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SCHULZ-FLÜGEL E., AMATOR EREMI: Zum Stellenwert des Begriffs «Wüste» im ägyptischen und europäischen Mönchtum, in Christliches Ägypten in der spätantiken Zeit, 217-229. [Die Anfänge. Die literarische Sicht. Die Sammelwerke. Paradies oder Werk des Teufels? Von der Wüste in den Wald. – «Das Wort “Wüste” ist mit so zahlreichen und vielfältigen Assoziationen, Ansichten, Sehnsüchten, Urteilen und Hoffnungen verbunden, dass eine umfassende Geschichte dieses Begriffs – und sei es auch nur im Kontext der Askese – weit mehr Seiten erforderte als in diesem Rahmen möglich sind. So beschränkt sich dieser Beitrag auf einige Aspekte, vor allem auf die Frage, wie sich das Bild von der Wüste auf dem Weg der Askese aus ihren Heimatländern nach Europa verändert und verwandelt hat» (p. 217)]. SUCIU A., More Sahidic Fragments from the Life of Shenoute Attributed to Besa, ZAC 17 (2013) 424-427. [Abstract: «This article identifies a parchment leaf kept in the Pushkin Museum in Moscow as a fragment from the Sahidic version of the Life of Shenoute (BHO 1074-1078; Clavis Coptica 0461), a hagiographical work about the archimandrite of the White Monastery attributed to his successor Besa. The fragment offers a portion of the text which has survived only in the Arabic and Ethiopic versions. The paleographical inspection indicates that the dismembered leaf belonged to the White Monastery codex MONB.WV. Besides the Moscow fragment, this article adds two other paleographically related fragments to the White Monastery codex MONB.WV) (p. 425)]. WESTALL R., Monks as Philosophers and Oracles in Late Antique Egypt, SMSR 79 (2013) 103-122. [Abstract: «The consultation of John of Lycopolis by Theodosius I regarding the prosecution of a Roman civil war is abundantly attested and thereby offers general insight into the religious landscape of Late Antiquity. The story furnishes a new version of a crucial aspect of the speculum principis: the ruler’s recourse to oracles. According to ancient theorists, the monk’s ability to act as an oracle was rooted within the practice of asceticism, and this can be seen to rest upon the vision of the monk as a philosopher. Within those seven letters that have been convincingly defended as authentic, the hermit Antony makes this vision explicit, repeatedly urging monks to seek true knowledge (γνῶσις). Shaping subsequently tradition, the Egyptian evidence represents not only emperors, but also the common people as engaged in consulting the “man of God” as they had traditional oracles for assistance in matters relating to quotidian concerns» (p. 122)]. 11. Clemente Alessandrino ALBANO E., I silenzi delle Sacre Scritture. Limiti e possibilità di rivelazione del Logos negli scritti di Filone, Clemente e Origene → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [II Parte: I silenzi delle Scritture nell’opera di Clemente di Alessandria: Introduzione, 219-222; Cap. I. Il silenzio degli interpreti del testo sacro, 223-238; Cap. 2. Il silenzio del disvelamento delle Scritture, 239-245; Cap. 3. Il silenzio dell’impossibilità delle Scritture, 247-338; Cap. 4. La Sacra Scrittura come σύντομος dei misteri divini, 339-345; Cap. 5. Alcune conclusioni: confronto tra la mediazione del Cristo e della Scrittura, 347-367]. BECHTLE G., «Harmonizing» Aristotle’s Categories and Plato’s Parmenides before the Background of Natural Philosophy, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 543-568. [3. Testimonies to the ancient joint reading of the Categories and the Parmenides (Reading the Categories into the Parmenides): 3.1. Clement of Alexandria (pp. 559-560)]. BUCUR B.G., Clement of Alexandria’s Exegesis of Old Testament Theophanies, Phronema 29 (2014) 61-79. [Clement of Alexandria on theophanies. Theophanies and the curriculum. Theophanies and the prophetic inspiration. Clement on theophanies: Philonic heritage. Clement on Abraham and Isaiah. Conclusions. – Abstract: «The interpretation of Old Testament theophanies was crucial for early Christianity’s theological appropriation of the sacred history of Israel, and figured significantly in the anti-Jewish, anti-dualistic, and anti-monarchian polemics of the second and third centuries. A Christian continuator of Philo’s “noetic exegesis”, Clement of Alexandria inaugurates an approach to theophanies that is different from that of some of his predecessors and contemporaries, but no less important from a reception-historical perspective, inasmuch as it laid groundwork for the valorisation of theophanies for Christian spirituality»]. BURNS D.M., Care or Prayer? Justin Martyr’s Dialogue with Trypho 1.4. Revisited → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale DUBOIS J.-D., Remarques sur la cohérence des Extraits de Théodote, in Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 209-223. [1. La position de F. Sagnard. 2. Les Extraits 43.2-65 du Groupe «C». 3. Être sauvé par nature. 4. Le point de vue de Clément d’Alexandrie. 5. La christologie valentinienne. 6. Pour conclure. – «(...) Les Extraits de Théodote constituent un document de premier choix pour l’étude du valentinisme conservé en grec. Cela permet, en effet, des comparaisons utiles avec la documentation d’Irénée, en grec et en latin, y compris dans sa réutilisation par Tertullien, mais à condition de ne pas prendre Irénée pour critère d’interprétation de l’ensemble de la documentation valentinienne. Et indépendamment de la documentation hérésiologique, la comparaison de ces

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Extraits avec la documentation copte de Nag Hammadi permet d’aborder tous ces textes avec moins d’a priori hérésiologiques que par le passé» (p. 221)]. GRÜNSTÄUDL W., Petrus Alexandrinus. Studien zum historischen und theologischen Ort des zweiten Petrusbriefes → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [4. Petrus Alexandrinus: 4.2. Clemens von Alexandrien (pp. 236-286): 4.2.1. Ein verlorener Kommentar zu 2 Petr?, 237-240; 4.2.2. Mögliche Zitate aus 2 Petr, 240-244; 4.2.3. Exkurs: Die Stellung von exc. und ecl. im Werk des Clemens Alexandrinus, 245-249; 4.2.4. Berührungspunkte, 250-258; 4.2.5. Bauelemente, 258-281; 4.2.6. Zusammenfassung und Ergebnis, 282-286]. HAVRDA M., Textual Notes on Stromata VIII, Mnemosyne 66 (2013) 761-768. [«The so-called eighth book of Stromata by Clement of Alexandria is a set of excerpts from a philosophical source (possibly Galen), occasionally glossed by the Christian author. It is preserved in a single manuscript, Codex Laurentianus Pluteus 5.3 (11th century), pp. 346v-361r. The edition of Otto Stählin, revised by Ludwig Früchtel (1970, 80-102), remains the authoritative rendering of the text. In the course of my study of Stromata VIII I noticed several passages where, in my view, the reading of GCS could or should be reconsidered. The following article is a collection of these passages and arguments in favour of an alternative solution (with one exception, where Stählin’s decision to follow L is defended against its critics). I present the text of these passages in the form advocated by this article» (p. 761)]. HERRERO DE JÁUREGUI, Factores de unidad compositiva en el Protréptico de Clemente Alejandrino: movimiento, polaridad y simetría, ’Ilu. Revista de Ciencias de las Religiones 24 (2013) 77-89. [1. El bálsamo de persuasión y su misteriosa receta. 2. Movimiento: la salvación como meta. 3. Polaridad: religión versus superstición. 4. Simetría: lo legítimo y lo bastardo.. 5. Conclusión: bases, cuerpo y aditivos. – «El Protréptico, la exhortación a la conversión escrita a finales del siglo II por Clemente de Alejandría, ha gozado de singular fortuna entre los estudiosos modernos de la literatura cristiana antigua. Por un lado, su abundante y precisa información sobre la religión, mitología y filosofía griegas han hecho de la obra una preciosa fuente de datos desconocidos por otras vías, y por otro, la altura de su estilo la hace el mejor exponente del cristianismo helenizado, que compite en calidad literaria con otras obras cumbre de la época antonina. Finalmente, su carácter introductorio al resto de la obra clementina ha servido a los estudiosos tradicionalmente para buscar en ella apuntes que iluminen el sentido de pasajes del Pedagogo y los Stromata. Sin embargo, quizá por esta multiplicidad de intereses, son pocos los estudios que atiendan al conjunto de la obra más allá de la explicación de determinados pasajes. El propósito de las páginas que siguen es aportar cierta luz sobre la composición y sentido del Protréptico, cuyo mayor valor y razón última de su éxito entre antiguos y modernos estriba, a mi entender, en la combinación exitosa y original de diferentes modelos literarios y fuentes muy distintas en un texto permeado de notable unidad. En buena medida, la fuerza retórica de la obra proviene de la integración de componentes de muy diversa procedencia en un producto novedoso]. HYLDAHL J., Clement of Alexandria: Paganism and its positive significance for Christianity, in In Defence of Christianity. Early Christian Apologists, 139-157. [1. Clement of Alexandria and apology: 1.1. Clement of Alexandria as an apologist; 1.2. The life and work of Clement of Alexandria. 2. In defence of Christianity: 2.1. The charges of non-independent ethics and reprehensible morality; 2.2. The charges of atheism; 2.3. The charges of novelty and the proof of age; 2.4. The charge of originality; 2.5. Criticism of the gospel’s simple style; 2.6. The charge that faith is irrational. 3. Defence of Greek culture: 3.1. Criticism of the rejection of Greek culture by some Christians; 3.2. Criticism of the way other Christians embraced Greek culture – False Gnosis. 4. Conclusion. – «In contrast to Gnostic Christians, Clement is able to achieve a sensible dialogue between Christianity and Greek culture which is not subversive to the Christian truth. Unlike most Christian apologists, he feels it necessary to defend and elevate Greek culture. However, Clement can only achieve this by relativizing and subjecting all written testimonies (the Bible, his own works, Plato’s dialogues, classic poetry, etc.) to a semantic distinction between text and meaning» (p. 156)]. PANCERZ R.M., Christian towards Material Goods. Reflection of the Alexandrian School from Clement to Didymus the Blind → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Summary: «(...) Clemens explains Jesus’ words to the rich young man: “Sell everything you have, and give to the poor” (Mk 10, 21) allegorically. This order means that the wealthy should remove from the heart attachment to material goods and extirpate all passions which are bound up with them. The author wonders rhetorically: Who will help the poor, if we all will be devoid of material goods? Clemens regards eartly riches as things which are in themselves indifferent (adiaphora). Christians should use them with moderation and for God’s glory. Besides, they must look for the poor and help them» (p. 493)]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale

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[1. The roots of the doctrine of apokatastasis: Pantaenus of Alexandria: Apokatastasis as the return to unity (pp. 107-110; Clement of Alexandria: The end as the hoped-for apokatastasis (pp. 119-136)]. SCHWAB A., Thales von Milet in der frühen christlichen Literatur → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [2.4. Clemens von Alexandrien (Th 197-208), 47-74]. SEDLAK R., Klemens – ein christlicher Autor in Alexandria, in Alexandria, 435-444. [1. Klemens – Person und Werk. 2. Klemens’ Kritik am Schriftgebrauch der Irrlehrer. 3. Klemens’ Aussagen über die Kompositionen der Stromateis. 4. Klemens – ein christlicher Autor in Alexandria. – «Dass Klemens die Vielfalt der Einzelwissenschaften und den Umgang mit ihnen eigens thematisiert, dass er aus der Fülle der überkommenen Literatur schöpft und dabei den Erwerb der christlichen Erkenntnis als einen Bildungsweg skizziert, der die Fülle des Wissens auf ihren Ursprung hin durchleuchtet – dies alles deutet auf ein Umfeld hin, das sich durch eben die Vielfalt des Forschens und verfügbaren Wissens auszeichnet. Diese Fülle nötigt Klemens bei seinem Umfassenden Ansatz, eine qualifizierte Auswahl zu treffen. Da diese Vielfalt für Klemens das vielgestaltige Gotteshandeln abbildet, versteht er sich bei dessen Darstellung in den Stromateis nicht als exkludierender Eklektiker, sondern als integrierender Kompositeur. Das zeitgenössische Alexandria bietet ihm hierfür die besten Voraussetzungen durch das gesammelte Wissen und eine lebendige Bildungslandschaft, zuallererst aber überhaupt einen Anlass, einen spezifisch intellektuellen Zugang zu christlicher Erkenntnis zu propagieren und sich dezidiert an ein gebildetes Publikum zu wenden» (p. 444)]. THOMPSON T.W., Antinoos, The New God: Origen on Miracle and Belief in Third-Century Egypt → 12. Origene (4. Studi) 12. Origene 1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori 2. Edizioni e traduzioni Origen. Contra Celsum, transl. into Chinese by Shi MINMIN, intr. by L. PERRONE, SDX Joint Publishing Company, Beijing 2013, pp. 13+582. 3. Miscellanee e raccolte 4. Studi ALBANO E., I silenzi delle Sacre Scritture. Limiti e possibilità di rivelazione del Logos negli scritti di Filone, Clemente e Origene → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [III Parte: I silenzi delle Scritture nell’opera di Origene di Alessandria: Introduzione, 371-375; Cap. I. Il silenzio dell’impossibilità delle Scritture, 377-467; Cap. 2. Il silenzio del disvelamento delle Scritture, 469-523; Cap. 3. Alcune conclusioni: L’unità dei silenzi delle Scritture e il loro posto nell’opera origeniana, 525-535]. ALBRECHT F., Die alexandrinische Bibelübersetzung. Einsichten zur Entstehungs- Überlieferungs- und Wirkungsgeschichte der Septuaginta → 4. LXX [4. Die christlichen Rezensiones: 4.1. Origenes: 4.1.1. Die Hexapla und die hexaplarische Rezension; 4.1.2. Die Syrohexapla; 4.1.3. Charakteristika der hexaplarischen Rezension (pp. 231-239)]. ALIAU-MILHAUD A., L’étoffement des personnages scripturaires comme le reflet de la complexité du texte dans le Commentaire sur Jean d’Origène, Adamantius 19 (2013) 380-394. [1. La complexité du personnage reflète une complexité chronologique. 2. La complexité du personnage reflète un défaut de cohérence interne. – Abstract: «This paper aims to show how Origen, in the Commentary on John, uses the form of the text he comments, to give psychological complexity to the Gospel characters. The complexity of the characters sometimes reflects a break or a change in the narrative: e. g., Lazarus first goes out of the tomb then gets untied, which means, according to Origen, that he gradually goes back to life, and thus makes moral progress. Furthermore, the psychological complexity of the characters sometimes reflects a lack of coherence that Origen finds out in the text. In short, this paper attempts to highlight to what extent the content of the Origenian exegesis is built upon the form of the text of John»]. ARGÁRATE P., Zwischen Origenes, Athanasius und Kyrill: ein weiteres Kapitel der alexandrinischen Pneumatologie. Das Traktat «Über den Heiligen Geist» des Didymos → 23. Didimo il Cieco BAGBY S., Volitional Sin in Origen’s Commentary on Romans, HThR 107 (2014) 340-362. [Introduction. Deterministic and Origenian anthropology. Sin and the Law. Sin and the passions. Sin and moderation. Conclusion. – «The text of the Epistle to the Romans and the immediate concerns of his audience shaped Origen’s theology of sin in his commentary. I have shown that this conception of volitional sin lends itself to three dominant emphases. God’s law is the perfect and discernible standard that humanity is not to contravene. Such a contravention occurs when the lower element of the soul and the irrational impulses of the body gain favor by the soul’s higher element. This usurpation of the soul is characterized by a failure to practice moderation insofar as the soul has chosen that which is excessive or deficient rather than following

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God’s law. This understanding of the apostle’s thought proved to be a substantial contribution to Christian identity in the third century. Evincing a balance and sensitivity to the needs of his audience, Origen bequeathed to the church an interpretation of the apostle that may have elicited a reading by both Augustine and Pelagius» (p. 361)]. BANDT C. – RISCH F.X., Das Hypomnema des Origenes zu den Psalmen – eine unerkannte Schrift des Eusebius → 19. Eusebio di Cesarea BRUNS C., Überlegungen zum Subordinatianismus in der Trinitätslehre des Origenes, in Monotheistische Denkfiguren in der Spätantike (→ Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 115-128. [«Es sind vor allem die christologischen Spitzenaussagen des Johannesevangeliums, die Origenes dazu veranlassen, die Einheit von Vater und Sohn der Sache nach als Einheit in der einen und einzigen wahrhaft göttlichen Wesensnatur zu begreifen. Gewiss formuliert Origenes diesen Gedanken, ohne die Vorstellung einer statischen Wesensnatur begrifflich zu explizieren. Der Sache nach bringt er diese Vorstellung allerdings dadurch zum Ausdruck, dass er im Anschluss an das biblische Zeugnis die Einheit von Vater und Sohn als dynamische Beziehungseinheit zu verstehen sucht, durch die der Vater und der Sohn in der Wirklichkeit ihres geistigen Lebens und willentlichen Strebens miteinander unzertrennlich sind. Damit ist die These des vorliegenden Beitrags umrissen» (p. 119)]. BURNS D.M., Care or Prayer? Justin Martyr’s Dialogue with Trypho 1.4. Revisited → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale CARLSON S.C., Origen’s Use of the Gospel of Thomas, in Sacra Scriptura: How «Non-Canonical» Text Functioned in Early Judaism and Early Christianity (T&T Clark Jewish and Christian Texts Series), Bloomsbury, London 2014, 137-151. [«In conclusion, Origen’s attitude toward the Gospel of Thomas was more nuanced than his explicit statements about it would seem to permit. As he stated in his first homily on Luke, he considered the Gospel of Thomas to be written “outside the grace” of the Holy Spirit and not “approved” by the Church. Indeed the Gospel of Thomas contains material that Origen would have objected to. For example, Thomas 52 denigrates the testimony of the Old Testament for Jesus, a position that Origen disagreed with in his Commentary on John 2.34. As another example, Origen would have found offensive the saying in Thomas 105 that Jesus would be called the son of a harlot (compare with Contra Celsum 1.28 and 32). When a saying similar to Thomas 74 was used polemically by Celsus, Origen marginalized it as sectarian. Nevertheless, Origen used the Gospel of Thomas as a source for authentic sayings of Jesus (Thomas 82 and 23). In one case, he even used it for details about the disciple Thomas. In this manner, Origen’s use of the Gospel of Thomas is consistent with his attitude to other texts designated as apocryphal. He selectively used them when he thought their material would be beneficial to his point. The Gospel of Thomas was no different»]. CINER P., Una relectura del De Principiis a la luz del Comentario al Evangelio de Juan. La cuestión de la preexistencia, Teología y Vida 55 (2014) 263-285. [Abstract: «The aim of this paper will try to compare the doctrine of preexistence as it appears in the second book of the Commentary on the Gospel of John with that expressed by Origen in De Principiis. If we take into consideration that both De Principiis as the first five books of the Commentary on the Gospel of John were written in Alexandria during the same historical period, this task will be possible. It should also be considered as a point of agreement between the two texts, the intentionality of Origen while writing them. Indeed, both texts are aimed at educated and skilled readers in philosophical and theological high-level issues. This comparison allows us, among other things to: 1. Determine whether this doctrine is a central tenet of the system or a hypothesis built primarily against Gnostics; 2. Specifiy the Greek terminology used by Origen to explain the doctrine of the pre-existence; 3. Indicate the similarities and differences of this doctrine in both texts; 4. Evaluate the reliability of the translation of Rufinus»]. COAKLEY S., Prayer, Politics and the Trinity: Vying Models of Authority in Third–Fourth-Century Debates on Prayer and ‘Orthodoxy’ → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale COCCHINI F., Paul and the Destiny of Israel in Origen’s Commentary on the Letter to the Romans, in Ancient Perspectives on Paul, ed. by T. NICKLAS, A. MERKT, J. VERHEYDEN (Novum Testamentum et Orbis Antiquus/Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testaments, 102), Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2013, 279-296. DEPALMA DIGESER E., A Threat to Public Piety. Christians, Platonists, and the Great Persecution → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale DOERFLER M.E., Entertaining the Trinity Unawares: Genesis XVIII in Western Christian Interpretation → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale FERNÁNDEZ EYZAGUIRRE S., Pablo, maestro de exégesis bíblica, según Orígenes, Teología y Vida 54 (2013) 605-623.

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[I. Necesidad de la exégesis espiritual en la Iglesia primitiva. II. Pablo, maestro de exégesis espiritual: 1. Ejemplos de exégesis paulina que Orígenes considera programáticos; 2. Versículos paulinos que Orígenes comprende come reglas de interpretación; 3. Pablo, ejemplo del que ha recibido la gracia para comprender la escritura. III. Conclusión. – Abstract: «The article aims to illustrate how Paul’s biblical exegesis influenced Origen of Alexandria. At first, it seeks to clarify the reasons that led Origen to interpret Scripture symbolically and the tensions with supporters of literal exegesis. Then, it presents the relevance of Paul in Origen’s exegetical theory, especially through a key text: De principiis IV,2. And finally, the article studies the interpretation of Pauline verses in which Origen recognizes certain rules of biblical exegesis» (p. 623)]. –, El propósito de la estructura del De principiis de Orígenes, Teología y Vida 55 (2014) 243-261. [1. Introducción. 2. La pedagogía divina y la pedagogía de Orígenes. 3. Los destinatarios del De principiis. 4. El itinerario que ofrece el De principiis a sus destinatarios. 5. Contenido y propósito de las secciones del De principiis. 6. Carácter y relación de los grandes ciclos del De principiis. 7. Conclusión. – Abstract: «The structure of De Principiis has intrigued scholars for many decades, due to its repetitions, digressions and irregularities, which have prevented them from attaining definite results, and though during the last century, studies of Origen’s work have made significant progress, the lack of data regarding the context and purpose of his treatise have left room for different hypotheses. According to this paper, De principiis would basically structured by two successive cycles intended as an pedagogical path to offer the teaching of the Church to the intellectual ambience of Alexandria, that scorns fides simpliciorum and is attracted by intellectual way of Gnostics. These successive developments of the same subject under different perspectives would not be the result of successive redactions, but rather a pedagogical plan designed by Origen»]. FÜRST A., Origenes, RAC, Bd. XXVI, Hiersemann, Stuttgart 2014, 460-567. [A. Origenes: Grieche und Christ: 1. Antike und Christentum, 461-462; II. Christlich-philosophisches Leben, 462-469; III. Philosophisch-exegetische Werke, 469-480. B. Origenes und die Gnosis: I. Biographisches, 480- 481; II. Systematisches, 481-483. C. Origenes und das Judentum: I. Kontakte, 483-485; II. Wissen, 485-488; III. Einflüsse, 488-491. D. Origenes und die antiken Wissenschaften: Stellung zur ἐγκύκλιος παιδεία, 491-493; II. Fachwissenschaftliches bei Origenes, 493-502; III. Die Bibliothek des Origenes, 502-507. E. Origenes und die antike Philosophie: I. Bewertung der Philosophie, 507-514; II. Philosophie und Exegese, 514-522; III. Philosophie und Theologie, 522-557; IV. Theologie und Politik, 557-561; V. Christlicher Platonismus, 561-565]. –, Der Anthropokosmismus des Origenes im Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus → 28. Gerolamo GALLAGHER E.L., The Blood from Abel to Zechariah in the History of Interpretation → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [«As a result of Origen”s ignorance of the name Zechariah in 2 Chron 24, he never interprets Jesus’ statement in Matt 23.35 as a reference to this passage. It appears that Origen mentioned the prophet of 2 Chron 24 only twice in his extant works, both times in his Commentary on Matthew, once in the portion preserved in Greek, the second time in the Latin section. (...) Note especially that, for Origen, Zechariah, murdered between the Temple and the altar (Matt 23.35), is a different individual from Azarias son of Iodae killed by Joash ‘in the court of the house of the Lord’ (ἐν αὐλῇ οἴκου κυρίου, 2 Chron. 24.21, quoted by Origen). The first serves as an example of those servants of the Lord who were ‘killed’, the second as an example of those who were stoned» (pp. 124-125)]. GEMEINHARDT P., Glaube, Bildung, Theologie – Ein Spannungsfeld im frühchristlichen Alexandria, in Alexandria, 445-473. [1. Einleitung. 2. Dank an Origenes. 3. Philosophieren mit Origenes. 4. Streit um Origenes. Schluss. – «Analytisch nehme ich die Perspektive eines Origenes-Schülers ein, indem ich die Dankrede des Gregor Thaumaturgus an seinen Lehrer auf das darin erkennbare Bildungskonzept des Origenes befrage, anknüpfend an Gregors Behandlung seiner “Dankbarkeit gegen die Gottheit, weil sie mir die Begegnung mit einem solchen Manne zum Geschenk gemacht hat”. (2.) Darauf aufbauend soll das Programm der von Origenes geleiteten Bildungsinstitutionen skizziert (3.) und schließlich an einigen signifikanten Positionen der Streit um Origenes im 3. und 4. Jahrhundert nachgezeichnet werden (4.), der nicht nur mit seinen bisweilen heterodox scheinenden Lehren zu tun hatte, sondern auch mit seiner Art und Weise, Theologie zu treiben, ohne Berührungsängste gegenüber paganer Bildung und Philosophie zu zeigen. Der Unterricht, den Origenes in Alexandria und später in Caesarea erteilte – eine “Privatuniversität”, wie Christoph Markschies sie genannt hat” – zeigt eine, wenn auch keineswegs die einzige Möglichkeit, christliche Bildung im Horizont hellenistischer Paideia zu verorten» (pp. 447-448)]. HARL M., Voix de louange. Les cantiques bibliques dans la liturgie chrétienne → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale

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JAKAB A., Lw christianisme d’Origène, ou comment être chrétien dans une période de mutation, in La conversion chez les Pères de l’Église, 95-106. [Émergence d’un christianisme de masse. La nouveauté du christianisme. Le christianisme: une religion/religiosité alternative. La spiritualité: une nécessité constante pour les chrétiens. Conclusion]. JONIȚĂ L.A., Die Aktualität des ersten Kommentars zum Römerbrief: Origenes Auslegung zu Röm 9,1-5 (Eine orthodoxe Perspective), Sacra Scripta 10 (2012) 15-28. [Einführendes: Die moderne Wiederentdeckung des ersten Kommentars zum Römerbrief. Röm 9 und sein Anschluss zum paulinischen Aussageduktus von Röm 1-8. Veritas in Christo (Röm 9,1). Die Person des Apostels Paulus – Das Schlüsselmodell der Auslegung (Röm 9,2-3). Israels Vorzüge (Röm 9,4-5). Die Gottheit Jesu Christi (Röm 9,5). Schlussfolgerungen: Die Relevanz des Römerbriefkommentars von Origenes. – Abstract: «Much current NT scholarship holds that Paul’s vision regarding the future of Israel in Romans 9-11 has been neglected in the history of interpretation for too long. The modern reconsideration of a Pauline Israel theology has consequently, and often with good reason, neglected the patristic commentaries on the topic. This article intends to reveal how strikingly relevant to our modern times is the first commentary on Romans written by Origen in the Jewish context of Palestinian Caesarea. After a short description of the sinuous history of his commentary and its recent academic reception, I intend to compare Origen’s interpretation of Romans 9,1-5 with the most current scientific interpretations from the Protestant realm. This comparison will demonstrate the necessity and contemporaneity of Origen’s point of view on the one hand, as well as the importance of reconsidering Origen’s exegesis within the Orthodox Church on the other»]. LIMONE V., Il Dio Uno. Dalla fenomenologia alla teologia trinitaria: Plotino ed Origene, Aug. 53 (2013) 33-56. [Protologia e Metafisica dell’Uno: Dio-Archè come Hèn. L’ipostasi ultima: lo Spirito-Pneûma e l’Epistrophè. Teologia dell’Uno: Plotino ed Origene Neo-Platonici. – Abstract: «The aim of this article is to show that the trinitarian theology of Origen of Alexandria shares the same theoretical structure as the henology of Plotinus. In particular, there is a strong correspondence between the trinitarian hypostases in Origen and the moment of the One in Plotinus: the Father is the One; the Soul-Logos is the Intelligence; finally, the Holy Spirit is the Soul. Both Origen and Plotinus seem to assume the ontological difference between God, who, on the one hand, comes before the generation of the Son, i.e., before the distinction between Father and Son, and who is indeed God, and, on the other hand, God who is the Father as he generates the Son and who, by doing so, distinguishes himself from himself. The system of ideas which represents the basis of both the theology of Origen and the henology of Plotinus is evidently a Platonic one» (p. 56)]. MANTELLI S., La visione di Isaia nella controversia origenista: Note sull’In Habacuc di Gerolamo → 28. Gerolamo MARIN M. – DE NAVASCUÉS P., Il Commento a Matteo di Origene, Auctores Nostri 12 (2013) 207-225. [1. Struttura compositiva e aspetti letterari (M.M.). 2. Aspetti teologici ed esegetici (P.d.N.). – Abstract: «The paper reproduces the text of the reports delivered by Marin and de Navascués during the presentation of the book Il Commento a Matteo di Origene. Atti del X Convegno di Studi del Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene e la Tradizione Alessandrina, Brescia 2011 by Teresa Piscitelli in Naples, on November 20, 2012»]. MARTENS P.W., Origen’s Doctrine of Pre-Existence and the Opening Chapters of Genesis, ZAC 16 (2013) 516-549. [1. Introduction: Topic, status quaestionis, and sources. 2. The symbolism of pre-existence in Genesis 1-3: 2.1. «In arche God made the heaven and the earth»; 2.2. Male and female (Gen 1:26-27; 2:7; 2:24); 2.3. The tree of the knowledge of good and evil (Gen 2); 2.4. Adam and Eve as sinners in Eden; 2.5. Clothed with garments of skins and cast out of Paradise. 3. Proposal: an alternative, anti-Gnostic allegory. 4. Conclusion. – «In this paper I have sought to demonstrate what has, until now, been largely ignored and sometimes denied by many of Origen’s readers, both critics and supporters alike: that Origen sought to map his account of pre-existence onto the opening chapters of Genesis. A careful re-assessment of his corpus suggests otherwise. On the basis of a wide spectrum of writings, including his Commentarii in Genesim and Homiliae in Genesim, there is sufficient evidence to indicate that he allegorized the opening of Genesis, so that these chapters announced the opening scenes in his dramatic account of the rise and fall of the soul. The second task in this paper has been to suggest reasons why Origen allegorized these chapters in this way. I have argued that the two intersecting factors yelded favorable conditions for this allegory. Given not only the broad thematic resemblances between Gen 1-3 and the doctrine of pre-existence, but also (and probably more pressingly) the anti-Gnostic thrust of this doctrine, Origen’s interpretive strategy becomes more intelligible» (pp. 547-548)]. MARTONE C., La questione filologica → 4. LXX METZLER K., Tachygraphen-Fehler in den neu entdeckten Homilien des Origenes, Adamantius 19 (2013) 463-465. MONACI CASTAGNO A., Egitto, deserto, città: rappresentazioni e trasformazioni fra III e IV secolo → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale NIEHOFF M.R., Jüdische Bibelinterpretation zwischen Homerforschung und Christentum → 3. Giudaismo ellenistico.

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–, A Jewish Critique of Christianity from Second-Century Alexandria: Revisiting the Jew Mentioned in Contra Celsum, JECS 21 (2013) 151-175. [A written source in Celsus’s The True Doctrine. The Gospels from a scholarly doctrine. Jewish reactions to Jesus. Summary and conclusion. – Abstract: «This article proposes to read all the fragments that Origen identified as belonging to the section of “Celsus’s Jew” in The True Doctrine as deriving from a written document composed by an Alexandrian Jew in the mid-second century. The author of these fragments emerges as an educated and highly scholarly writer with an Alexandrian background, who was alarmed by the situation of the Jewish community following a significant spread of Christianity, which was accompanied by separatist theology. The anonymous Jewish author thus produced the first literary critique of the Gospels, which is of significant value for our understanding of the “parting of the way”. Moreover, I suggest that these fragments should be interpreted in light of both earlier forms of Alexandrian Judaism as well as the Letter of Barnabas»]. NORELLI E., La testimonianza di Origene su Ignazio di Antiochia, in Vangelo, trasmissione, verità. Studi in onore di Enrico Cattaneo, 169-182. [L’Omelia 6 su Luca. Le altre testimonianze. – Abstract: «The author considers the testimony on Ignatius of Antioch offered by Origen. First the comment on Lk 1:26-27 in which there is a mention of the martyr of Antioch, whose authenticity Norelli is inclined to accept, and where Ignatius is presented as the second bishop of the Church of Antioch, according to the traditions on the apostolic succession. Another witness on Ignatius is found in the Commentary on the Song of Songs in which Origen quotes the Letter to the Romans (7,2). Again, the treatise of Origen On Prayer (20,2) refers to a point in the Letter to the Romans (3,3)» (p. 182)]. PANCERZ R.M., Christian towards Material Goods. Reflection of the Alexandrian School from Clement to Didymus the Blind → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Summary: «Origen... first interprets literally the pericope of the rich young man (Mt 19, 16-26). Considering the question from the ascetic perspective, the great writer thinks that it is impossible to reconcile riches with Christian perfection. Origen accepts also the allegorical interpretation, according to which “possessions” symbolize evil passions and deeds. However to him such explanation seems to be overdone. Besides, in his opinion, the man who did not give up his riches, will never be able to free himself from evil passions. Therefore, according to Origen, it is hard for the wealthy to achieve salvation. That will be possible only thanks to God’s omnipotence. So Origen’s words could infuse worry and uncertainty into the rich» (p. 492)]. PERRONE L., Origen, Against Celsus: A Plea for the Effectiveness of Christianity (Chin.), in Origen. Contra Celsum, transl. into Chinese by Shi MINMIN, SDX Joint Publishing Company, Beijing 2013, 1-13. –, Origenes alt und neu: Die Psalmenhomilien in der neuentdeckten Münchner Handschrift, ZAC 17 (2013) 193-214. [1. Der wiedergefundene Origenes: Der Codex Monacensis Graecus 314. 2. Die Sammlung von 29 Homilien: Äußere Kriterien für die Authentizität. 3. Origenes neu und alt: Auf den Spuren des Alexandriners in den Münchner Homilien: 3.1. Literarische Apekte; 3.2. Geschichtliche und doktrinale Aspekte; 3.3. Der Verfasser der neuen Psalmenhomilien. –, Origenes rediuiuus: la découverte des Homélies sur les Psaumes dans le Cod. Gr. 314 de Munich, REAug 59 (2013) 55-93. [I. Le Cod. Gr. 314: un bref aperçu. II. Le procès d’authenticité: A) Critères externes; B) Critères internes: 1. La «physionomie» littéraire; 2. Le cadre historique et doctrinal; 3. La personnalité de l’auteur. – Abstract: «After a short presentation of the circumstances of the discovery in April 2012 of Codex Monacensis Graecus 314 (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich) by Marina Molin Pradel, this article examines the external and internal criteria supporting the attribution to Origen of the 29 anonymous homilies on the Psalms. External evidence is provided first of all by Jerome’s Letter 33, whose list largely corresponds to Cod. Gr. 314 (especially with regard to the long series of nine sermons on Psalm 77). Then we have the first four Latin homilies on Psalm 36 translated by Rufinus and also an important fragment taken from the second homily on Psalm 15 and preserved in his translation of the Apology of Origen by Pamphilus and Eusebius of Caesarea. Moreover we dispose of several excerpts in the catenae on the Psalms. Also inner criteria come to support the attribution to Origen: 1) the stylistic and literary aspects; 2) the historical and doctrinal background; 3) the personality of the preacher. These homilies offer precious light not only for the study of Origen’s preaching activity, but also for a better analysis of his important interpretation of the Psalms and the evolution of his thought» (p. 80)]. –, Aspetti dottrinali delle nuove omelie di Origene sui salmi: le tematiche cristologiche a confronto col Perì archôn, Teología y Vida, 55 (2014) 209-243. [Premessa: Origene ‘archetipo’ dell’esegesi patristica dei Salmi. L’apporto esegetico-dottrinale delle omelie del Cod. Graec. 314. La visuale cristologica: spunti di confronto col Perì archôn. – Abstract: «For Origen the book of the Psalms, as shown by his many writings and the numerous quotations, is important not only from a moral and spiritual point of view but also in a doctrinal perspective. The newly discovered Homilies on the Psalms in the Munich codex (Codex Monacensis Graecus 314) provide a significant confirmation to it. Not

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incidentally a fragment of the 2nd Homily on Ps. 15 was inserted by Pamphilus in his Apology of Origen in order to prove the conformity of the Alexandrian master with the beliefs of the Church concerning the resurrection of the body. As a general rule, the new sermons contribute to deepen both the spiritual and doctrinal aspects of Origen’s thought, complying with a pattern that views ‘theology’ as the accomplishment of ‘practice’. Intellectual efforts towards reaching the truth on God and man must always be prepared by virtuous training and by spiritual progress. Against this background, together with well-known topics of Origen’s theology, in the new sermons we find lot of original insights. Their wide spectrum can be compared with the topics of the Perì archôn. In the 7th Homily on Ps. 77 we find a passage perhaps delivering what seems to be the best explanation for the title of Origen’s dogmatic treatise: according to it, there are ‘principles’, that is doctrines, with regard to the Father, the Son, the Holy Ghost, the Church and the angels, that like sources flow into the only ‘river’ of Christ and his Church. Another point which surfaces as a frequent theme consists in the view of ‘deification’. In the Homily on Ps. 81 Origen, by further enlarging his previous views, explicitly insists on the idea of deification as a process involving the whole man: not only his spirit and soul, but also his body. To limit the present analysis to Christology, the two Homilies on Ps. 15 develop the doctrine of the ‘descent’ (katabasis) of the Logos incarnate into the world and the underworld (Hades) and in an opposite move his ‘ascent’ (anabasis) to heaven. Origen describes the process of incarnation by insisting, on the one hand, on the full communion between the Son and the Father and, on the other hand, by stressing the full humanity of the Son. The resurrected body of Christ who ascends to the Father through the heavens is an ‘earthly body’ still presenting the traces of his passion»]. –, Origene a sua immagine: frammenti di autobiografia dalle lettere, in Knowledge and Wisdom. Archaeological and Historical Essays in Honour of Leah Di Segni, Edited by G.C. BOTTINI, L.D. CHRUPCALA, J. PATRICH, Edizioni Terra Santa, Milano 2014, 311-327. [Premessa: biografia e autobiografia in Origene. Lo specchio della coscienza e l’immagine riflessa di sé. I frammenti epistolari: sulle tracce di un autoritratto: I. La Lettera a Alessandro di Gerusalemme: Origene «votato alla Parola»; II. La Lettera a Fabiano di Roma: Origene ‘filologo’; III. La Lettera agli amici di Alessandria: Origene e il suo ‘stile’. Epilogo: la Lettera a Gregorio, il ‘filo rosso’ di una vita. – «…La testimonianza epistolare, pur parcellizzata in maniera così frustrante, ha una sua ‘eloquenza’ particolare, perché è per natura la più adatta a prestarsi come sede di una soggettività più immediata e manifesta. Non a caso la stessa rivendicazione di uno ‘stile’ distintivo nella Lettera agli amici di Alessandria rimane un unicum, sebbene Origene sia sempre molto attento alle forme e ai risultati del suo lavoro e auspichi per i suoi scritti – come sappiamo – un lettore in linea con la sua impostazione, altamente caratterizzata sotto il profilo dei metodi e dei contenuti. Né mancano i riscontri di carattere autobiografico anche nelle due uniche lettere che ci sono pervenute integralmente: la Lettera a Giulio Africano e la Lettera a Gregorio. Se la prima ci lascia intravedere, sia pure di sfuggita, il legame di Origene con la terra e i dotti d’Israele, la seconda si presta a essere letta quasi come una sorta di autobiografia indiretta e anche di testamento spirituale» (p. 325)]. –, Abstieg und Aufstieg Christi nach Origenes. Zur Auslegung von Psalm 15 in den Homilien von Codex Monacensis Graecus 314, Theologie und Philosophie 89 (2014) 321-340. [1. Einleitung: Origenes’ Schriften zu Ps 15. 2. Der homiletische Rahmen: Perikopeneinteilung und Gestaltung der Auslegung. 3. Eine Übersicht zu der Auslegung von Ps 15: Ein christologischer Leitfaden. 4. Zum Abschluss: Eine Bereicherung der origeneischen Christologie]. PEVARELLO D., The Sentences of Sextus and the Origins of Christian Asceticism → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 1. The Sentences of Sextus: Reception and Interpretation: B. The testimony of Origen (pp. 10-12)]. PLISCH U.-K., Thomasevangelium 29 als Exzerpt – ein Blick in die Entstehungsgeschichte des Thomasevangeliums → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo) RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [1. The roots of the doctrine of apokatastasis: Apokatastasis as the eventual universal salvation: Origen vs. Stoic and «Valentinian» determinism and «pagan» and «gnostic» Platonism (pp. 137-215)]. –, Harmony between Arkhê and Telos in Patristic Platonism and the Imagery of Astronomical Harmony Applied to Apokatastasis Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale SOLER F., Acercamiento al vocablo λόγος en el Comentario a Juan de Orígenes,Teología y Vida 55 (2014) 287-299. [El Logos en el pensamiento filosófico del siglo II. El uso del vocablo Logos. Conclusión: el sentido propio de Logos. – Abstract: «This article offers an approach to the meaning that the word lovgo" has in Origen’s thought, from the consideration of his Commentary on John, particularly in the books I and II, where we found his treatise on the passage John 1, 1-2. For this purpose, it presents the close philosophical context from which Origen receives that term. Then, the article comprehensively analyzes the multiple meanings of lovgo",

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starting with the simpler ones, and ending with the terms carrying more theological significance, as they are presented in the first two books of his Commentary, showing that the deepest sense of the term lovgo" refers to an eminently relational existence, both to the Father, as to us»]. SPUNTARELLI C., Oratore divino. Linguaggio e rappresentazione retorica nella controversia tra Cappadoci e Anomei → 21. I Padri Cappadoci [Cap. II. Linguaggio e rappresentazione in ambito alessandrino: Parte II. Origene: 1. Dalla phoné al logos; 2. Fede e conoscenza; 3. Dall’ascolto alla comprensione e alla visione delle parole di Dio (pp. 172-209)]. TANASEANU-DÖBLER I., Philosophie in Alexandria – der Kreis um Ammonios Sakkas → 2. Ellenismo e cultura alessandrina [3. Ammonios’ Schüler: 3.1. Die christlichen Theologen: Heraklas und Origenes (pp. 114-117)]. THOMPSON T.W., Antinoos, The New God: Origen on Miracle and Belief in Third-Century Egypt, in Credible, Incredible. The Miraculous in the Ancient Mediterranean, 143-172. [1. Introduction. 2. Antinoos: 2.1. Life and death; 2.2. Hadrian and the cult of Antinoos; 2.3. The further spread of the cult of Antinoos. 3. Antinoos among Christians: 3.1. Justin Martyr; 3.2. Hegesippus; 3.3. Clement of Alexandria. 4. Origen and Celsus on Antinoos and other heroes. 5. Conclusion. – «The cult of the new god Antinoos swept across the Mediterranean basin in less than a decade and continued to exist into the fourth century. For Origen, Antinoos was a real daivmwn with actual power. Belief in Antinoos or Jesus depended in most cases on the circumstances of one’s birth and the training received. Very few have the opportunity to examine religious claims. Most believe what they have been told» (p. 172)]. VERHEYDEN J., Talking Miracles – Celsus and Origen in Dispute: The Evidence of Contra Celsum I, in Credible, Incredible. The Miraculous in the Ancient Mediterranean, 251-282. [1. Introduction. 2. A great opening. 3. A «Jew» singing a pagan’s song. 4. The virgin birth. 5. Jesus’ baptism. 6. The miracle that did not happen. 7. A miracle eclipsed. 8. A substitute miracle? 9. Human and divine, but a miracle worker nonetheless. 10. The greatest miracle of all? God speaking and acting through his Son. 11. Conclusion. – «(…) Origen in his reply in this first book rather focuses on the fact that Jesus made “good use” of his miraculous powers, an argument that certainly is more to the point when it comes to formulate what is the real importance of the motif in Christianity against the views of a sceptic and critic» (p. 282)]. VINZENT M., Marcion and the Dating of the Synoptic Gospels → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 1. Marcion, his Gospel and the Gospels in the Sources: Celsus and Origen (pp. 107-111)]. WILKEN R.L., I primi mille anni. Storia globale del cristianesimo (La Biblioteca, 4), Einaudi, Torino 2013. [VI. Una fede dotta: Origene di Alessandria (pp. 61-72)]. 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene La controversia origenista: un affare mediterraneo / The Origenist Controversy: a Mediterranean Affair, a cura di R. ALCIATI e F. FATTI, Adamantius 19 (2013) 7-202. [R. ALCIATI-F. FATTI, Introduzione, 7-9. J.F. DECHOW, From Methodius to Epiphanius in Anti-Origenist Polemic, 10-29. F. FATTI, Pontifex tantus. Giovanni, Epifanio e le origini della prima controversia origenista, 30-49. A. MONACI CASTAGNO, L’uso ‘politico’ delle traduzioni nella crisi origenista (382-402), 50-68. R. LIZZI TESTA, Eusebio di Cremona e Girolamo: dalla controversia origenista all’ultima comunione del santo, 69-83. R.J. GOODRICH, Satan and the Bishop: Origen, Apokatastasis, and Ecclesiastical Politics in Sulpicius Severus’ Dialogi, 84-97. R. ALCIATI, Origene, gli antropomorfiti e Cassiano: le ragioni di una relazione istituita, 97-110. A.M. GROSSO, La controversia origenista tra IV e V secolo: la testimonianza di Palladio. Riflessioni a margine di una lettura del Dialogo sulla vita di Giovanni Crisostomo, 111-138. P. VAN NUFFELEN, Theophilus against John Chrysostom: the Fragments of a lost liber and the Reasons for John’s Deposition, 139-155. S. ELM, What the Bishop Wore to the Synod: John Chrysostom, Origenism, and the Politics of Fashion at Constantinople, 156- 169. M. BELCASTRO, De diversis quaestionibus ad Augustinum: Simpliciano e l’origenismo milanese, 170-184. S. MANTELLI, La visione di Isaia nella controversia origenista: Note sull’ In Habacuc di Gerolamo, 185-202]. Origenist Textualities, ed. by J. SCHOTT, JECS 21 (2013) 323-464. [J. SCHOTT, Introduction: Origenist Textualities, 323-327. J. SCHOTT, Plotinus’s Portrait and Pamphilus’s Prison Notebook: Neoplatonic and Early Christian Textualities at the Turn of the Fourth Century C.E., 329-362. R. KRAWIEC, Literacy and Memory in Evagrius’s Monasticism, 363-390. C.M. CHIN, Short Words on Earth: Theological Geography in Rufinus’s Commentary on the Apostles’ Creed, 391-412. B. STEFANIW, Straight Reading: Shame and the Normal in Epiphanius’s Polemic against Origen, 413-435. A.S. JACOBS, Epiphanius of Salamis and the Antiquarian’s Bible, 437-464. – «The articles that comprise this special issue on “Origenist Textualities” were first presented at two workshop sessions of the same name at the 16th International Conference on Patristic Studies held at Oxford in Summer 2011» (J. SCHOTT, Introduction, 323)].

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ALCIATI R., Origene, gli antropomorfiti e Cassiano: le ragioni di una relazione istituita, Adamantius 19 (2013) 97-110. [1. Premessa teorica. 2. Le interpretazioni sulle somiglianze istituite. 3. E se la Vita di apa Aphou non fosse un testo antropomorfita? 4. L’ultimo tassello: Cassiano. 5. Conclusioni. – Abstract: «The aim of this paper is to study and define the meaning of the Anthropomorphite controversy as described in Cassian’s tenth conference, where he chooses to begin this part of the book with an account of an “incident” happened in Egypt. This story is a suitable starting point for the ensuing discourse of abba Isaac on pure prayer. Because the accuracy of any historical recontruction of the Anthropomorphite controversy is compromised by the bias of the extant primary sources, the more urgent need is to put in the ‘correct’ order the literary evidences. According to the reconstruction of this order offered by Dmitrij Bumazhnov, even the Life of apa Aphou, generally considered the first text related to Anthropomorhism, cannot be considered crucially important for a balanced theological understading of the issues debated at the time. The logical (and theological) sequence ‘simpliciores = Anthropomorphites = anti-Origenists is a weak historiographic reconstruction rooted only in the historical accounts of Sozomen and Socrates. A close examination of Cassian’s tenth conference shows that this Latin author as well is quite far from this sequence and the entire dossier related to the Anthropomorphite controversy needs to be, at least, divided in two parts and the pieces need to be put in a different and new order»]. BELCASTRO M., De diversis quaestionibus ad Augustinum: Simpliciano e l’origenismo milanese → 29. Agostino CATTANEO E., Il Commento a Isaia di Basilio di Cesarea → 21.1. Basilio di Cesarea – La conversion dans le Commentaire sur Isaïe de Basile de Césarée → 21.1. Basilio di Cesarea COAKLEY S., Prayer, Politics and the Trinity: Vying Models of Authority in Third–Fourth-Century Debates on Prayer and ‘Orthodoxy’ → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale CRISTEA H.-J., Schenute gegen ein falsches Sündenbewusstsein. Paris BNF copte 1302 ff. 110-111 (= DS 241/241 + 247/248) → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (5. Il monachesimo) DECHOW J.F., From Methodius to Epiphanius in Anti-Origenist Polemic, Adamantius 19 (2013) 10-29. [Introduction. 1. Epiphanius and the 80-Heresy Panarion. 2. Panarion 64, its seven charges and Methodian roots. 3. Epiphanius’ anxiety over Origen’s ‘heresy’. 4. Conclusion and Bibliographic Postscripts. – Abstract: «How could Origen become a ‘heretic’ in the history of the Christian religion? And that in the name of the very creed whose deepest concepts he contributed so much to formulate? With the publication of the entire revised English translation of the Panarion (374-377) of Epiphanius of Cyprus (c. 315-403), a ‘medicine chest’ against ‘all’ heresies targeting Origen as the worst of them, the fascinating background of Christianity’s diversity and struggles in its early centuries becomes more accessible and clear. Epiphanius “is the person who, in the second half of the fourth century, precipitated the ‘first Origenist controversy’ about 130 years after Origen’s death. ... Although [it] is customarily designated the ‘first’, in contrast to what occurred under [Emperor] Justinian in the sixth century, it had been preceded by the attacks, which we may call ‘skirmishes (escarmouches) ’, coming from Methodius [died by 311], said to be of Olympus...; of Peter, bishop of Alexandria [300-311]; and of Eustathius [died 337?], bishop of Antioch” (H. Crouzel, Preface to Dechow, Dogma and Mysticism in Early Christianity [1988]). The major literary influence was Methodius. Sketched here will be the expansion of Methodius’ ‘skirmish’ to the ‘first Origenist controversy’ that largely determined Origen’s ironic status and became a major factor shaping Christianity. We shall: (1) consider Epiphanius and the scope of the 80-heresy Panarion, especially against Arians; (2) review the structure of Panarion 64 against Origen, quote its seven charges, and reference their roots; (3) provide observations about Epiphanius’ anxiety and Origen’s ‘heresy’, clarifying Origen’s ironic status; and (4) conclude with summary and bibliographic postscript»]. DEMARCO D.C., The Presentation and Reception of Basil’s Homiliae in hexaemeron in Gregory’s In hexaemeron → 21.3. Gregorio di Nissa DORFBAUER L.J., Fortunatian von Aquileia, Origenes und die Datierung des Physiologus, REAug 59 (2013) 219-245. [Abstract: «This article examines four passages of the Gospel commentary by Fortunatianus of Aquileia, which deal with the allegorical interpretation of four animals (viper, snake, stag and fox). What Fortunatianus has to say on the characteristics of these animals, and what he gains from it for his exegesis of the Gospels, is compared in a first step with the correspondent interpretations found in the Physiologus, in a second step with those given by Origen. By this means, the possible sources of Fortunatianus are to be determined, and the controversial question of the Physiologus’ date is to be clarified. It is demonstrated that the Physiologus did use works by Origen; thus, this work dates in all probability from the second half of the 3rd century. Fortunatianus did not use the Greek original of the Physiologus nor a Latin translation; he depends indirectly from Origen, most probably via the lost commentary on Matthew by Victorinus of Pettau» (p. 245)]. ELM S., What the Bishop Wore to the Synod: John Chrysostom, Origenism, and the Politics of Fashion at Constantinople, Adamantius 19 (2013) 156-169.

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[1. The Constantinopolitan elites, barbarians, and style wars. 2. John Chrysostom on display. 3. Between a rock and a hard place – John and Origenism. – Abstract: «John Chrysostom’s failure as bishop of Constantinople, following as it did on his successful Antiochene career, continues to puzzle scholars. Increasingly, accusations of Origenism emerge as one of the many factors that led to the bishop’s down-fall, initiated at the Synod of the Oaks. But what did Origenism mean to those who accused Chrysostom? How was it defined? And, more importantly, how can we assess the attitudes of those in power, instrumental in toppling the bishop of the capital, who left no written record, namely the members of the imperial elite? This paper uses elite male fashion and display, including forms of display achieved through the public sponsoring of ascetics in and near the city, to address some of these questions. Here, the fact that John’s alleged Origenism was linked, rhetorically, to Arianism and Eunomianism gains particular relevance, not least because some of the elites involved in the conflicts that led to Chrysostom’s downfall, were themselves Gothic Arians»]. FATTI F., Pontifex tantus. Giovanni, Epifanio e le origini della prima controversia origenista, Adamantius 19 (2013) 30-49. [Una mossa poco diplomatica. La madre di tutte le Chiese. Si fanno un proprio principato. – Abstract: «The attack by Epiphanius of Salamis on John of Jerusalem in 393 is commonly considered as the impulsive and thoughtless act of a close-minded theologian. On the contrary, it was a calculated move, made to disrupt the ecclesiastical policy conducted in the Diocese of the East by the Jerusalem Church to the detriment of Antioch»]. GOODRICH R.J., Satan and the Bishop: Origen, Apokatastasis, and Ecclesiastical Politics in Sulpicius Severus’ Dialogi, Adamantius 19 (2013) 84-97. [I. A most unfortunate sermon. II. Martin and Satan. III. Sulpicius misunderstood. IV. Constructing a conflict. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Sulpicius Severus’ Dialogi opens with a very curious account of a theological controversy in Alexandria. According to Postumianus, Sulpicius’ speaker in book one of the Dialogi, the monks and bishops had become embroiled in a conflict over the works of the great theologian, a debate so acrimonious that rioting ensued and the bishops employed imperial soldiers to disperse the combatants. Sulpicius’ primary interest in this story (despite his notorious claim that Martin had preached the possibility of salvation to Satan) was not theological orthodoxy but rather the ways in which the bishops had abused their ecclesiastical authority. Drawing upon themes employed by Sallust, Sulpicius makes the Origenist controversy his opening salvo of a systematic critique of Gallic bishops, their rights, responsibilities, and ultimately, the manifold ways in which they fell short of the perfect bishop, Martin of Tours»]. GROSSO A.M., La controversia origenista tra IV e V secolo: la testimonianza di Palladio. Riflessioni a margine di una lettura del Dialogo sulla vita di Giovanni Crisostomo, Adamantius 19 (2013) 111-138. [Palladio: l’amico del protagonista e l’autore del Dialogo. Teofilo, l’antagonista di Giovanni. L’accusa di origenismo. Conclusione. – Abstract: «The article analyzes Palladius’ witness regarding the phase of the Origenist controversy which had as its most eminent victim the bishop of Constantinople, John Chrysostom, whose destiny as an exile was shared by Palladius himself. The reliability of his account is here verified, researching those elements in the work which reveal the dynamics that instigated the controversy, as well as the role played by the main characters who raised it. Both the cultural-religious background and the socio- politic environment of the crisis are investigated, focusing on both the literary-theological aspects and the political-ecclesiastical of the question stressed in the Dialogue. Furthermore, the issue of the literary genre of the work is addressed»]. JACOBS A.S., Epiphanius of Salamis and the Antiquarian’s Bible, JECS 21 (2013) 437-464. [Introduction: the antiquarian Bible. Epiphanius and his Bible. The Bible in the Ancoratus and Panarion. The Bible in De mensuris et ponderibus and De gemmis. – Abstract: «Compared to more philosophical biblical interpreters such as Origen, Epiphanius of Salamis often appears to modern scholars as plodding, literalist, reactionary, meandering, and unsophisticated. In this article I argue that Epiphanius’s eclectic and seemingly disorganized treatment of the Bible actually draws on a common, imperial style of antiquarianism. Through an examination of four major treatises of Epiphanius – his Panarion and Ancoratus, as well as his lesser- studied biblical treatises, On Weights and Measures and On Gems – I trace this antiquarian style and suggest that perhaps Epiphanius’s antiquarian Bible might have resonated more broadly than the high-flown intellectual Bible of thinkers like Origen»]. KIM Y.R., Jerome and Paulinian, Brothers → 28. Gerolamo LIMONE V., La notte delle madri. L’abisso del Padre: Schelling e Origene, Studia Patavina 57 (2011) 265-286. [De Possest: l’Inizio prima di Dio e il «cerchio di Anánke». Heschatê noêsis: il «Signore dell’essere» e il bytós tou patrós. Theós zôn: il «sentiero del Giorno» e il tramonto di Dio]. –, L’età del Figlio. Inizio e Logos in Schelling e Origene, Rivista teologica di Lugano 17 (2012) 87-102. –, Inizio e Trinità. Il neoplatonismo giovanneo nell’ultimo Schelling (philosophica, 114), Edizioni ETS, Pisa 2013, pp. 281.

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[Introduzione: la Patristica greca nell’ultimo Schelling, 7-10. Cap. I. Deus Trinitas: L’ens perfectum: la triade divina, 11-25; L’ens necessarium: l’abisso del Possest, 25-42; Moria tou theou: il Dio che diviene, 42-56. Cap. II. Abisso del Padre: Schelling e Origene: mysterium Trinitatis, 57-72; L’età del Figlio: il Prologo di Giovanni, 73- 84; L’eschaton: apocatastasi ed apocalisse, 84-98. Cap. III. Titanomachia: Theios Lógos: il Logos del Figlio, 99- 112; Prôton e archê: la teologia del Logos, 112-128; Il pensiero dell’Inizio: la Sapienza, 128-147. Cap. IV. De Uni-Trinitate: Tra Scilla e Cariddi: l’Homousia, 149-165; L’Ousía Yperoúsios: l’Uno-Trino, 165-181; Theánthropos: la doppia natura, 181-196. Cap. V. Babilonia e Gerusalemme: Il Signore delle tenebre: l’Anticristo, 197-211; Regni intermedi: angeli e dèmoni, 212-229; Katéchon e parousia: la Città di Dio, 229- 247. Bibliografia, 249-270; Indice dei nomi, 270-274; Indice delle citazioni bibliche, 275-277]. LIZZI TESTA R., Eusebio di Cremona e Girolamo: dalla controversia origenista all’ultima comunione del santo → 28. Gerolamo MANTELLI S., La visione di Isaia nella controversia origenista: Note sull’In Habacuc di Gerolamo → 28. Gerolamo MIHAI C.-I., Elementi protrettici e biografici nell’Encomio di Origene attribuito a Gregorio il Taumaturgo, Classica et Christiana 8 (2013) 215-227. [Abstract: «The ancient tradition of the protreptic discourse – a literary genre cultivated especially by the exponents of the different Greek philosophical schools – could offer new perspectives for the interpretation and understanding of some works of the early Christian literature. In this article I intend to discuss some motifs specific to the classic protreptic literature that are found in the Oratio panegyrica in Origenem ascribed to Gregory Thaumaturgus. Such an approach, formerly overlooked by the scholars, can provide new data regarding the aim and the sources of this discourse»]. MONACI CASTAGNO A., L’uso ‘politico’ delle traduzioni nella crisi origenista (382-402), Adamantius 19 (2013) 50-68. [1. Quando prese corpo l’idea di puntare sulla traduzione degli scritti di Origene? 2. Scuole romane. 3. Quale Origene? 4. A Betlemme e a Gerusalemme (386-397). 5. Il De principiis entra in scena: traduzione e contro- traduzione. – Abstract: «The origenist crisis, contextualized in the framework of the accelerated development of monasticisms in the last quarter of the fourth-century, can be also interpreted as the clash or confrontation between different understandings of the Church: either a monolithic structure ruled by the bishop, who embodied the roles of both pastor and magister, or a structure capable to allow monastic groups to play an important role in the spiritual guidance and theological scholarship. Within the realm of such clash, the Origenian heritage constituted an ideal locus theologicus. It hinged on a spiritual hierarchy constituted by doctores, not always corresponding to the actual hierarchy along with a majority of simplices. At the end of the fourth-century, these two different ‘parties’ could build on Origen both to support their arguments and to better define them in opposition to him. This article is centered on the translations – the real principal characters in the Origenist crisis – in their political meaning. Through the translations of Origen’s works and of other key players of the crisis, identities, careers and groups were built. The decision as to what, how, when to translate set showed the intention to publicize or hide particular textes and to form, broaden, defend certain groups of readers or theological arguments. This article is composed of five sections: (1) When and why did Jerome begin to translate Origen? (2) Origen’s presence in Roman ascetic groups; (3) Which Origen?; (4) In Bethlehem and Jerusalem (386-397); (5) The De principiis makes the scene: translation and counter- translation, polemics»]. MYERS J.A., Law, Lies and Letter Writing: An Analysis of Jerome and Augustine on the Antioch Incident (Galatians 2:11-14) → 28. Gerolamo RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 2. Origen’s first followers in Alexandria and the East, and his first «detractors»: Hilary of Poitiers and Origen’s first inluence in the West (pp. 237-241). Ch. 3. Origen’s apologists and followers, the Cappadocians, Evagrius, the Antiochenes, and Fourth-Century Latin Origenians (pp. 279-658): Pamphilus (pp. 279-285). Transition to the West: The purported link between Origen and Pelagianism (pp. 604-607). Ch. 4. From Augustine to Eriugena. Latin, Greek, and Syriac receptions of Origen’s apokatastasis theory: Augustine: From adhesion to rejection? (pp. 659-815)]. –, Origen in Augustine: A Paradoxical Reception → 29. Agostino RULLO P., Nonno di Panopoli e l’εἶδος del Cristo risorto → 32. Nonno di Panopoli SCHOTT J., Plotinus’s Portrait and Pamphilus’s Prison Notebook: Neoplatonic and Early Christian Textualities at the Turn of the Fourth Century C.E., JECS 21 (2013) 329-362. [Plato’s Phaedrus and Plotinus’s portrait. Pamphilus’s prison notebook: the Apology for Origen. Eusebius’s Ecclesiastical History and Gospel Preparation. – Abstract: «This article focuses on two “sibling” intellectual communities – the neoplatonic circle of Plotinus and Porphyry and the Christian intellectual circle of Pamphilus

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and Eusebius of Caesarea – to consider in what ways each developed different theories and practices of reading and writing. Porphyry’s Life of Plotinus can be read as an extended and deliberate engagement with the problem of writing as elaborated in Plato’s Phaedrus. Porphyry’s neoplatonic textuality situates writing as a problematic mimesis, and subordinates written texts to dialectical relationships within the philosophical circle. By contrast, the Caesareans advocate and practice a textuality that self-consciously embraces the use and production of written texts as a primary site for the production of orthodox discourse»]. STEFANIW B., Straight Reading: Shame and the Normal in Epiphanius’s Polemic against Origen, JECS 21 (2013) 413-435. [From exegesis to textuality. Origen and Origenists as deviants. Wrong readings, wrong bodies. The conditions of straightness. Conclusions. – Abstract: «Epiphanius was a vociferous advocate of a totalized, univocal, and normative version of Christianity. How does this agenda of defining and adjudicating the order of things unfold when applied to question of reading and interpretation? His sexualized polemic against Origen and Origenist textuality shows that a debate that is ostensibly about hermeneutics mobilizes notions of shame and deviance in order to define legitimate imaginings of where truth is and what sort of meaning can be found in the Bible. The textualities of Epiphanius and Origen manifest fundamentally conflictin notions of how truth relates to the text of Scripture, to the physical world, and to bodies. For Origen, Scripture refers to an intelligible realm outside of time and beyond sense experience and the limits of embodied reason or the written word. For Epiphanius, however, the religious truth founded in Scripture can and should be connected to human bodies, and to the physical world. It is within range of common sense and plain language. Arguing between poles of the normal and the deviant, Epiphanius attacks Origenist textuality on three fronts. In the Panarion, Origen is represented as sexually deviant. The deviance of his textuality follows from that. Epiphanius also affirms a textuality that he portrays as normal and commonsensical. He reads in an imagined world where human bodies remain intact and consistent. He therefore cannot accept the indeterminacy of the body suggested by Origen’s discussion of the resurrection. Epiphanius valorizes physical reality and rejects interpretation oriented to a hight noetic realm as a perversion of the text. Describing this conflict in terms of literal vs. allegorical interpretation fails to account for the ideological aspect of exegesis. Instead, this article argues that what Epiphanius promotes is straigth reading»]. VAN NUFFELEN P., Theophilus against John Chrysostom: the Fragments of a lost liber and the Reasons for John’s Deposition → 26. Teofilo di Alessandria 14. Dionigi Alessandrino RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [2. Origen’s first followers in Alexandria and the East, and his first «detractors»: Dionysius of Alexandria (pp. 230-236)]. 15. Pierio di Alessandria RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [2. Origen’s first followers in Alexandria and the East, and his first «detractors»: Theognostus, Pierius, Hieracas, St. Anthony, and the apokatastasis doctrine (pp. 223-230)]. 16. Pietro di Alessandria CAMPLANI A., La percezione della crisi religiosa calcedonese in alcuni testi storici e agiografici prodotti negli ambienti dell’episcopato di Alessandria → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici) RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [2. Origen’s first followers in Alexandria and the East, and his first «detractors»: Peter of Alexandria head of the Didaskaleion in continuity with Origen (pp. 273-275)]. 17. Alessandro di Alessandria 18. Ario BRENNECKE H.CH., «Arianismus»: Inszenierungen eines Konstrukts → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale CAMPLANI A., La percezione della crisi religiosa calcedonese in alcuni testi storici e agiografici prodotti negli ambienti dell’episcopato di Alessandria → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici)

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19. Eusebio di Cesarea Eusèbe de Césarée. Vie de Constantin, Texte critique de F. WINKELMANN, Introduction et notes de L. PIETRI, Traduction de M.-J. RONDEAU (SCh, 559), Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2013, pp. 568. [L. PIETRI, Introduction: I. L’auteur et son œuvre: état des questions; II. La construction de la Vita Constantini; III. Le sources de la Vita; IV. La Vita: un ouvrage d’inspiration composite; V. Certitudes, silences et ambiguïtés; VI. Quelle place pour Constantin pour une typologie politico-ecclésiologique? Abbréviations et sigles; Bibliographie (pp. 9-139). Texte et traduction (pp. 141-545). Annexe: Chronologie des principaux événements, 547-550. Index, 551-564]. BHOLA R., Dating Eusebius’ Quaestiones ad Stephanum, in La littérature des questions et réponses dans l’antiquité profane et chrétienne, 153-176. [1. Reconciling the Quaestiones ad Stephanum and Demonstratio evangelica. 2. The letter of Julius Africanus in the Historia ecclesiastica. 3. Question I: The genealogy of Joseph and Mary’s davidic lineage. 4. Question III/IV: The disparate genealogical narratives of Matthew and Luke. 5. Eusebius and Africanus. 6 (Re)dating the Quaestiones ad Stephanum. 7. (Re)reconciling the Quaestiones ad Stephanum and Demonstratio Evangelica. 8. Conclusion. – Abstract: «The Quaestiones ad Stephanum remains a minor work in the Eusebian corpus. This didactic text addresses incongruent details in the genealogical narratives of Matthew and Luke. Modern attempts to date the composition of the work have yielded variable results between the years of the persecution and the early-320s, and are primarily founded on reconciling cross-references between this text and the Demonstratio evangelica, often considered to be the only useful evidence for obtaining a relative date. I offer new approaches to securing a more reliable date that include demonstrating an observable evolution in Eusebius’ thinking based on thematic parallels with his Historia ecclesiastica and reassessing the text’s connection with the Demonstratio evangelica» (p. 176)]. BANDT C. – RISCH F.X., Das Hypomnema des Origenes zu den Psalmen – eine unerkannte Schrift des Eusebius, Adamantius 19 (2013) 395-436. [1. Inhalt und Besonderheiten des Werks. 2. Die Überlieferungslage. 3. Die Rezeption durch Hilarius. 4. Der Stil. 5. Inhaltliche Erwägungen. 6. Bezugnahmen des Hypomnema auf Origenes. 7. Schlußbetrachtung: Die Einordnung des HYpomnema unter die Schriften des Eusebius. – Abstract: «Origen’s authorship of the so- called Hypomnema on Psalms by Origen, a rather long treatise on the headings of certain Psalms, was up to the present never questioned. However, in connection with the editorial work on Eusebius’ commentaries on Psalms, certain congruencies between Eusebius’ works and the Hypomnema caught the eyes of the authors. In the current paper they proof their assumption that the work has to be given to Eusebius rather than Origen, because of its content and scope, its situation of manuscript tradition, its style and even its obvious reception of Origen’s works. The paper is supplemented by a preliminary edition and translation of the work»]. BRENNECKE H.Ch., Zu den Proömien der spätantiken Kirchengeschichten → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale GUIGNARD C., La date de la Passion du Christ selon Eusèbe de Césarée, Adamantius 19 (2013) 457-462. LEVENSON D.B. – MARTIN T.R., The Latin Translations of Josephus on Jesus, John the Baptist, and James: Critical Texts of the Latin Translation of the Antiquities and Rufinus’ Translation of Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History Based on Manuscripts and Early Printed Editions → 9. Flavio Giuseppe (4. Studi) MARKSCHIES C., Eusebius liest die Apostelgeschichte. Zur Stellung der Apostelgeschichte in der frühchristlichen Geschichtsschreibung, Early Christianity 4 (2013) 474-489. [I. Die Apostelgeschichte im Werk des Eusebius – einige Beobachtungen. II. Die Apostelgeschichte im historiographischen Konzept des Eusebius – einige Beobachtungen. – Abstract: «This article examines how the bishop and church historian Eusebius of Caesarea deals with the text of Acts and how he judges, absorbs and creatively transforms the historiographical concept of Luke in his “church history”. In this connection the author examines the unique position of these two different concepts, the one by Luke and the other one by Eusebius, and their perceptions by scholarly Christians in antiquity. In contrast to the assumption that the “church history” of Eusebius is deeply inspired by the book of Acts, the author argues that Eusebius “only” uses the work of Luke as one of many sources, which – despite its significance within the canon – catches only his interest when it is able to legitimate statements of pagan and Jewish historiographers. Against the background of both works concept as an account of salvific history, this article investigates to what extent Luke’s work might have influenced Eusebius literally and theologically»]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [3. Origen’s apologists and followers, the Cappadocians, Evagrius, the Antiochenes, and Fourth-Century Latin Origenians: Eusebius «of Pamphilus», a reticent supporter of apokatastasis, 307-331]. SCHWAB A., Thales von Milet in der frühen christlichen Literatur → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale

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[3.3. Eusebius von Cäsarea (Th 260-285), 155-199]. VERDONER M., The defenders of Christianity in the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, in In Defence of Christianity. Early Christian Apologists, 239-251. [1. Introduction. 2. Eusebius of Caesarea. 3. The early apologists in Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History. 4. Second century Christianity in the Ecclesiastical History. – «From a historical perspective there can be good reasons for assigning the second century special status in church history and calling it the century of the apologists, but the picture in the Ecclesiastical History of the second century as a critical time where Christianity is under attack from both external and internal opponents is presented in part as a consequence of the salvation historical perspective contained in the work. It is interesting to note that even though modern church historians may not have maintained the salvation historical element, the picture of the second century presented by the Ecclesiastical History has been strikingly pervasive and is also present in a number of recent presentations» (pp. 250-251)]. ZAMAGNI C., Is the Question-and-Answer Literary Genre in Early Christian Literature a Homogeneous Group? → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale 20. Atanasio ANATOLIOS K., «Christ the Power and Wisdom of God»: Biblical Exegesis and Polemical Intertextuality in Athanasius’s Orations against the Arians, JECS 21 (2013) 503-535. [Is Christ the «eternal» power and wisdom of God? IDIOS. Co-existence. The divine nature as generative. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Three times in the Orations against the Arians, Athanasius quotes from Asterius’s exegesis of 1 Cor 1.24. In this paper I show how Athanasius extracts four motifs from this discussion, and uses them to distinguish his own doctrinal position from Asterius, Marcellus, and Eusebius of Caesarea: the eternity of the Son; the Son’s being as “proper to the essence of the Father”; the co-existence of Father and Son; and the generativity of the divine nature. Athanasius hides this complex engagement in order to achieve a polemical simplification of the post-Nicen debates into the binary framework of “orthodoxy” vs. “heresy”»]. ARGÁRATE P., Zwischen Origenes, Athanasius und Kyrill: ein weiteres Kapitel der alexandrinischen Pneumatologie. Das Traktat «Über den Heiligen Geist» des Didymos → 23. Didimo il Cieco CAIN A., The Greek Historia monachorum in Aegypto and Athanasius’ Life of Antony, VigChr 67 (2013) 349-363. [Abstract: «This article examines possible literary sources underlying the Greek Historia monachorum in Aegypto, which was composed anonymously in the last decade of the fourth century, and argues that the Life of Antony, which Athanasius had released some forty years earlier, exercised a demonstrable influence over it»]. CAMPLANI A., La percezione della crisi religiosa calcedonese in alcuni testi storici e agiografici prodotti negli ambienti dell’episcopato di Alessandria → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici) COSTACHE D., Adam’s Holiness: Athonite and Alexandrine Perceptions → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale DENZEY LEWIS N.–BLOUNT J.A., Rethinking the Origins of the Nag Hammadi Codices → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo) JAKAB A., Chronique alexandrine VII → 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne, profili di studiosi MACÉ C., Les Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem d’un Pseudo-Athanase (CPG 2257). Un état de la question, in La littérature des questions et réponses dans l’antiquité profane et chrétienne, 121-150. [1. Introduction. 2. État des éditions. 3. La tradition indirecte ancienne. 4. Le rapport avec les QR d’Anastase le Sinaïte. 5. Conclusion. – Abstract: «A collection of 137 Quaestiones ad Antiochum attributed to Athanasius of Alexandria (CPG 2257) is edited in the PG 28, col. 597-700. The testimony of John of Damascus and of the Doctrina Patrum allows us to think that a collection of 100 of these Questions and Answers was already in circulation before 750. An exhaustive analysis of the manuscript tradition is necessary to reconstruct the original collection – a preliminary condition for any study of this text, which is very close in time and contents to Anastasius Sinaiticus’ Questions and Answers (CPG 7746). This article proposes a provisional status quaestionis on the existing editions of the Quaestiones ad Antiochum, on the ancient indirect tradition of Question 39 (on the cult of images) and on their relation between the Quaestiones ad Antiochum and Anastasius Sinaiticus’ Questions and Answers» (pp. 149-150)]. MONACI CASTAGNO A., Egitto, deserto, città: rappresentazioni e trasformazioni fra III e IV secolo → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale PLISCH U.-K., Thomasevangelium 29 als Exzerpt – ein Blick in die Entstehungsgeschichte des Thomasevangeliums → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo) RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale

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[2. Origen’s first followers in Alexandria and the East, and his first «detractors»: Athanasius of Alexandria (pp. 241-255)]. 21. I Padri Cappadoci SPUNTARELLI C., Oratore divino. Linguaggio e rappresentazione retorica nella controversia tra Cappadoci e Anomei (Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum, 132), Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, Roma 2012, pp. 492. [Introduzione, 9-66. Cap. I. Origine, finalità e modi del linguaggio: posizioni filosofiche a confronto, 67-92. Cap. II. Linguaggio e rappresentazione in ambito alessandrino, 93-209. Cap. III. La costruzione di una retorica cristiana dell’immagine, 211-253. Cap. IV. La phantasia nella costruzione del discorso su Dio: i cinque discorsi teologici di Gregorio Nazianzeno, 255-292. Cap. V. Epinoia e phantasia in Gregorio di Nissa, 293-326. Cap. VI. Oratore divino. Retorica, linguaggio e modelli di santità in ambito antiocheno, 327-442. Conclusioni, 443-458. Abbreviazioni e sigle, 459; Bibliografia, 461-484; Indice dei nomi, 485-488; Indice dei concetti principali, 489-490; Indice generale, 491-492]. 21.1. Basilio di Cesarea Basilio di Cesarea. La cura del povero e l’onere della ricchezza. Testi dalle Regole e dalle Omelie, a cura di L.F. PIZZOLATO (Letture cristiane del primo millennio, 49), Edizioni Paoline, Milano 2013, pp. 440. [Introduzione: Povertà e ricchezza in Basilio, 9-137; Bibliografia, 139-151. Testi: I. Le regole (Regole morali 48; Piccolo Asceticon 5; Regole diffuse 9; Regole diffuse 20; Regole brevi 85; Regole brevi 100; Regole brevi 101; Regole brevi 187; Regole brevi 302); Excursus: Eraclide, Lettera CL 3. II (pp. 155-207). Le Omelie sulla ricchezza: Omelia VI; Omelia VII; Omelia VIII (pp. 209-345). III. Le Omelie sul Salmo XIV: Omelia I sul Salmo XIV; Omelia II sul Salmo XIV (pp. 347-405). Appendice: Scheda biografica, 407-412. Indice scritturistico, 415-421; Indice onomastico, 422-432; Indice analitico, 433-437]. BOURA T., The Relationship between Hellenism and Christianity in St. Basil’s Speech to the Young, Vox Patrum 32/57 (2012) 53-57. CAPONE A., Apollinaris, Basil and Gregory of Nyssa, ZAC 17 (2013) 315-331. [1. Basil’s correspondence. 2. Basil and Gregory on Heb 1, 3. 3. Conclusions. – Abstract: «The paper is divided into three parts: First, it traces and contextualizes the references to Apollinaris which can be found in Basil’s correspondence. Then, it focuses attention on Basil’s and Gregory’s interpretation of some biblical passages, particularly Heb 1, 3, in the confutation of Apollinaris’ and Eunomius’ doctrines. Finally, it examines a passage from Contra Sabellianos ascribed to Apollinaris and a fragment from Apollinaris quoted by Gregory in Antirrheticus. The results of the research enable us to define the impact of Basil on Gregory’s theology in the polemic against Apollinaris» (p. 315)]. CATTANEO E., Il Commento a Isaia di Basilio di Cesarea. Attribuzione e studio teologico-letterario (Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum, 139), Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, Roma 2014, pp. 602. [Premessa, 5-6. Parte I. Questioni introduttive: 1. Il Profeta Isaia nei Padri della Chiesa, 11-16; 2. Le più antiche attestazioni dell’In Isaiam, 17-22; 3. La tradizione manoscritta, 23-27; 4. Le edizioni e le traduzioni, 29-35; 5. La discussione moderna sull’autenticità dell’In Isaiam, 37-57; 6. Conclusione della prima parte, 55- 57. Parte II. La prova della dipendenza letteraria: 7. Dipendenza letteraria. Prima prova: testi sull’ebbrezza, 61- 66; 8. Dipendenza letteraria. Seconda prova: testi sul digiuno, 67-75; 9. Conclusione della seconda parte, 77- 79. Parte III. Natura e cultura nell’In Isaiam: 10. Fenomeni naturali e astronomia, 83-93; 11. Le piante, 95-103; 12. Gli animali, 105-119; 13. La medicina e le arti, 121-131; 14. Definizioni, 133-144. Parte IV. La Bibbia nell’In Isaiam: 15. La profezia e i carismi della Parola. Il Prologo dell’In Isaiam, 147-171; 16. Criteri e pratica dell’esegesi biblica nell’In Isaiam, 173-184; 17. Israele e la storia. Il senso storico della Scrittura, 185-200; 18. La legge giudaica e il senso spirituale, 201-211; 19. Etimologie dei nomi biblici, 213-219; 20. Il testo di Isaia usato dal Commento e il ricorso agli «altri traduttori», 221-228; 21. Giacobbe-Israele, 229-234; 22. Mosè ed Elia, 235-246. Parte V. Testi particolari: 23. «Sono pieno» (Is 1,11), 249-251; 24. Le «Sette donne» e «l’unico uomo» (Is 4, 1), 253-258; 25. La parabola della vigna (Is 5,1-7), 259-273; 26. La vocazione e la missione di Isaia (Is 6), 275-302; 27. L’alleanza dei due re contro Gerusalemme (Is 7,1-2), 303-311; 28. «Esci fuori» (Is 7,3), 313- 318; 29. «Eccomi, io e i bambini che Dio mi ha dato» (Is 8,18), 319-326; 30. Il Verbum breviatum (Is 10,22-23), 327-331; 31. I pensieri e le azioni malvagie, 333-336; 32. Esempi di «digressioni» origeniane, 337-342. Parte VI. Temi teologici e morali: 33. La contemplazione della bellezza, 345-356; 34. Dio - Cristo - Spirito, 357-373; 35. La Beata Vergine Maria, 375-387; 36. Angeli e demoni, 389-405; 37. La Chiesa, 407-415; 38. I ministri della Chiesa, 417-428; 39. La morale, 429-453; 40. Il vizio del bere, 455-466; 41. Il digiuno gradito al Signore, 467- 474; 42. La pedagogia divina, 475-483; 43. Il simbolismo giorno / notte, 485-490; 44. Il fuoco, 491-501; 45. Il giudizio finale, 503-512. Conclusioni generali, 513-522. Indici: Index biblicus iuxta Septuaginta, 525-539; Index Auctorum Antiquorum, 541-550; Index Basilianus, 551-554; Index Enarrationis in Isaiam (PG 30,117-

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668), 555-559; Index Auctorum Modernorum, 561-564; Index nominum et rerum notabilium, 565-585. Bibliografia, 587-590. Opere di Basilio, 591-592]. – La conversion dans le Commentaire sur Isaïe de Basile de Césarée, in La conversion chez les Pères de l’Église, 159-173. [Le livre du prophète Isaïe: un appel à la conversion. Qu’est-ce que c’est la conversion? La possibilité de la conversion. Les signes de la conversion. Vraie et fausse conversion. Les deux registres de la pédagogie divine. Dieu ne condamne pas sans préavis. Le cœur impénitent. Le diable pouvait-il se convertir? Conclusion. – «Le thème de la conversion – dans son aspect d’abandon du péché et de retour à Dieu, avec les signes concrets de la repentance – est au cœur du Commentaire sur Isaïe de Basile. C’est le texte même du prophète, avec ses mises en garde répétées et ses terribles menaces, qui conduit le commentateur à traiter cette question, par des réflexions rapides et profondes. Puisque c’est la conversion qui est le terme final que visait la parole du prophète, on peut y trouver en même temps la forme de la pédagogie de Dieu envers son peuple: une pédagogie qui manifeste toute la “passion” de ce Dieu qui ne veut pas la mort du pécheur, mais qu’il se convertisse et vive. (…) Dans ce contexte, Basile aborde un sujet brûlant, celui de la possible conversion du diable. Sa position, qui en admet la possibilité limitée au début de la création, est unique dans toute la patristique connue. Mais sur ces questions Basile avait trouvé un maître dans les écrits d’Origène. Bien qu’aucune comparaison directe avec le commentaire d’Origène sur Isaïe, entièrement perdu, ne soit possible, cependant la façon d’aborder la question de la conversion et surtout l’accent mis sur la pédagogie divine sont des traits tellement origéniens qu’on ne peut exclure une dépendance directe entre les deux» (p. 173)]. DANIELI M.I., La ricerca della sapienza nelle prime fonti monastiche → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (5. Il monachesimo) DEMARCO D.C., The Presentation and Reception of Basil’s Homiliae in hexaemeron in Gregory’s In hexaemeron → 21.3. Gregorio di Nissa PIZZOLATO L.F., L’ ‘ultima tunica’ in Basilio (epist. 150), Auctores Nostri 12 (2013) 227-234. [Abstract: «The paper analyzes the expression ‘last tunic’ in Basil’s epist. 150, 3. It seems related to the Gospel passage about the ‘unique tunic’ (Mc 6, 9 and parallels), but is also affected by the long intertextual tradition started by Plato’s ‘last tunic’. So, Basil’s expression conflates spoliation from wealth (poverty) and spoliation from carnality (ascetic)»]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [3. Origen’s apologists and followers, the Cappadocians, Evagrius, the Antiochenes, and Fourth-Century Latin Origenians: Basil (pp. 344-372)]. SPUNTARELLI C., Oratore divino. Linguaggio e rappresentazione retorica nella controversia tra Cappadoci e Anomei → 21. I Padri Cappadoci [Cap. III. La costruzione di una retorica cristiana dell’immagine: 1. Basilio e Eunomio sul linguaggio (pp. 211- 242)]. 21.2. Gregorio di Nazianzo ABRAMS REBILLARD S., The Speech Act of Swearing: Gregory of Nazianzus’s Oath in Poema 2.1.2 in Context, JECS 21 (2013) 177-207. [Formal structure and dating. Using speech act theory: Which context? Whose intent? Contexts for swearing: professional, imperial loyalty, and judicial oaths. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Gregory of Nazianzus’s Poemata de seipso as a group are labeled “autobiography” erroneously. 2.1.2 provides a strong case study: it is formally structured as an oath, to be sworn by a bishop but with no definitive identification of speaker. As an oath it is well suited to the application of speech act theory, which allows for interpretations with Gregory and/or any orthodox bishop as speaker. When further considered in light of other oaths as compositional models – professional (e.g. Hippocratic), magisterial, imperial loyalty, biblical – the poem’s scope expands beyond the “autobiographer” to encompass the episcopate and fourth-century culture more broadly»]. BALDI I., Ordine o disordine negli Inni di Sinesio? → 27. Sinesio di Cirene CALVET-SEBASTI M.-A., Les chemins de la conversion dans l’œuvre de Grégoire de Nazianze, in La conversion chez les Pères de l’Église, 175-187. [Figures de convertis. L’appel à la conversion. La conversion du chrétien. Le rôle de l’écrivain. – «Grégoire de Nazianze ne nous offre pas seulement un témoignage historique sur des figures de convertis ou de personnes qui ont semblés aptes, comme lui-même, à s’engager dans la vie “philosophique”. Il propose à ses lecteurs, par l’intermédiaire de ces personnages exemplaires, les arguments nécessaires pour que chacun ait la possibilité de devenir à son tour à la fois un converti et un convertisseur. Cette option biographique, loin d’être anecdotique,

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montre une nouvelle fois qu’elle est moins l’expression d’une forme d’égocentrisme, ou de cette sensibilité exacerbée qu’on lui a souvent prêtée, que la manifestation d’une habile méthode pédagogique» (pp. 186-187)]. FLORIDI L., The Epigrams of Gregory of Nazianzus Against Tomb Desacrators and Their Epigraphic Background, Mnemosyne 66 (2013) 55-81. [1. Inscriptional epigrams. 2. Literary epigrams: Gregory of Nazianzus and the Martinianus cycle. 3. Gregory’s epigrams on desecrators of tombs. 4. Conclusions. – Abstract: «In what follows I shall analyse funerary epigrams in which the wayfarer is invited to abstain from violating the tomb. I will deal first with inscriptional epigrams, in order to survey motifs and language of the so called arai epitymbioi. I will then analyse the same theme in literary poems, focussing in particular on Gregory of Nazianzus’ treatment of the topos, in order to illuminate the differences and especially the similarities between the use of this motif in both inscriptional and literary epigrams. I will try to argue that Gregory consciously plays not only with the Greek literary tradition – which is hardly surprising, considering what a cultivated poet he was – but also that he is well acquainted with epigraphic habits, images, and language. He adapts them, and introduces original twists, which are not purely ornamental, but which help to convey new meanings: in particular, the poet puts his versificatory competence to use in a social and moral cause, in a time and in a geographical area in which the desecration of tombs was felt as a matter of topical interest, as is shown by the many preserved arai epitymbioi of the Imperial period coming from the Near East»]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [3. Origen’s apologists and followers, the Cappadocians, Evagrius, the Antiochenes, and Fourth-Century Latin Origenians: The Third Cappadocian: Gregory of Nazianzus, 440-461]. SPUNTARELLI C., Oratore divino. Linguaggio e rappresentazione retorica nella controversia tra Cappadoci e Anomei → 21. I Padri Cappadoci [Cap. IV. La phantasia nella costruzione del discorso su Dio: i cinque discorsi teologici di Gregorio Nazianzeno: 1. La parola che dipinge in Gregorio di Nazianzo; 2. Phantasia nella costruzione del discorso teologico (pp. 255-292)]. 21.3. Gregorio di Nissa CAPONE A., Apollinaris, Basil and Gregory of Nyssa → 21.1. Basilio di Cesarea DEMARCO D.C., The Presentation and Reception of Basil’s Homiliae in hexaemeron in Gregory’s In hexaemeron, ZAC 17 (2013) 332-352. [1. Gregory’s self-presentation. 2. Gregory’s expansion on Basil’s ideas: Gen 1:1. 3. Gregory’s divergence from Basil: The upper waters. – The abstract: «The article deals with the intellectual relationship between Basil of Caesarea and his younger brother Gregory of Nyssa as seen in their two treatments of the six days of creation. The analysis first examines how Gregory himself in his In hexaemeron portrays the relationship of the two works. This leads to the conclusion that Gregory uses an agricultural analogy to present himself as subordinate and inferior to Basil, but still somewhat independent. The next section examines both Basil’s and Gregory’s treatment of Gen 1:1 as an example of where Gregory has expanded on Basil’s ideas and his self- presentation is generally accurate. The final section looks at Gregory’s discussion of the upper waters, where Gregory undermines Basil’s interpretation while at the same time seeking to cover his tracks rhetorically. Here Gregory shows a stronger preference than Basil for allegory and certain interpretations of Origen. In sum, it becomes clear that Gregory not only builds on Basil’s ideas, but also diverges from Basil more significantly than he would have us believe» (p. 332)]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [3. Origen’s apologists and followers, the Cappadocians, Evagrius, the Antiochenes, and Fourth-Century Latin Origenians: Macrina and Gregory of Nyssa, the closest and most brilliant followers of Origen (pp. 372-440)]. –, Harmony between Arkhê and Telos in Patristic Platonism and the Imagery of Astronomical Harmony Applied to Apokatastasis Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale SAMELLAS A., Experience, Freedom, and Canon in the Work of Gregory of Nyssa, JECS 21 (2013) 569-595. [Canon and experience. Gregory’s qualified empiricism. Freedom, equality, and experience in the godhead. Conclusions. – Abstract: «This article explores the notion of experience in the work of Gregory of Nyssa. It examines the nature of the qualified empiricism of the Cappadocian Father and its relation to some of the basic assumptions of the school of Medical Empiricism. Its main thesis is that the key reason for Gregory’s valorization of experience as an inevitable step to one’s moral maturation was his conviction that only through the exercise of their free will might humans learn to be virtuous. The article also examines in what

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sense experience conferred authority on the spiritual guide and Gregory’s debt to the Greek philosophical tradition in his understanding of the notion of the ‘canon’»]. SPUNTARELLI C., Oratore divino. Linguaggio e rappresentazione retorica nella controversia tra Cappadoci e Anomei → 21. I Padri Cappadoci [Cap. V. Epinoia e phantasia in Gregorio di Nissa: 1. Epinoia e mechané, ovvero l’«espediente» che «fa avanzare molto» il discorso su Dio senza poterne cogliere l’essenza; 2. Segno linguistico, metafora, rappresentazione (pp. 293-326)]. 22. Ambrogio di Milano BELCASTRO M., De diversis quaestionibus ad Augustinum: Simpliciano e l’origenismo milanese → 29. Agostino GOSSEREZ L., Une pédagogie de la foi: l’exégèse de Jn 11, 1-44 dans l’ Exameron d’Ambroise de Milan, in La conversion chez les Pères de l’Église, 141-157. [L’explication du Credo de Nicée. L’analyse rhétorique du récit des six jours. L’analyse rhétorique de Jn 11, 1- 44. L’application sacramentelle et liturgique de Jn 11, 1-44. – «Une des particularités de la première homélie de l’Exameron d’Ambroise de Milan est sa référence à la péricope de l’évangile de Jean qui concerne la résurrection de Lazare (11, 1-44). Cette référence fait partie du commentaire de Genèse 1, 2, qu’Ambroise cite dans une traduction latine des LXX. (...) À propos du même verset, Basile de Césarée, dont s’inspire fréquemment Ambroise, ne mentionne pas dans son Hexaemeron le passage du quatrième évangile. Il est probable que l’introduction de ce thème évangélique dans le sermon de l’évêque de Milan est liée au calendrier liturgique milanais, où figurait vraisemblablement... un samedi de Lazare comparable à celui qui a été conservé dans la liturgie orientale, et peut-être aussi dans celle d’Alexandrie» (p. 141)]. NAZZARO A.V., Costantino e la madre Elena nell’interpretazione politico-religiosa di Ambrogio di Milano, in Vangelo, trasmissione, verità. Studi in onore di Enrico Cattaneo, 195-217. [1. Dedica. 2. Il De obitu Theodosii di Ambrogio. 3. Teodosio incontra Graziano nel paradiso. 4. Teodosio incontra gli altri parenti e Costantino. 5. Con il pellegrinaggio a Gerusalemme e l’inuentio crucis Elena propizia al figlio la protezione divina. 6. Elena de stercore ad regnum. 7. L’apostrofe al diavolo sul Golgota e il rapporto figurale Maria-Elena. 8. Rinvenimento della croce. 9. I chiodi della croce trasformati da Elena in un morso e corona-diadema. 10. Tormento dei Giudei. 11. Riflessioni finali sul sanctum super frenum e sull’Helenae operatio. 12. Conclusione. – Abstract: «The theme of the article is the manner in which Ambrose interprets the figures of emperor Constantine and his mother Helena. In De obitu Theodosii 39-51 we can find the first assignment to Helena of the inuentio crucis. The transformation of the nails in a bite and a crown indicates the continuity, hereditas fidei and not dynastic, of the empire of the new Christian principles: it is to be read, then, from a political and religious point of view» (p. 217)]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ambrose and the influence of Origen (pp. 616-622)]. SCHWAB A., Thales von Milet in der frühen christlichen Literatur → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [3.7. Ambrosius (Th 309), 219-222]. 23. Didimo il Cieco ARGÁRATE P., Zwischen Origenes, Athanasius und Kyrill: ein weiteres Kapitel der alexandrinischen Pneumatologie. Das Traktat «Über den Heiligen Geist» des Didymos, in Christliches Ägypten in der spätantiken Zeit, 81-91. [«Die Pneumatologie des Didymos hat, wie dargelegt, deutliche Grenzen nicht nur gegenüber den Kappadokiern, sondern auch gegenüber Athanasius und Origenes. Seine Betonung der Wesensgleichheit von Vater, Sohn und Geist setzt sich nicht in einer genauen Darstellung der Rolle des Geistes, seiner Attribute und seines Wirkens fort. Augrund des Fehlens eines präzisen technischen Instrumentarium ist Didymus nicht in der Lage, über eine biblische Theologie hinauszukommen. Doch gerade in dieser starken biblischen Orientierung liegt der Reichtum und das Verdienst des Didymos. De Spiritu Sancto ist eine immense Fundgrube für Schrifttexte über den Heiligen Geist» (p. 90)]. PANCERZ R.M., Christian towards Material Goods. Reflection of the Alexandrian School from Clement to Didymus the Blind → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Summary: «(...) Didymus, the last teacher of the Alexandrian school, following the Stoics and Clemens, defines material goods as adiaphora. He adds also that these are not goods in the proper sense. Moreover, the author admits that riches are a seconday gift of God. Obviously they are that, if one uses them as far as they are necessary. But the most important aspect is that Didymus emphasizes resolutely a positive potential of material wealth. By means of it one may help other people, including for example the support of the sage. Riches if used right – asserts the author following the Platonic and Aristotelian tradition – can contribute to

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moral virtue of their owner. This way material goods become an instrument through which one may merit eternal life. Surely with such rhetoric Didymus could impress the rich. We must admit that his stance was due to the historical context as well, since Christianity became in the 4th century the official state religion. Its new condition certainly contributed to a more mature look at social and economic questions» (pp. 492-493)]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [3. Origen’s apologists and followers, the Cappadocians, Evagrius, the Antiochenes, and Fourth-Century Latin Origenians: Didymus of Alexandria (pp. 286-307)]. SIQUANS A., Frauenfeindlichkeit und Willkür? Patristische Auslegung frauenfeindlicher Aussagen in Kohelet → 28. Gerolamo 24. Evagrio CORRIGAN K.–GLAZOV G.Y., Compunction and Compassion: Two Overlooked Virtues in Evagrius of Pontus, JECS 22 (2014) 61-77. [Introduction. Compunction. Compunction and compassion. Isaiah: the call narrative. – Abstract: «Instead of an extreme asceticism characterized by imperturbability, Evagrius’s thinking should rather be characterized by two often overlooked virtues, compunction and compassion, that, together with the other virtues and imperturbability, form the systole and diastole of the monk’s life. These make it possible for the call of the Prophets and the words of the Psalmist to take up personal residence in each individual, on behalf of others, in the gentle sympathy of divine love. Divine sympathy is, in fact, the model for understanding the range and root of compassion, for it is present in a remarkable way in both piercing repentance for our weakness and loving mercy for others»]. GÉHIN P., Les collections de kephalaia monastiques. Naissance et succès d’un genre entre création originale, plagiat et florilège → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale KRAWIEC R., Literacy and Memory in Evagrius’s Monasticism, JECS 21 (2013) 363-390. [Introduction. Evagrian literacy: writing and reading monastic teachings. Creating monastic memory. Evagrius in textual memory. Conclusion. – Abstract: «This paper examines Evagrius’s monastic literacy, that is, his views on how to write and read monastic texts, in order to argue for the central role of mempry in that literacy. Evagrius’s textuality is Origenist because of the hierarchical relationship between material text and spiritual meaning; that textuality shapes Evagrius’s identity as a monastic writer and the esoteric quality of reading in his monastic community. A collective monastic memory is one element that is necessary to read his texts properly, namely, in a way that will allow access to the spiritual strength in the text. Yet memory, like texts, engages the same tension between corporeal reality and immaterial goals that is at the heart of Evagrius’s monasticism. The relationship between literacy and monasticism shapes the memory of Evagrius in the works of two of his followers, Palladius and John Cassian»]. PEVARELLO D., The Sentences of Sextus and the Origins of Christian Asceticism → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 1. The Sentences of Sextus: Reception and Interpretation: D. The later ascetic tradition up to the Modern Era: I. Evagrius of Pontus and the Armenian Sextus (pp. 26-29). PIZZONE A., Christliche und heidnische Träume: versteckte Polemik in Synesios, De insomniis → 27. Sinesio di Cirene RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [3. Origen’s apologists and followers, the Cappadocians, Evagrius, the Antiochenes, and Fourth-Century Latin Origenians: Evagrius heir of Origen and the Cappadocians (pp. 461-512)]. –, Harmony between Arkhê and Telos in Patristic Platonism and the Imagery of Astronomical Harmony Applied to Apokatastasis Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale 25. Rufino di Aquileia BRENNECKE H.CH., Zu den Proömien der spätantiken Kirchengeschichten → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale CHIN C.M., Short Words on Earth: Theological Geography in Rufinus’s Commentary on the Apostles’ Creed, JECS 21 (2013) 391-412. [Local, experiential, and textual. Creed as travelling mind. The noetic network. Conclusion: textual ecosystems and textual futures. – Abstract: «This article examines Rufinus of Aquileia’s approach to local textual variations in the baptismal creed, as presented in his Commentary on the Apostles’ Creed, which

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analyzes the creed very differently than other late-ancient Latin treatments of the creed. I argue that Rufinus sees local variations in the text of the creed as aspects of the divine mind that manifest differently in different places, following an Origenist framework in which geography is part of divine pedagogy for humans. Thus the creed, its reciters, and its local setting interact much like agents within a local ecosystem, which provides a specific environment to which its inhabitants must adapt, but which is also changed by its inhabitants as they live in it»]. LEVENSON D.B. – MARTIN T.R., The Latin Translations of Josephus on Jesus, John the Baptist, and James: Critical Texts of the Latin Translation of the Antiquities and Rufinus’ Translation of Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History Based on Manuscripts and Early Printed Editions → 9. Flavio Giuseppe (4. Studi) PEVARELLO D., The Sentences of Sextus and the Origins of Christian Asceticism → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 1. The Sentences of Sextus: Reception and Interpretation: C. Controversies over the Sentences in Latin Christianity: I. Rufinus’ Latin Sextus: a manual of asceticism (pp. 17-19)]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Rufinus and Jerome in front of Origen (pp. 622-658]. 26. Teofilo di Alessandria COAKLEY S., Prayer, Politics and the Trinity: Vying Models of Authority in Third–Fourth-Century Debates on Prayer and ‘Orthodoxy’ → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale GROSSO A.M., La controversia origenista tra IV e V secolo: la testimonianza di Palladio. Riflessioni a margine di una lettura del Dialogo sulla vita di Giovanni Crisostomo → 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene PIZZONE A., Christliche und heidnische Träume: versteckte Polemik in Synesios, De insomniis → 27. Sinesio di Cirene RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [3. Origen’s apologists and followers, the Cappadocians, Evagrius, the Antiochenes, and Fourth-Century Latin Origenians: Theophilus of Alexandria (pp. 584-591)]. VAN NUFFELEN P., Theophilus against John Chrysostom: the Fragments of a lost liber and the Reasons for John’s Deposition, Adamantius 19 (2013) 139-155. [1. The acts of the Synod of the Oak. 2. Theophilus of Alexandria, liber adversus Iohannem Chrysostomum. 3. Palladius, Dialogue on the Life of John Chrysostom. Conclusions. – Abstract: «Offering the fullest yet reconstruction of Theophilus of Alexandria’s liber adversus Iohannem Chrysostomum (CPG 2677), this paper proceeds to reconsider the grounds for John’s deposition. It argues that John was accused of disciplinary and theological offenses, including a suggestion of Origenism. The various accounts of John’s trial are then situated within the context of the polemical strategies of their authors. Scholars have followed Johannite sources in stating that John was ultimately deposed because of a procedural matter (his refusal to appear in court) in a sloppy procedure, thus assuming that his detractors did not have serious arguments. Such a representation of events is, in fact, a partisan distortion of what actually happened. John’s enemies tried to follow legal procedure carefully and his deposition was not based on just a technical issue: in Roman law, followed by ecclesiastical law, not appearing in court equalled a confession of guilt»]. 27. Sinesio di Cirene Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, Herausgegeben von H. SENG und L.M. HOFFMANN, Brepols, Turnhout 2012, pp. x+503. [Vorwort, vii. D. KREIKENBOM, Kyrene und Ptolemais zur Zeit des Synesios, 1-34. L.M. HOFFMANN, Die Lebenswelt des Synesios von Kyrene – ein historischer Überblick, 35-65. C. AMANDE, Il Lexikon di Sinesio: presentazione ed esemplificazioni dal De regno, 66-72. K. PIEPENBRINK, Selbstverständnis und Selbstdarstellung des Synesios von Kyrene als Bischof, 73-95. H. HARICH-SCHWARZBAUER, Zum Werkcharakter der Briefe des Synesios von Kyrene, 96-109. M. OP DE COUL, Aspects of paideia in Synesius’ Dion, 110-124. H. SENG, An den Haaren herbeigezogen. Sophistsiche Argumentation im Encomium calvitii, 125-143. I. BALDI, Ordine o disordine negli Inni di Sinesio?, 144-163. U. CRISCUOLO, Sinesio di Cirene fra neoplatonismo e teologia, 164-182. S. VOLLENWEIDER, «Ein Mittleres zwischen Vater und Sohn». Zur Bedeutug des Neuplatonikers Porphyrios für die Hymnen des Synesios, 183-200. I. TANASEANU-DÖBLER, Synesios und die Theurgie, 201-230. L. SAUDELLI, Un dit d’Héraclite dans le traité Sur les songes de Synésios de Cyrène, 231-246. A. PIZZONE, Christliche und heidnische Träume: versteckte Polemik in Synesios, De insomniis, 247-275. D. ROQUES†, Lecteurs de Synésios, de Byzance à nos jours

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(VIe-XXIe s.), 276-387. F. KOLOVOU, Ein Bischof kat’oikonomian in spätbyzantinischen Urteilen: Synesios von Kyrene und Nikephoros Gregoras’ Protheoria zu De insomniis, 388-403. D. RODERICH REINSCH, Bemerkungen zu einigen byzantinischen ‘Fürstenspiegeln’ des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts, 404-419. K. SMOLAK, Die Hymnen des Synesios und der lateinische Westen, 420-438. Literaturverzeichnis, 439-482. Register der Orts- und Personennamen, 483-503]. AMANDE C., Il Lexikon di Sinesio: presentazione ed esemplificazioni dal De regno, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 66-72. [Abstract: «The Synesii Index auctus, compiled by Paola Graffigna and Carlotta Amande, covers all of the works of Synesius of Cyrene. Begun in the early 1990s, this instrumentum studiorum has long been completed but is still unpublished. We present here examples which illustrate the basic characteristics and structure of lemmata from the Index. This work arose from the need for lexical repertories for the study of the works of Synesius, particularly in relation to his ‘ideology’, that is, the complex of political, philosophical, religious and cultural themes which emerge from his literary production as significant elements of the author’s own thought. The lemmata in our Index are modelled on those of the In Themistii Orationes Index auctus, edited by professor Garzya and his team. The Synesii Index auctus, however, more closely resembles a lexicon. One example of an ‘ideological’ lemma is ὁμιλέω, whose contexts in De regno, the work which Carlotta Amande and Paola Graffigna have edited, are particularly interesting» (p. 71)]. BALDI I., Ordine o disordine negli Inni di Sinesio?, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 144-163. [«A careful reading not only of the information provided by the manuscript tradition, but also of the exiguous and cryptic data obtained from the 16th century Humanist Portus’ edition of Synesius’ Hymns, allows us to formulate new hypotheses about the composition and the order of poems in this poetic corpus. In particular, since Pontus’ edition is characterised by an unusual arrangement of the hymns and is supplemented by the publication of some Odes of Gregory of Nazianzus, it seems to reflect not the editor’s whim, but rather the facies of a precious – but lost – Synesian manuscript. This evidence may testify to an original sequence of the poems which differs from that of the two surviving traditions: a sequence opened by the programmatic 9th hymn which in fact is now placed in the closing position. Moreover, an analysis of the spurious 10th hymn, unanimously considered to be the work of a Byzantine scribe, suggests a quite different interpretation: it is rather to be considered as a genuine hymn, composed by the monk George the Sinner at a date not much later than Synesius (5th/6th century) and intended to introduce the poetic collection of this otherwise unknown Christian poet. This makes it possible to formulate hypotheses about the origin and peculiarities of the two manuscript families: (a) is in the form of an anthology of Christian poems arranged by authors, while the other (b) derives from a complete edition of Synesius’ known œuvre. Finally, the apparatus of extra-textual signs and notes provided by some manuscripts (among others, especially Athous Vatopedinus 685 and Vat. Gr. 64) increases the suspicion that the existing appearance of the poetic corpus diverges significantly from its original arrangement» (p. 162)]. CRISCUOLO U., Sinesio di Cirene fra neoplatonismo e teologia, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 164-182. [Abstract: «Following brief remarks on the intellectual context of the 4th century, we examine the particular position of Synesius as this emerges from his writings, notably from his correspondence. It appears that Synesius was a Christian, born into a Christian family, a fact which remains evident despite his clearly Neo-Platonic disposition. However, some of his assertions on religious matters, which appear to contradict the Christian tradition (e.g. the resurrection of the body, the pre-existence of souls, the eternity of the world), pertain to dogmatic questions still sub iudice in this period, especially within Alexandrian Christianity. In particular, an examination of the ideological and semantic substratum of the Hymns allows us to demonstrate the strong influence of Gregory of Nazianzus’ theological orations and Carmina arcana on Synesius» (p. 182)]. HARICH-SCHWARZBAUER H., Zum Werkcharakter der Briefe des Synesios von Kyrene, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 96-109. [Abstract: «Synesius of Cyrene’s correspondence is still widely regarded as authentic. Although the letters have been highly regarded for their literary qualities since the Byzantine period, 19th century scholarship began to use them primarily as a source from which to reconstruct his life in an attempt to ‘rescue’ the historical Synesius. The contribution distances itself from an interpretation of Synesius’ letters commiteed to biography in order to elucidate the literary character of the correspondence as a carefully constructed œuvre. The approach taken here is based on the observation that Synesius is an accomplished writer whose works presuppose a high degree of hermeneutic competence on the part of the reader. Moreover, it is argued that the size of the epistulary corpus – with its 156 letters it is rather small in comparison with those of other contemporary writers – sheds light on the author’s literary conceptions. The widespread assumption that Synesius’ premature death offers an explanation for the comparatively small number od letters is thus to be

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discarded. In addition, this contribution examines the meta-literary statements which are made at prominent places within the collection (beginning, middle, and end) and addressed to a readership that is familiar with this kind of discourse. A brief survey of the contents of the letters indicates an increase in reflection on a philosophical way of life in the second half of the correspondence. Nevertheless, the basic principle of ancient epistolography that philosophical discussion should be avoided is respected. In sum, the letters are to be regarded as a well-organized epistolary corpus, which only pretends to be the fortuitous product of a daily correspondence and which is hardly the selection of a later editor» (pp. 107-108)]. HOFFMANN L.M., Die Lebenswelt des Synesios von Kyrene – ein historischer Überblick, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 35-65. [Abstract: «This contribution will not give another more or less complete overview of the lifetime of Synesius of Cyrene. Rather, the political actions of Synesius regarding his stay at Constantinople shall generally be connected to his Greek speaking environment and in particular to the concrete political conditions in the East Roman Empire of his days. In our northern hemisphere the fourth century AD was, on the whole, rather dry and the drought reached its climax by the year 400, before the weather conditions gradually improved again. Until now, historians have generally neglected the possible consequences of this important cultural factor, which emerged from the research on climate over the last fifty years. Thus a provincial delegation, like the one Synesius of Cyrene headed, tried to obtain some tax reliefs in the capital, amongst other things. However, in North Africa at that time one certainly could not have been aware of the influence, which the Gothic military presence exerted on the political events and decisions in Constantinople. Therefore, Synesius had to prolong his stay indefinitely, so that he accidentally became eyewitness of the massacre of 12th July 400. During this event, at least according to the testimony of the pagan historian Zosimus, 7000 Goths were killed. Ten years before, as result of a revolt in Thessaloniki, according to the church historian Theodoret of Cyrrhus, just as many Greeks died, an event which led the Emperor Theodosius I into the well-known conflict with Ambrose of Milan and which modern historians still seem to overestimate in its practical political implications. Indeed, at that time similar riots took place in the most Eastern Roman metropolitan regions. Nevertheless, if one mentions the first massacre, one should not neglect the other. One may consider that the intention behind the texts was that the killing of the Goths represented an unavoidable population exchange: 7000 Greeks were killed for reason of the hybris of the Gothic local commander. In the end as many Goths should have been killed to re-establish the good old order and to satisfy the demands of the law. Synesius, like many members of the Roman senatorial aristocracy, was affected by a “Barbarophobia”. But after the event at Constantinople, he considered for the first time of his life a solution to the strong ethnic threat to Roman property in his own region a realistic possibility. However, he proposed a somehow wondrous way since in his eyes it should be caused by the Divine and only be fulfilled by humans. And according to his testimony on the De providentia, it was with this calming conviction that he travelled back to Cyrenaica» (p. 64)]. KOLOVOU F., Ein Bischof κατ’ οἰκονομίαν in spätbyzantinischen Urteilen: Synesios von Kyrene und Nikephoros Gregoras’ Protheoria zu De insomniis, 388-403. [Abstract: «In his commentary on Synesius’ De insomniis (1328), Nicephoros Gregoras (1295-1361) seems to assume that Synesius had become a convert to Christianity and that he was loyal to the Church. Gregoras’ Protheoria to the commentary, paralleling Synesius own Protheoria to De insomniis, emphasizes Synesius’ role as a mediator brtween Plato and Aristotle and his openness to all philosophical traditions, as well as to Christianity itself. In attempting a synthesis of secular education and Christian thought, Gregoras reflects Late Byzantine views of Synesius, consistent with judgments transmitted over many centuries, in particular those of Evagrius and Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos, and illustrates the complex relationship between philosophy and theology in Byzantium» (p. 403)]. KREIKENBOM D., Kyrene und Ptolemais zur Zeit des Synesios, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 1-34. [1. Wohnhäuser. 2. Plätze und Straßen: Veränderungen des öffentlichen Stadtraums. 3. Thermen. 4. Kirchen. 5. Exkurs: der ländliche Raum. 6. Schluss. – Abstract: «Synesius saw the survival of his country threatened by the attacks of the Ausurians, while other authors report earthquakes and the alleged abandonment of the city of Cyrene. Yet the material legacy contrasts with these images of decline. Various surviving examples of private and public buildings in Cyrene and Ptolemais suggest rather the continuity of urban culture during Late Antiquity, although at least in Cyrene, a change in settlement. On the other hand, the nature and extent of church construction at the time of Synesius eludes assessment» (p. 34)]. OP DE COUL M., Aspects of paideia in Synesius’ Dion, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 110-124. [Abstract: «In the Dion, Synesius has left us a self-portrait in which facts and fiction are intermingled in a way reminiscent of the literary devices of the Second Sophistic in general and one of its principal representatives, Dio of Prusa, in particular. This article proposes a reading of the treatise which takes into account relevant historical as well as rhetorical parameters, and arrives at the conclusion that the classical ideal of paideia, as

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expressed by the philosopher-bishop, was not under threat by the new religion; on the contrary, this tradition was enriched and inspired by Christianity, so that it came to encompass the best of both worlds» (p. 124)]. PIEPENBRINK K., Selbstverständnis und Selbstdarstellung des Synesios von Kyrene als Bischof, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 73-95. [1. Einleitung. 2. Das Zögern gegenüber der Annahme des Bischofsamtes. 3. Der Umgang mit dem Bischofsamt. 4. Synesios und die Typisierung bischöflicher Autorität. 5. Wandel in Selbstverständnis und Selbstdarstellung? 6. Schluss. – Abstract: «This essay examines the central elements of Synesius’ self- understanding in his representation as bishop, and situates these within his biography and his historical environment. His self-image remained essentially unchanged after his election to the episcopate. It is informed both by his philosophical aspirations and by his sense of civic responsibility to be engaged on behalf of his community. Pragmatic elements prevail in his self-representation, because he legitimates his authority with concrete successes which are dependent on the social connections arising from his social class and earlier activities. Besides these, we also find spiritual elements, to which he personally ascribes greater importance. Compared with the self-representation of the other contemporary eastern bishops, Synesius has much in common with them, but there are also differences. The latter result from divergent attitudes towards asceticism, but also the specific characteristics of the sources and the situations within which we encounter these figures» (pp. 94-95)]. PIZZONE A., Christliche und heidnische Träume: versteckte Polemik in Synesios, De insomniis, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 247-275. [Ein rätselhafter Gegner. Plotins Bewertung der fantasiva und der neuplatonische Spiegel. Evagrios Pontikos im Spiegel der «origenistischen» Gnosis. – Abstract: «In his treatise On Dreams, Synesius mentions a mysterious opponent who apparently does not believe in the anagogic power of imagination and dreams. The present paper attempts to identify this adversary by reading Synesius’ polemical statement against the background of Theophilus’ anti-Origenist campaign in Alexandria at the beginning of the 5th century. On the one hand, Theophilus’ festal letters from 400-404 provide useful clues for a new interpretation of ep. 154 Garzya addressed to Hypatia and Dion 7-10. The way in which Theophilus describes the Origenist monks and their behaviour displays striking similarities with the group of opponents whom Synesius labels as “those in black mantles”. Such opponents may in turn be equated with the mysterious adversary mentioned in the book On Dreams. On the other hand, Evagrius Ponticus’ extremely critical attitude towards the imaginative power of the soul is consistent with the theoretical positions ascribed by Synesius to his opponents. Although he had died before Theophilus began his campaign, Evagrius’ works were viewed by their critics as being a constant source of inspiration for the Origenist monks. We may then conclude that the treatise On Dreams, together with ep. 154 Garzya and Dion, can be situated partly within the context of a contemporary ecclesiastical debate» (p. 274)]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [3. Origen’s apologists and followers, the Cappadocians, Evagrius, the Antiochenes, and Fourth-Century Latin Origenians: Synesius of Cyrene, Hypatia’s disciple, and Neoplatonism (pp. 602-603)]. RODERICH REINSCH D., Bemerkungen zu einigen byzantinischen ‘Fürstenspiegeln’ des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 404-419. [Abstract: «(...) Synesius’ work Περὶ βασιλείας is one of the earliest writings to present an ideal image of a Byzantine emperor; it is present in these works of the Comnenian era as a point of reference for concepts and language» (p. 418)]. ROQUES D.†, Lecteurs de Synésios, de Byzance à nos jours (VIe-XXIe s.), in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 276-387. [I. Synésios et l’hellénisme (VIe s.-XXe s.): 1. Du VIe siècle au IXe siècle; 2. Du IXe siècle à ca. 1100; 3. De ca. 1100 à ca. 1260; 4. De ca. 1260 à ca. 1350; 5. De ca. 1350 à ca. 1500; 6. De ca. 1500 au XXe s. II. Synésios en Europe occidentale (XVe-XXIe s.): 1. Le XVe s.; 2. De ca. 1500 à ca. 1550; 3. De ca. 1550 à ca. 1600; 4. De ca. 1600 à ca. 1700; 5. De ca. 1700 à ca. 1800; 6. De ca. 1800 à ca. 1860; 7. De ca. 1860 à ca. 1950; 8. De ca. 1950 à ca. 2010. III. Conclusions. – Abstract: «This article offers a synoptic view of the reception of Synesius from Late Antiquity to the present, with particular emphasis on medieval Byzantium and modern France. The writings of Synesius have not enjoyed a consistent interest. During the earlier period, the letters (as attested by the considerable number of manuscripts) exercised the greatest appeal, providing in particular a stylistic model for Greek authors, while since the Renaissance it is the treatise On Dreams which has attracted most attention in the West; the Encomium Calvitii has also inspired creative literature. We know little about the person of Synesius, but he is included in accounts of Church history, and since the nineteenth has also been the subject of novels» (p. 386)].

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SAUDELLI L., Un dit d’Héraclite dans le traité Sur les songes de Synésios de Cyrène, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 231-246. [Introduction. Le texte d’Héraclite dans le contexte de Synésios. Le témoignage de Synésios. Le fragment d’Héraclite. Conclusions. – Abstract: «Synesius of Cyrene quotes Heraclitus only once: in his philosophical treatise On Dreams. This paper first analyses the way in which the Christian Neo-Platonist uses Heraclitus’ idea of the ‘soul as light’ in order to legitimate his doctrine of oneiric divination, and in particular to support his theory of the pneuma (‘breath’, ‘spirit’) of the soul. According to Synesius, this pneuma constitutes the instrument of the faculty of imagination, the base on which the images of reality are reflected. The pneuma exists in symbiosis with the soul, because it conforms to its states: it becomes finer and lighter when the life of wisdom which the soul has pursued on earth has purified it, but it becomes thicker and heavier if the soul, subjected to corporeal vices, has soiled it. At the end of its earthly life, therefore, either the ‘humid’ pneuma drags the soul down and causes it to become an evil demon in the underworld, or the ‘dry’ pneuma is borne up into the sky by the soul to commune with the divine. Heraclitus’ statement thereby enables Synesius to show that the soul with a dry pneuma, that is, the pure soul of the good man, communes with the gods by means of dreams. Porphyry, the Neo-Platonic source for Synesius, is then examined, including also Porphyry’s own Middle-Platonic sources. Finally, I consider the most literal version of Heraclitus’s fragment, that quoted by Stobaeus, and other evidence for Heraclitus’s doctrine of the soul, in order to arrive at the most probable signification of this text» (p. 245)]. SENG H., An den Haaren herbeigezogen. Sophistsiche Argumentation im Encomium calvitii, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 125-143. [1. Die Konstruktion des Ich-Sprechers. 2. Argumente (?). 3. Das Werk und sein Autor. – Abstract: «An autobiographical interpretation of Synesius’ Encomium calvitii may still appeal to some critics. This article, by contrast, focuses on the text itself. First, it traces the construction of the first-person speaker who emerges as a dubious Sophistic figure who unconsciously becomes entangled in his own arguments. The argumentation itself is then analysed in terms of its flaws and inconsistencies. Finally, the Encomium calvitii is contextualized within the Synesian corpus and the Platonic tradition. Among his writings, the Dion especially shows various points of contact. However, mockery of sophistic argumentation is also found in Plato, e.g. in the Euthydemus, a dialogue with which Synesius’ work can certainly be compared» (p. 143)]. SMOLAK K., Die Hymnen des Synesios und der lateinische Westen, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 420-438. [Abstract: «This contribution deals with a topic which has hitherto attracted little attention: the relationship of the hymns of Synesius to the Latin sphere of western Europe. This merely suggestive study focuses on two aspects, illustrated by only several examples. First, a specifically Christian scene, the Ascension of Christ from Synesius 8th hymn, is compared with renderings of the same subject matter by the slightly older Prudentius (Cathemerinon 9) and by the 18th-century Viennese Jesuit professor Johann Baptist Premlechner (Carmen 13). In both cases, the comparison illustrates a difference characteristic of the western idea of Ascension – in spite of the considerable lapse of time between the two Latin poems: the Platonizing tenor of the Synesian hymn of ‘skipping’ the material cosmos to enter into the ‘Heaven of Silence’ is replaced by the triumphant entry of the Victor into His Kingdom of Heaven. The second part of this paper deals with the Latin translations, then an indispensable medium for a broader reception. It is no more coincidence that a Cretan, Franciscus Portus, published the first translation in Basel (Froben, 1560): in the 16th century, Crete belonged to Venice. As early as 1575, the prose translation served as a basis for Betholaude’s aesthetically more ambitious version in lyrical verses. The translator treatment of newly-created composite adjectives and of terms which had belonged to the theological sphere in the Greek tradition since Homer is illustrated by selected examples: ἀγαθορρύθοιο παγᾶς, τοκήων θεοικάνων ἀπορρώξ (ὁσιᾶν ψυχᾶν ἅγιος), ταμίας, ἀμφιβατῆρες. The translators were not always able to render the atmosphere of the original text adequately, in spite of their competence in both languages. A particularly clear instance of this problem occurs with the noun ταμίας, which Synesius uses in connection with God, whereas a Latin term was used which pertains to the idiom of ancient Roman comedy and agriculture: promus condus» (p. 437)]. TANASEANU-DÖBLER I., Synesios und die Theurgie, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 201-230. [1. Einleitung. 2. Zum Begriff «Theurgie». 3. Theurgie bei Synesios. – Abstract: «Focussing on Synesius’ On Dreams and his first hymn, this article analyses Synesius’ attitude towards theurgy and discusses it within the context of post-Plotinian Neoplatonism. From this examination, the necessity of a more nuanced approach to this subject which is capable of moving beyond a rigid polarisation between ‘Porphyrian’ and ‘Iamblichean’ positions becomes apparent» (p. 230)]. VOLLENWEIDER S., «Ein Mittleres zwischen Vater und Sohn». Zur Bedeutug des Neuplatonikers Porphyrios für die Hymnen des Synesios, in Synesios von Kyrene. Politik - Literatur - Philosophie, 183-200.

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[1. Das Standardmodell: Porphyrios. 2. Irritationen. 3. Neuplatonisches außerhalb der Hymnen. 4. Die Trias der Hymnen. 5. Hymnus und Personal Religion. – Abstract: «There are conspicuous parallels between the trinity conception of Synesius in the east and those of Marius Victorinus in the west. The hypothesis widely acknowledged up to now proceeds from the assumption that both draw on the metaphysics of Plotinus’ student Porphyrius. Recently this assumption in regard to Victorinus is contested. The paper discusses the question whether one can continue to assume that in his hymns Synesius models the divine triad according to Porphyrius’ philosophy. Connected with this are considerations on the importance of the forms of hymns for appealing to the highest deity in Neoplatonism and Christianity» (p. 199)]. 28. Gerolamo Jerome’s Epitaph on Paula: A Commentary on the Epitaphium Sanctae Paulae, edited with an introduction and translation by Andrew CAIN (Oxford Early Christian Texts), Oxford University Press, Oxford 2013, pp. xxx+569. [Preface, ix-x. Jerome and Paula’s route in Palestine, xi; Bethlehem caves beneath the Church of the Nativity, xii; Abbreviations, xiii-xxx. Introduction: Paula and Jerome; Literary pedigree of the Epitaphium; Piety and propaganda in the Epitaphium; Conclusion; The text of the Epitaphium (pp. 1-39). Text and Translation, 41- 97. Commentary, 98-487. Appendix: Late antique and medieval readers of the Epitaphium, 488-494; Pre- modern citations, 495-523. Index, 525-539; Index of Greek words, 540; Index of Latin words, 541-543; Index of Aramaich words, 544; Index of Hebrew words, 545; Index of Ancient sources, 546]. Girolamo. Commento a Naum e Sofonia, Traduzione, introduzione e note a cura di M.T. MESSINA (Collana di Testi Patristici, 232), Città Nuova, Roma 2014, pp. 198. [Introduzione: 1. Data di composizione dei due commenti; 2. I dedicatari; 3. La struttura e lo stile dei due commenti; 4. Il libro di Naum; 5. Il libro di Sofonia; 6. Girolamo e Naum; 7. Girolamo e Sofonia; 8. L’esegesi patristica del libro di Naum; 9. L’esegesi patristica del libro di Sofonia; 10. La menzione degli ebrei nei due commenti; 11. L’interpretazione ebraica del libro di Naum; 12. L’interpretazione ebraica del libro di Sofonia; 13. Prologhi; 14. La polemica contro gli eretici; 15. La cultura classica nel Commento a Naum; 16. La cultura classica nel Commento a Sofonia. Nota editoriale, sigle e abbreviazioni (pp. 5-32). Bibliografia, 33-36. Commento a Naum, 37-99. Commento a Sofonia, 101-175. Indice scritturistico, 179-189; Indice dei nomi, 191-195]. Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, herausgegeben von E. BIRNBAUM und L. SCHWIENHORST-SCHÖNBERGER (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium, CCLXVIII), Peeters, Leuven-Paris-Walpole/MA 2014, pp. xviii+333. [E. BIRNBAUM – L. SCHWIENHORST-SCHÖNBERGER, Vorwort, ix-x. E. BIRNBAUM, Der Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus: Eine Einführung aus bibelwissenschaftlicher Perspektive, 11-40. Der Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus im Spannungsfeld von hellenistischem und jüdischen Denken: A. FÜRST, Der Anthropokosmismus des Origenes im Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, 43-86; G. STEMBERGER, Hieronymus und die Rabbinen: Zum Koheletkommentar, 87-104. Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe: A. CAIN, Apology and Polemic in Jerome’s Prefaces to His Biblical Scholarship, 107-128; E. BONS, Ein Kommentator zwischen hebräischer und griechischer Bibel: Hieronymus’ Übersetzungen und Interpretationen von re‘ût rûah (Koh 1,14) und mehôlal (Koh 2,2) im Commentarius in Ecclesiasten, 129-143. Themen- und Problemfelder: D. SHANZER, One Dead Girl, Two Living Ladies, Qohelet and the Judgment of Man: Eschatological Problems, Particular Judgment, and Jerome’s Commentary on Ecclesiastes, 147- 169; J. LÖSSL, Die wahre Kirche und die Anderen: Antijüdische Substitutionstheologie und Häretikerpolemik im Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, 171-189; B. FEICHTINGER-ZIMMERMANN, Paula, Eustochium und die mulier amarior morte: Die Frau als hochgeschätzte Partnerin und verachtetes Prinzip, 191-211; A. SIQUANS, Frauenfeindlichkeit und Willkür? Patristische Auslegung frauenfeindlicher Aussagen in Kohelet, 213-241. Rezeption und Relevanz: TH. PRÜGL, Zum Nachleben des Hieronymianischen In Ecclesiasten: Die Auslegung des Buches Kohelet im Mittelalter, 245-271; L. SCHWIENHORST-SCHÖNBERGER, Hieronymus als Gesprächspartner einer zeitgemäßen Bibelwissenschaft, 273-298. Indices, 301-331; Autorenverzeichnis, 333]. Atlante delle Tebaidi e dei temi figurativi, a cura di A. MALQUORI con M. DE GIORGI e L. FENELLI → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (5. Il monachesimo) BARBAGLIA S., «Il nostro pane, quello di domani (sabato), donacelo oggi (venerdì)» (Mt 6,11). I risvolti ermeneutici del Vangelo ebraico secondo Matteo alla luce della testimonianza di san Girolamo, in Vangelo, trasmissione, verità. Studi in onore di Enrico Cattaneo, 25-50. [1. Introduzione. 2. La discussione sulla traduzione. 3. La duplice natura della «manna»: la «manna quotidina» dei sei giorni e la «manna di domani (sabato)» del settimo giorno. 4. Il cammino del «pane del sabato», al cospetto di YHWH, nell’arca dell’alleanza. 5. La tavola dei pani dell’offerta e la continuità del «pane del sabato». 6. Il Padrenostro e il reticolo semantico del Vangelo secondo Matteo. 7. Es 16 e Gv 6: Gesù come «manna del sabato», un «cibo che dura per la vita eterna» (Gv 6,27). 8. Conclusione. – Abstract: «Barbaglia raises the question of the interpretation of which bread is being asked: that for today, or that for tomorrow, of

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which there is an eschatological interpretation. B. considers Jerome’s testimony about Matthew 6,11 where Jerome translates ἐπιούσιος as supersubstantialis. It is possible to find a further meaning of the bread we ask, such as that of “tomorrow”, a bread that, in contrast to the material one, does not lead to death, but is the life- giving? According to Exodus 16, to the Synoptic stories and to those of of Saint John about the multiplication of the loaves and fishes and about the institution of the Eucharist, we can think of a request for the bread of “tomorrow” as the bread of the “Sabbath”, the one which gives eternal life» (p. 50)]. BIRNBAUM E., Der Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus: Eine Einführung aus bibelwissenschaftlicher Perspektive, in Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus,11-40. [Vorbemerkungen. I. Der Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus: Entstehung und Eigenart. II. Zentrale Themen des Kommentars. – Abstract: «The author of this paper has worked for three years on a research project on Jerome’s Commentary on Ecclesiastes. She has translated the commentary into German and investigated it from an exegetical point of view. This paper provides an introduction to main topics of the commentary and delineates its hermeneutics and its methodology»]. BONS E., Ein Kommentator zwischen hebräischer und griechischer Bibel: Hieronymus’ Übersetzungen und Interpretationen von re‘ût rûah (Koh 1,14) und mehôlal (Koh 2,2) im Commentarius in Ecclesiasten, in Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, 129-143. [I. Einleitung. II. Wie übersetzt Hieronymus schwierige Hebräische Wörter und Ausdrücke? Zwei Beispiele. III. Abschliessende Bemerkungen. – Abstract: «Jerome’s Commentary on the Book of Ecclesiastes is an important philological source which sheds some light on the early Christian interpretation of this text and its textual variants. Using Jerome’s exegesis of re‘ût rûah (Eccl 1:14) and mehôlal (Eccl 2:2) as concrete examples the present article shows how the commentator develops his interpretation of the Hebrew text, the Septuagint, as well as the latter’s recensions. Despite his general preference for the Hebrew text, Jerome does not refrain from commenting on the Septuagint whose interpretation he does not in any way reject. It should be highlighted that he seems to allow different and multiple interpretations of one and the same word or passage, which cannot invariably be simplistically identified with the categories “literal” and “allegorical”»]. CAIN A., Apology and Polemic in Jerome’s Prefaces to His Biblical Scholarship, in Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus,107-128. [I. The literary quality of Jerome’s prefaces. II. Hieronymus Terentianus. III. Hieronymus senex sapiens. IV. Jerome and his female patrons. V. Preface to the Commentary on Ecclesiastes. VI. Conclusion. – Abstract: «This study explores some of the salient apologetic and polemical aspects of Jerome’s prefaces to his biblical scholarship. Jerome was atypical among patristic biblical commentators in that he frequently dispensed with the expository prefaces in favor of more open-ended kind of preface in which he defends himself against allegations about his close associations with senatorial women, justifies his controversial Hebrew philology, acquits himself of accusations of plagiarism, and attacks his critics and literary rivals»]. CAPONE A., «Folia vero in verbis sunt»: parola divina e lingua umana nei Tractatus in psalmos attribuiti a Gerolamo, Adamantius 19 (2013) 437-456. [1. Premessa. 2. L’albero, il frutto e le foglie. 3. Fiori, vasi di creta e problemi testuali. 4. La parola di salvezza. – Abstract: «After an introduction, which outlines the status quaestionis of the problem regarding Jerome’s authorship of the Tractatus in psalmos, the paper focuses on the interpretation of the image of the tree which has fruits and leaves (Ps 1,3), by highlighting Origen’s influence and the particularity of Hieronymus’ exegesis. The same method of analysis is applied to the interpretation of the image of the treasure in earthen vessels (2 Cor 4,7) and of the meaning of the name of Jesus. The research allows us to understand the features of Jerome’s philology and offers further proof in favour of his authorship of the Tractatus»]. CLAUSI B., O rerum quanta mutatio! Città e deserto nell’ideologia ascetica e nella scrittura epistolare di Gerolamo, in La città. Frammenti di storia dall’antichità all’età contemporanea, a cura di M. INTRIERI e P. SINISCALCO, Roma 2013, 123-162. [Abstract: «The correspondence of Saint Jerome shows a complex behavior, even within the peculiar ascetic perspective, towards the city and the relationship between city and desert. It may be noted in this regard a route – even not linear and systematic - in which the city is first incorporated into an ideological system, often more rigid and loaded with negative connotations, then gradually recovered and its positive values and finally placed into the heart of the Christian economy of salvation. The study follows this itinerary analyzing the most significant let- ters, in critical dialogue with the most recent historiography» (p. 163)]. COURTRAY R., Saint Jérôme et la conversion à l’Écriture, in La conversion chez les Pères de l’Église, 203-217. [1. Devenir chrétien: un récit de conversion en trois temps; Un récit de passion et de résurrection. 2. Revenir aux sources. 3. Conclusion. – «Si Jérôme fut un soldat du Christ – pour reprendre l’expression de la Lettre 22, 30 (militaturus) –, il ne l’a pas été par le martyre du sang, mais par son œuvre au service de la Parole. Ce travail, Jérôme l’a conçu comme une ascèse plus difficile encore que l’ascèse charnelle: il constitue

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l’arrachement suprême à ce monde et aux raffinements de la culture romaine, l’abaissement ultime de l’orgueil pour entrer par la porte étroite d’une langue et d’une culture étrangère d’apparence rébutante, mais qui l’introduisent dans la lumière du Christ» (pp. 215-216)]. DORFBAUER L.J., Zur Biographie des Bischofs Fortunatian von Aquileia, ZAC 17 (2013) 395-423. [Anhang: Hieronymus als Zeuge für Fortunatians Vita (pp. 420-423)]. FEICHTINGER-ZIMMERMANN B., Paula, Eustochium und die mulier amarior morte: Die Frau als hochgeschätzte Partnerin und verachtetes Prinzip, in Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, 191-211. [Abstract: «The text tries to illustrate the internal logic of Hieronymus’ contradictory attitude towards women – praise of women in combination with harsh misogyny – and to discover why the women, who patronized Hieronymus, lived with him and supported his scholarly projects, tolerated his misogyny. Essential clues are to be found in the texts themselves, in the women’s strategies for both internalising the “natural laws” of gender hierarchy and distancing themselves from it, in their choice of an ascetic life, and not least in their prominent social position as rich and powerful patronae, whose auctoritas enabled them to compensate for societal contempt for their sex. On the other hand, Hieronymus’ misogyny proves an effective means for hiding from his patronae his actual dependence and for consolidating his role as pater et rector spiritualis»]. FÜRST A., Der Anthropokosmismus des Origenes im Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, in Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, 43-86. [I. Kohelet als «Physikbuch». II. Kosmologie und Anthropologie in der griechischen Philosophie. III. Die ethische Auslegung des «Physikbuches» Kohelet durch Hieronymus. IV. Hellenistische Metaphysik und Ethik im Buch Kohelet. V. Origenes im Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus. VI. Christliche Physik als Anthropokosmismus. VII. Fazit. – Abstract: «In ancient philosophical concepts of the world, physics and ethics are closely intertwined. The perception and the depiction of the world are directed by the ethical needs of human beings. The biblical book Ecclesiastes is influenced by this anthropological cosmology of Hellenistic philosophy. Christian theologians in Late Antiquity pick up this anthropocentric approach, and above all it is Origen who refines this concept. In his theology, the origin, the progress and the end of the world depend upon the ethical, intellectual and spiritual advancement or deterioration of each individual person. Jerome’s ethical interpretation of the poem about man in the cosmos (Eccl 1,4-11) in his Commentary on Ecclesiastes draws heavily on this Origenian concept of “anthropo-cosmology”»]. GOLDBERG C., Jerome’s She-Wolf, JECS 21 (2013) 625-628. [«In Jerome’s Vita Pauli, the desert father Antony embarks on a journey to meet Paul, his ascetic precursor. Along the way, he meets a centaur, a satyr, and a she-wolf, or lupa, all of whom in one way or another point him toward the elder monk. Patricia Cox Miller has demonstrated how the centaur and the satyr exemplified Jerome’s understanding of the desert as an ambivalent place where the ascetic was confronted with a mixture of the sensuous and the chaste, the civilized and the barbarous, the cultural and the natural. For Jerome, the desert was far from a pristine environment. On the one hand, the creatures’ assistance encapsulated the desert’s magical capacity for spiritual regeneration. On the other, their construction in classical literature as hypersexual beings symbolized the ascetic’s ongoing struggle with his own libidinous urges. I propose here that Jerome’s use of the lupa suggests the animal’s ambiguous role in Rome’ foundation myths as way to challenge his readers in ways similar to his depiction of the centaur and the satyr. First, the lupa embodies the ascetic struggles concerning sexual urges and the desire for social interaction. Second, the lupa prefigures Jerome’s presentation of Antony and Paul as a Christianised and morally superior Romulus and Remus» (p. 625)]. HUNT T.E., Condemning Nature? Natura and Asceticism in the Jovinian Affair, VigChr 67 (2013) 364-392. [Introduction. the Jovinian affair: an overview: Epp. 48-50 and the recption of Aduersus Iouinianum; Jovinian: the impermeable church and the intrinsic good of creation; Jovinian’s ethical teaching and Roman society. Jerome on nature: Nature and understanding in human beings; Human custom and nature; Human nature and the productive problem of the Incarnation. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Writing and preaching at Rome in the 390s, Jovinian argued that ascetic Christianity was based on a heretical denial of the good of God’s creation. This article points out that conformity to nature (natura) was a key element of Jovinian’s teaching as it comes down to us through Jerome. Jovinian taught that marriage was a part of human nature and demonstrably good as part of God’s creation. The word natura was also important in Jerome’s arguments against Jovinian. To refute Jovinian, Jerome offered a vision of human nature base not in empirical observation, nor in social custom, but in the actions of the incarnate Christ. In so doing, he challenged notions of human nature and social custom circulating in contemporary Rome»]. KIM Y.R., Jerome and Paulinian, Brothers, VigChr 67 (2013) 517-530.

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[Introduction. Jerome’s life before Paulinian. Enter Paulinian. Paulinian, Leverage in the Origenist Controversy. – Abstract: «This article considers the relationship between Jerome and his much younger brother Paulinian, who unfortunately did not write anything that has survived. Nevertheless, through Jerome’s testimony we can extrapolate details of Paulinian’s life, and we can surmise certain aspects about their relationship. The older sibling was a prolific author who was famously involved in very public disputes in the late fourth century, while the younger, it seemed, was content to pursue the monastic life in relative anonymity. However, because of Paulinian’s close relationship and proximity to his brother, he became deeply involved in the so-called Origenist Controversy of the late fourth century, especially because of his improper ordination at the hands of Epiphanius of Cyprus»]. LIZZI TESTA R., Eusebio di Cremona e Girolamo: dalla controversia origenista all’ultima comunione del santo, Adamantius 19 (2013) 69-83. [Abstract: «According to Jerome, it was an innocent request of the brother Eusebius to trigger the first phase of the so-called Origenist controversy. The character, mentioned in a few letters by Jerome and recorded two or three times by Rufinus of Aquileia, is little more than a name even in recent studies dealing specifically with the issue. Eusebius, however, appears in some spurious letters, under which – in Cremona, at least at the end of the fifteenth century – he was recognized as the successor of Jerome in the guide of the monastery of Bethlehem and as a saint, author of numerous miracles at the tomb of Jerome, through his intercession. In this contribution the real physiognomy of Eusebius is tentatively recovered, with particular attention to the part he plaid in the Origenist controversy, and to the way in which the features of his holiness were built in the late Renaissance tradition»]. LÖSSL J., Die wahre Kirche und die Anderen: Antijüdische Substitutionstheologie und Häretikerpolemik im Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, in Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, 171-189. [Abstract: «In his commentary on Ecclesiastes Jerome not only used Jewish exegetical traditions, as shown in Chapter 3 of this volume, but also polemicized strongly against Judaism. Theologically, his arguments were guided by the concept of “substitution”, the idea that with the arrival of Christianity the Synagogue had handed over her role in Salvation History to the Church and thus been “replaced”. But for Jerome this does not mean that Judaism has disappeared from history. Synagogue and Church continue to exist alongside each other until the Second Coming. Their members will be judged by the same criteria. Jerome combines anti- Jewish and anti-heretical polemics in the sense that the Jews deny the number Eight, i.e. Sunday, the Resurrection, while the heretics (Jerome thinks especially of Marcionites, Valentinians and Manichaeans) deny the number Seven, i.e. the Sabbath (mentioning the origin of Christianity from the Old Testament, i.e. from Judaism). Against these erroneous positions, Jerome argues, true Christians had to embrace both»]. MANTELLI S., La visione di Isaia nella controversia origenista: Note sull’ In Habacuc di Gerolamo, Adamantius 19 (2013) 185-202. [1. Una lezione genuina del testo dell’In Habacuc di Gerolamo. 2. Il commento ad Abacuc di Gerolamo e quello perduto di Origene: 2.1. Multi putant de Filio intellegi et de Spiritu sancto: Origene fonte della lettura trinitaria dei ‘due animali’ riportata da Gerolamo; 2.2. La fonte di Origene: giudei o giudeocristiani? 3. Contro Origene: il progressivo dissenso rispetto a una lettura trinitaria subordinazionista. 4. Gerolamo di fronte all’interpretazione trinitaria della visione di Isaia. Conclusione. – Abstract: «The study of the manuscript tradition of Jerome’s commentary on the prophet Habakkuk reveals a genuine variant reading concerning the exegesis of Hab 3:2. While commenting on this passage which says that the Lord “will be recognized between two animals”, Jerome reports the interpretation given by some ‘scribes’ (scribae, according to the lectio found). These allegedly explained that the two animals are the Son and the Holy Spirit, exactly like the Seraphim of Isaiah’s vision and the Cherubim placed upon the Ark of the Alliance. Only through them can the Father be known. This interpretation comes to Jerome directly from Origen, who, by his own admission, received it in turn from a Jewish teacher. It is a matter of dispute whether this Jew or these scribae are to be considered Jewish Christians. In all likelihood a Jewish origin of this ‘ternary vision’ of God can be sustained, which was later reinterpreted with a Christian meaning. Such a hypothesis can be corroborated by taking into consideration Jerome’s position concerning this interpretation as expressed in one of his commentaries prior to the Origenist controversy. Afterwards, this kind of biblical exegesis became unacceptable under the influence of the Arian controversy and led to the sharpest criticism of Origen’s ideas. Once again it is apparent that Jerome joined the party against Origen for political reasons and not out of doctrinal convictions»]. MONACI CASTAGNO A., Egitto, deserto, città: rappresentazioni e trasformazioni fra III e IV secolo → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale

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MYERS J.A., Law, Lies and Letter Writing: An Analysis of Jerome and Augustine on the Antioch Incident (Galatians 2:11-14), SJTh 66 (2013) 127-139. [Introduction. Jerome on Galatians 2. The letters: Letter 28; Letter 40; Letters 75 and 81; Letter 82. Theological contribution: a voice for today? Conclusion. – Abstract: «Various critics of the New Perspective on Paul (NPP) often highlight the lack of church tradition as one deficiency of the various interpretations of Paul. To some, the lack of church history automatically renders such newer interpretations suspect. In turn critics of the NPP often turn to the reformers such als Calvin and Luther to defend the traditional reading of Paul and trace this traditional reading back to Augustine. For the critics, church tradition stands on the side of the traditional reading. This article seeks to highlight an often neglected early church view on one aspect of the NPP, that of Paul and the Law. This article highlights one of the fiercest exchanges between two church fathers. Thorigh a series of letters, Jerome and Augustine corresponded on Jerome’s interpretation of Galatians 2 and the Antioch incident. For Augustine the pastor, nothing less thant the veracity of scripture was at stake and Augustine mounts a defence of Paul’s actions in Galatians 2 in response to Jerome’s insistence of an agreed-upon lie between Peter and Paul. In the process of Augustine’s rebuttal of Jerome, he notes that Paul followed the law without ‘pretence’ and that there was a period in early Christianity where Jewish Christians practised law observance. Augustine highlights the divine origin of the Mosaic law, which renders a positive role for the law in early Christianity, and notes that the negative critique of the law comes within the context of a Gentile audience, but did not have implications for Jewish Christians. Augustine rightly notices and raises the important context of Paul’s negative treatment of the law. Augustine notes some of the important conclusions drawn by the NPP, namely a positive view of the law and its practice by Paul and other Jewish Christians. He also notes the various ways the law functions in Jewish and Gentile contexts. Such a positve view of Paul and the law may appear striking to many, but must be considered by those who are otherwise critical of NPP. This article showa that there was at least one voice, among others, within the early church which advocated for a positive reading of Paul and the law. The history on interpretation of Galatians 2 offers many insights for contemporary Pauline scholars which ought to be heeded in future discussions. This article, by highlighting the exchange between Jerome and Augustine, seeks to give the NPP a historical ‘rootedness’ and placement within the history of interpretation»]. OZOG M., The Travels of Monks and Clergymen in the Light of Saint Jerome, Vox Patrum 32/57 (2012) 453-468 (pol.). [Summary: «Saint Jerome, the author of the Latin translation of the Holy Bible and Eusebius’s Onomasticon, contributed to a large extent to the popularisation and development of the tourist-pilgrimage movement at the turn of the 4th and 5th centuries. The aim of the present article is to present, in the light of Jerome’s works, how people travelled. What is more, the text presents which way(s) the most popular sea and land routes ran and what types of dangers the then travellers were exposed to. The article also shows which locations were most popular and which souvenirs were desirable by pilgrims» (p. 467)]. PEVARELLO D., The Sentences of Sextus and the Origins of Christian Asceticism → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 1. The Sentences of Sextus: Reception and Interpretation: C. Controversies over the Sentences in Latin Christianity: II. Jerome: the Sentences and moral perfectionism (pp. 19-23)]. PRÜGL TH., Zum Nachleben des Hieronymianischen In Ecclesiasten: Die Auslegung des Buches Kohelet im Mittelalter, in Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, 245-271. [I. Alkuin. II. Die Glossa ordinaria. III. Hugo von St. Viktor. IV. Hugo von St. Cher. V. Bonaventura. – Abstract: «Jerome’s In Ecclesiasten was the most important and single best known patristic commentary for this biblical book in the Latin Middle Ages. Thus, it determined the entire exegesis of Ecclesiastes in the medieval period. Along with a short text from Gregory the Great’s Dialogi, Jerome’s commentary provided the basic historical, etymological, hermeneutical and even theological information about this book for every medieval commentator. This study examines the commentaries on Ecclesiastes of Alcuin of York, of the Glossa ordinaria, of Hugh of Saint Victor, Hugh of Saint Cher and St. Bonaventure. Alcuin’s work as well as the Glossa ordinaria consist nearly completely of excerpts from Jerome’s text, thus forming medieval anthologies of the same work. Hugh of Saint Victor and Bonaventure emphasize the role of Ecclesiastes for an appropriate understanding of contemplatio, following Jerome’s structural interpretation of the three Salomonic books, according to which Proverbs was the fitting lecture for beginners, Ecclesiastes for the advanced and Song of Songs for the perfect»]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Rufinus and Jerome in front of Origen (pp. 622-658]. SACCHI P., Introduzione storica ai LXX → 4. LXX SCHWAB A., Thales von Milet in der frühen christlichen Literatur → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [3.6. Hieronymus (Th 304-308), 213-218].

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SCHWIENHORST-SCHÖNBERGER L., Hieronymus als Gesprächspartner einer zeitgemäßen Bibelwissenschaft, in Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, 273-298. [I. Alles absurd? – Omnia vanitas? II. Die Einheit der Schrift – Unitas Scripturae. III. Die Sonne, den sterblichen als Licht gegeben – Sol, qui in lucem mortalibus datus est. IV. Ein Wort – Viele Bedeutungen. V. Das Brot der Weisheit – Panis Sapientiae. VI. Ein Wort – Viele Worte : Verbum abbreviatum. VII. Lectio et Sacrae Scripturae meditatio. VIII. Zusammenfassung. – Abstract: «This article examines in detail how Jerome interprets the following passages from Qohelet in his commentary In Ecclesiasten: 1,2 (Omnia vanitas); 1,5 (Sol, qui in lucem mortalibus datus est); 11,1 (Panis sapientiae) and 12,12 (Verbum abbreviatum – Lectio et Sacrae Scripturae meditatio). Jerome’s interpretations are characterized by a coherent literary theory, whose features consist of: (1) confidence of the unity of Scripture, (2) exploration of different levels of meaning (polysemy), (3) belief in the inspiration of biblical authors, biblical texts and readership, (4) expansion but also limitation of meaning by the reception community (regula fidei), and (5) connections made between exegesis and spiritual practice (lectio – meditatio – oratio – contemplatio). Finally, by comparing Jerome’s methods with those of contemporary biblical scholars, some suggestions can be made about areas of biblical exegesis where a hermeneutical approach might open new vistas for discussion and debate»]. SHANZER D., One Dead Girl, Two Living Ladies, Qohelet and the Judgment of Man: Eschatological Problems, Particular Judgment, and Jerome’s Commentary on Ecclesiastes, in Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, 147-169. [1. Introduction: Judgment and dogma. II. Managing and using Qoheleth’s afterlife. III. Time and judgment. IV. Iudicium? V. Conclusion. – Abstract: «This piece contextualizes the In Ecclesiasten in Paula’s family, before moving on to the problems Qohelet presented the Christian exegete, viz. hedonism and the soul’s mortality, and how Jerome approached them. Then come eschatology and judgment, first in Qo. 12, where a “Last Judgment” can be discerned and then in Jerome’s œuvre in general. Jerome’s views on “Time between” and, in particular, on the so-called “Particular judgment” are the ultimate focus. The sudden Bad Deaths of the valde mali were judgments in themselves, and the concept of a praeiudicium about condicio consigned major wrongdoers to quasi-infernal pre-trial imprisonment. Jerome thus envisaged a “virtual” Particular Judgment. But for the mediocres he left open the possibility of penitence (if alive) and surrogate alms in mitigation (if dead). Texts examined include his Hom. on Luke 16, Ep. 23.3 and Ep. 22,30»]. SIQUANS A., Frauenfeindlichkeit und Willkür? Patristische Auslegung frauenfeindlicher Aussagen in Kohelet, in Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, 213-241. [I. Einleitung. II. «Unter tausend keine Frau»: Bibeltext und Interpretation von Koh 7,25-29. III. «Mit der Frau, die Du liebst, geniesse Dein Leben»: Bibeltext und Interpretation von Koh 9,9. – Abstract: «In the biblical book Qohelet two passages can be found, which explicitely deal with women, Eccl 7,25-29 and 9,9. The first of these above all has been subject to misogynystic interpretation. This essay shows how patristic commentaries understood these verses within their own cultural context and with their own specific hermeneutics and methods. The texts analyzed show clearly that it was not primarily the exegetic methodology, but the authors’ world-views, their Christian hermeneutical presuppositions as well as practical issues such as asceticism that determined their exegesis. A metaphorical understanding of ‘man’ and ‘woman’ strengthened misogynystic interpretations. Jerome, Didymus the Blind, Gregory Thaumaturgus, and other patristic authors were as misogynystic as their Late Antique contemporaries. The Bible paradoxically often functioned as a corrective for these prejudices»]. STEMBERGER G., Hieronymus und die Rabbinen: Zum Koheletkommentar, in Hieronymus als Exeget und Theologe. Interdisziplinäre Zugänge zum Koheletkommentar des Hieronymus, 87-104. [I. Zur Einführung. II. Kohelet als Spiegel der biblischen Geschichte. III. Aussagen über den Menschen. IV. Fragliche Parallelen. – Abstract: «Jerome’s Jewish sources have been studied for more than a century, including likewise those in his commentary on Qoheleth. Jerome’s references to his Jewish teachers are known to be problematic, and the evaluation of the alleged parallels requires greater methodological prudence than was used in earlier studies. The rabbis frequently read Qoheleth as referring to Jewish history, an approach to be found in Jerome as well. Sometimes the two exegetical traditions may be read as a virtual dialogue. Jewish anthropological interpretations dealing with the good and the evil impulse are transposed by Jerome into a Christian key, speaking of the inner and the outer man. Other often cited parallels do not stand up methodologically. Notwithstanding the comparative study of Jerome’s exegesis of the Bible and that of the rabbis remains an important and productive task»]. ZAMAGNI C., Is the Question-and-Answer Literary Genre in Early Christian Literature a Homogeneous Group? → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale ZANGHI V., ‘Spazi femminili’ nell’agiografia geronimiana tra ascetismo e polemica, Auctores Nostri 12 (2013) 281-.

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[1. Ai confini del sacro: la donna nello ‘spazio anticristico’ della tentazione. 2. Matrimonio spirituale e ‘spazi ascetici nella Vita Malchi. 3. La ‘presenza femminile’ nella Vita Hilarionis tra epilogo e destinatario. – Abstract: «The bibliography on the ‘feminine’ in Jerome lacks a study about the passages where women are present in Jerome’s hagiographical production. This paper aims to show that in Vita Pauli, in Vita Malchi and in Vita Hilarionis is possible to detect a true Christological climax of feminine perfection. In fact the reader can find a woman temptress in Vita Pauli, a woman sponsa Christi in Vita Malchi, finally a perfect woman, because of her virginal consecration, in Vita Hilarionis»]. 29. Agostino Augustin philosophe et prédicateur. Hommage à Goulven Madec. Actes du colloque international organisé à Paris les 8 et 9 septembre 2011, édités par I. BOCHET (Collection des Études Augustiniennes. Série Antiquité, 195), Institut d’Études Augustiniennes, Paris 2012, pp. xiii+590. [I. BOCHET, Avant-propos, vii-x; B. GRIÈRE, Ouverture, xi-xiii. Première Partie. Goulven Madec: Bibliographie de Goulven Madec, 3-14; I. BOCHET, Augustin philosophe et prédicateur: l’unité de la recherche de Goulven Madec, 15-31; C.P. MAYER, Goulven Madec und das Augustinus-Lexikon, 33-39; A.D. FITZGERALD, Goulven Madec, «le tâcheron du “Bulletin augustinien”», 41-48; R. DODARO, A Note on the Leitmotif Christus, scientia et sapientia nostra in Goulven Madec’s Study of Augustine’s Christology, 49-54; J.-F. PETIT, Intériorité et communauté: les «deux sources» de la spiritualité augustinienne selon Goulven Madec, 55-64. Deuxième Partie. Augustin et Porphyre: R. GOULET, Augustin et le De regressu animae de Porphyre, 67-109; G. MADEC† et R. GOULET, Porphyre de Tyr: Sur le retour de l’âme. Un recueil provisoire des témoignages et des fragments avec une traduction française et des notes, 111-184; E. BERMON, Grammaire et métaphysique: à propos des formes essendi, essendo, essendum et essens dans l’Ars grammatica breuiata de saint Augustin (IV, 31 Weber = § 76 Bonnet), 185-194. Troisième Partie. Augustin et la Philosophie: G. MADEC† et I. BOCHET, Augustin et l’Hortensius de Cicéron. Notes de lectures, 197-294; A.-I. BOUTON-TOUBOULIC, Alypius, l’ami sceptique d’Augustin, 295-314; B. STOCK, The Soliloquy: Transformation of an Ancient Philosophical Technique, 315-347; O. BOULNOIS, Philosophia christiana. Une étape dans l’histoire de la rationalité théologique, 349-369; L. ALICI, Interrogatio mea, intentio mea: le mouvement de la pensée augustinienne, 371-387; G. VAN RIEL, La sagesse chez Augustin: de la philosophie à l’Écriture, 389-405. Quatrième Partie. Augustin et le service de la Parole: F. DOLBEAU, Une causerie doctrinale à propos de Jean 10, 30: Moi et le Père sommes un. Édition critique du Sermon 139 d’Augustin, 409-429; P.-M. HOMBERT, La christologie des trente-deux premières Enarrationes in Psalmos de saint Augustin, 431-463; M. DULAEY, Les larmes de Pierre chez Augustin (Mt 26, 69-75 et parallèles), 465-486; A. MASSIÉ, Prophétique, témoin, réprouvé? La destinée du peuple juif d’après la méditation augustinienne de Rm 9-11, 487-504. Cinquième Partie. Transmission et réception d’Augustin: C. WEIDMANN, Augustin als Organisator von Texten, 507-522; P. SELLIER, Pascal et le Contre Fauste, 523-536; E. FALQUE, Augustin et la phénoménologie du XXe siècle, 537-550. Indices: Index scripturaire, 553-556; Index augustinien, 557-571; Index des auteurs anciens et médiévaux, 573-586; Index des auteurs classiques et modernes, 587-588. Table des matières, 589-590]. Augustine and Manichaean Christianity. Selected Papers from the First South African Conference on Augustine of Hippo, University of Pretoria, 24-26 April 2012, Edited by J. VAN OORT (NHMS, 83), Brill, Leiden-Boston 2013, pp. xvii+236. [J. VAN OORT, Preface: Augustine and Manichaean Christianity: A Testimony to a Paradigm Shift in Augustinian Studies?, ix-xv. List of contributors, xvii. J.D. BEDUHN, «Not to depart from Christ»: Augustine between «Manichaean» and «Catholic» Christianity, 1-18. J.A. VAN DEN BERG, Biblical Quotations in Faustus’ Capitula, 19-36. M. FRANZMANN, Augustine and Manichaean Almsgiving: Understanding a Universal Religion with Exclusivist Practices, 37-49. T. FUHRER, Recoding Manichaean Imagery: the Dramatic Setting of Augustine’s De ordine, 51-71. I. GARDNER, Mani, Augustine and the Vision of God, 73-86. A. HOFFMANN, The Few and the Many: A Motif of Augustine’s Controversy with the Manichaeans, 87-106. A. KOTZÉ, A Protreptic to a Liminal Manichaean at the Centre of Augustine’s Confessions 4, 107-135. J. LÖSSL, Augustine on «The True Religion»: Reflections of Manichaeism in De vera religione, 137-153. J. VAN OORT, God, Memory and Beauty: A ‘Manichaean’ Analysis of Augustine’s Confessiones, Book 10,1-38, 155-175. N.A. PEDERSEN, Manichaean Self-Designations in the Western Tradition, 177-196. Appendix: Research Overview: G.M. VAN GAANS, The Manichaean Bishop Faustus: The State of Research After a Century of Scholarship, 199-227. Index, 229-236]. BELCASTRO M., De diversis quaestionibus ad Augustinum: Simpliciano e l’origenismo milanese, Adamantius 19 (2013) 170-184. [1. Questioni preliminari e di metodo. 2. L’occasione. Le questioni ad Agostino. 3. I personaggi in gioco: 3.1. Simpliciano; 3.2. Mario Vittorino: luoghi origeniani nei testi di Vittorino?; 3.3. Ambrogio; 3.4. Agostino origeniano e la ‘seconda conversione’ del 397. 4. Sintesi e conclusioni. – Abstract: «The aim of the article is to

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provide an overview of the reasons who led in 397 Simplicianus of Milan to request from Augustine a clarification about Origenian theological and scriptural interpretation on freedom and grace. The principal hypothesis is that Simplicianus was waiting for a response from Augustine in support of Milan’s ‘Origenism’: the Ambrosian purpose was in fact the creation of a local strong church, both politically and theologically, supported by ‘exportable’ rational principles (Milan, capital of a new, ‘enlightened’, and universal Christianity). This contribution focuses on the “political” use of Origenism in the ‘neo-platonic circle’ of Milan, relevant in showing its religious identity in the struggle for supremacy of the imperial city and church. This essay also draw on a reflection about the re-foundation of the Catholic church against Arianism and about the Hellenization of Latin Christianity (Marius Victorinus, Simplicianus, Ambrose and the first Augustine)»]. DOERFLER M.E., Entertaining the Trinity Unawares: Genesis XVIII in Western Christian Interpretation → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale LAGOUANIÈRE J., Intériorité et réflexivité dans la pensée de Saint Augustin. Formes et genèse d’une conceptualisation (Collection des Études Augustiniennes – Série Antiquité, 194), Paris 2012, pp. 694. [Cap. IV: L’intériorité humaine: un miroir mystique. Le miroir en énigme dans l’antiquité: II,2. Origène (pp. 517-520]. MYERS J.A., Law, Lies and Letter Writing: An Analysis of Jerome and Augustine on the Antioch Incident (Galatians 2:11-14) → 28. Gerolamo RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 4. From Augustine to Eriugena. Latin, Greek, and Syriac receptions of Origen’s apokatastasis theory: Augustine: From adhesion to rejection? (pp. 659-676)]. –, Origen in Augustine: A Paradoxical Reception, Numen 60 (2013) 280-307. [Abstract: «I argue that, paradoxically, Augustine embraced much of Origen’s system, especially in his anti- Manichaean polemic, exactly when he was convinced that he did not know his thought. The most remarkable point in his initial adherence to Origen’s ideas regards the apokatastasis doctrine, which he later condemned as heretical and felt the need to recant in his Retractationes (Second Thoughts). I point out many other elements of contact concerning philosophical arguments and Biblical exegesis, which the early Augustine drew from Origen and have escaped scholars who have investigated the Origen-Augustine relationship. With this I shall hopefully add an important piece to the study of Origen’s influence on Western Patristics. I thus explain how Augustine used Origen’s thought in defense of Christian orthodoxy against the Manichaean “heresy”, whereas, after he was informed about Origen’s thought by Horosius and Jerome, he began to find it heretical and condemned it, especially in De civitate Dei (The City of God) and De haeresibus (On Heresies), where he shows that he was misinformed about it. A remarkable role in this transformation was played by Augustine’s anti-Pelagian polemic: several of his expressions of blame directed against Origen’s ideas are found in his anti-Pelagian works. Another notable factor was Augustine’s ignorance of the important semantic distinction between αἰώνιος and αΐδιος, which got lost in the translation of both with aeternus. Moreover, I endeavor to clarify the ways and sources through which Augustine came to know Origen’s true thought when he did adhere to it, probably without being aware that it was Origen’s»]. SACCHI P., Introduzione storica ai LXX → 4. LXX SCHWAB A., Thales von Milet in der frühen christlichen Literatur → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [4.1. Augustinus (Th 311-316), 230-252]. ZAMAGNI C., Is the Question-and-Answer Literary Genre in Early Christian Literature a Homogeneous Group? → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale 30. Isidoro di Pelusio 31. Cirillo Alessandrino ARGÁRATE P., Zwischen Origenes, Athanasius und Kyrill: ein weiteres Kapitel der alexandrinischen Pneumatologie. Das Traktat «Über den Heiligen Geist» des Didymos → 23. Didimo il Cieco ARTEMI E., The Christological Controversy between Nestorius of Constantinople and Cyril of Alexandria, Vox Patrum 57 (2012) 35-51. [I. The «prosopon» of God Word: 1. The Word has the same substance with the Father. 2. The unchangeable and eternal divine nature of the Word. II. Christ, the enfleshed God’s word: 1. The mystery of the Logos’ incarnation; 2. Virgin Mary is Theotokos and not Christotokos. 3. Jesus Christ, one person with two natures: real God and real man at the same time].

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BERTRAND D., Le sujet d’attribution des énoncés bibliques: l’Anathématisme 4 de Cyrille d’Alexandrie, in Vangelo, trasmissione, verità. Studi in onore di Enrico Cattaneo, 235-245. [1. Entendre un anathématisme. 2. Le moment des anathématismes. 3. La pointe de l’anathématisme 4. 5. (sic!) L’abîme d’un simple écart. 6. Profiter de l’unité première du Christ. 7. Brève actualisation. – Abstract: «Bertrand leads a discussion of the anathematisms which appear in the Letter of Cyril of Alexandria, contained in the annexed document to the Acts of the Council of Ephesus. After the ninth and the twelfth, he studies the fourth anathematism concerning the refusal of the distinction, among the Scriptural texts (specially the New Testament) related to Christ, between those referring to the man and those that refer to the deity. Questioning the extent of the opposition on this point beween Nestorius and Cyril, B. shows that it is not just a matter of the person of Christ, but also of the unity of the economy of salvation considered with respect to its end, that is the deification of man. He touches upon the philosophical aspect of this conflict, which opposes two conceptions – fixist and dynamic – of the notion of nature» (p. 245)]. – Une conversion théologique: Cyrille d’Alexandrie et l’acte d’union de 433, in La conversion chez les Pères de l’Église, 219-232. [Un saint, certes, mais... La tragédie d’Éphèse. Chacun avec le meilleur de soi-même. Le moment de la grâce. La plénitude d’un moment. Un éclairage détourné? – «L’immense philologue Édouard Schwartz, qui a recueilli toutes les collections afférentes à l’événement, n’a pas couronné son travail par une interprétation d’ensemble, se contentant, non sans une certaine idéologie réformée, de soupçonner la plus importante de ces collections, la Vaticana, d’être partiale, car placée sous l’influence de Cyrille. Sans apporter à son maître des compléments sur les datations respectives des textes – ce gros travail reste à faire –, le P. Festugière a réparti l’énorme matière en cinq sections: avant le concile, le concile, après le concile, compléments, la collection Atheniensis, avec en finale de celle-ci, “la Réconciliation”. Si fruste qu’elle reste, cette mise en place induit un dynamisme, non philologique, mais événementiel et spirituel. Nous nous y sommes engouffrés» (p. 231)]. COSTACHE D., Adam’s Holiness: Athonite and Alexandrine Perceptions → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale CRAWFORD M.R., Theology over Anti-Monarchian Exegesis: Cyril of Alexandria and Theodore of Heracles on John 14.10-11, JECS 21 (2013) 537-567. [Theodore of Heraclea as Cyril’s unnamed source. Theodore’ anti-monarchian exegesis. The third-century, anti-monarchian background to Theodore’s exegesis. Cyril’s pro-Nicene critique of Theodore. – Abstract: «This article begins by identifying a previously unknown quotation in Cyril of Alexandria’s Commentary on the Gospel of John as an extract from the Johannine commentary of Thedore of Heraclea, a leading member of the fourth-century Eusebian alliance. I argue that the relevant fragment from Theodore’s commentary dealing with John 14.10-11 reveals his attempt to oppose Marcellus’s Monarchian exegesis of John 10.38. In order to do so he drew upon third-century anti-Monarchian authors, most notably Origen. Cyril responded to Theodore’s exegesis in a thoroughly pro-Nicene fashion, demonstrating that his exegesis fell short of the pro- Nicene consensus that developed in the latter half of the fourth century. Cyril’s chief criticisms of Thedore’s exegesis are that he applied corporeal categories to the Son, that he implied that the Son does not share the Father’s infinity, and that he failed to adequately distinguish the Father/Son relationship from the Creator/creation relationship. This small episode highlights the shifting doctrinal concerns from the fourth to the fifth centuries, as well as the centrality of biblical exegesis to theological formulation during these years»]. IRSHAI O., Christian Historiographers’ Reflections on Jewish-Christian Violence in Fifth-Century Alexandria → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici) RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [3. Origen’s apologists and followers, the Cappadocians, Evagrius, the Antiochenes, and Fourth-Century Latin Origenians: Cyril of Alexandria (pp. 598-602)]. SCHWAB A., Thales von Milet in der frühen christlichen Literatur → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [4.4. Kyrill von Alexandrien (Th 373-378), 294-311]. 32. Nonno di Panopoli Nonno di Panopoli. Parafrasi del Vangelo di San Giovanni. Canto Sesto, Introduzione, testo critico, traduzione e commento a cura di R. FRANCHI (Biblioteca Patristica, 49), Edizioni Dehoniane Bologna, Bologna 2013, pp. 524. [Premessa, 7-9. Bibliografia e abbreviazioni, 11-56. Introduzione, 57-244. Parafrasi del Vangelo di San Giovanni. Canto Sesto. Testo e traduzione, 245-269. Commento, 271-511. Indice degli argomenti e delle cose notevoli, 513-522]. RULLO P., Nonno di Panopoli e l’ εἶδος del Cristo risorto, Auctores Nostri 12 (2013) 235-250.

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[Abstract: «By using the term εἶδος to designate the person of the Risen Christ, Nonnos shows to know the Origenian εἶδος doctrine. This term appears in the Paraphrasis only in order to denominate the divine nature of Jesus, therefore we can conclude not only that in Nonnos’ work the resurrection of the Christ concerns first and foremost his divinity, but also that Nonnos stresses the θειότης of the Son in a post-resurrectional context because of the influence by the Monophysite doctrine»]. VERHELST B., Looking from the Walls in Nonnus’ Dionysiaca (39.14-23), Mn. 66 (2013) 769-776. [1. A traditional point of view. 2. Looking from the walls. 3. Correcting Homer? 4. Troubling inconsistencies? «Throughout the Dionysiaca, Nonnus is notoriously playing with allusions to the literary tradition. The passage from book 39 (14-23) that will be discussed here might offer another example of this important feature of Nonnus’ poetry. In my opinion the passage can be interpreted as a subtle adaptation of the epic motif of a ‘teichoscopy’. In scholarly research on Nonnus, the contents of this short scene have briefly been discussed before but never in terms of a ‘teichoscopy’. The observation by critics Rudolf Keydell and Paul Collart of a small narrative inconsistency between this passage and a passage three books earlier (36, 422-75) was rejected in the commentaries of both recent editions. A sufficient explanation is still lacking. In the last paragraph I will take up this discussion in the hope of contributing to it with my ‘teichoscopic’ interpretation» (p. 769)]. 33. Pseudo-Dionigi Areopagita GUSMINI G., L’«unica e semplice verità»: la nominazione di Dio tra Dionigi Areopagita e Niccolò Cusano, Teologia. Rivista della Facoltà Teologica dell’Italia Settentrionale 37 (2012) 198-239. [1. Il profilo della teologia tra Medioevo e Età Moderna. 2. La ripresa di Dionigi Areopagita. 3. Una figura «circolare» di teologia: Niccolò Cusano. 4. Rilievi conclusivi. – Summary: «This article intends to introduce Nicolas of Cusa (1401-1464) as a representative figure of theology, as it was intended in the 15th century. In close dialogue with his sources (in particular the Christian neoplatonic Dionysius the Areopagite), the famous German cardinal elaborates a peculiar model of theology, based upon both the idea of unknowability and ineffability of God, on the one hand, and the conjectural character of human knowledge, on the other hand. This leads to a different logic (compared with the Aristotelian one), built on the coincidentia oppositorum, and to a different idea of truth, which shall be received, more than conquered by human mind. One of the most remarkable results of Nicolas’ perspective is certainly the central role he tries to grant Christ and his story in his system. Nevertheless, the privileged role played by the neoplatonic and dionysian idea of One, and of unique and simple truth, makes Nicolas underestimate the importance of alterity in the concept of God, in his relationship with man and the world, as in the genesis of human identity and knowledge» (pp. 238-239)]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 4. From Augustine to Eriugena. Latin, Greek, and Syriac receptions of Origen’s apokatastasis theory: Augustine: From adhesion to rejection?: The mystery of Ps. Dionysius, his teacher, and his lost writings (pp. 694-721)]. SABO TH., LIOY D., FICK R., The Platonic Milieu of Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite, Journal of Early Christian History 3 (2013) 50-60. [1. Introduction. 2. Dionysius and Hierotheus/Isidore. 3. An Egyptian Dionysius? 4. The Procline influence. 5. Conclusion. Bibliography. – «The present article has focused on the Platonic and specifically Neoplatonic milieu of Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite and has additionally drawn attention to his possible Egyptian locale and the thesis that his revered Hierotheus was Isidore or at least a charismatic student of Proclus. Together with Maximus the Confessor, Dionysius was an important philosophical, as opposed to ascetical, influence on Hesychasm. His system is unthinkable without the prior example of Proclus, just as Gregory of Nyssa is unthinkable without Plotinus and Origen without the Middle Platonists; but because of the overwhelming inluence of Proclus on his philosophy he does not deserve to be regarded as a Christian thinker and transformer of non-Christian thought» (pp. 58-59)]. 34. Cosma Indicopleuste 35. Giovanni Filopono LAUTNER P., Γνωστικῶς and / or ὑλικῶς: Philoponus’ Account of the Material Aspects of Sense-Perception, Phronesis 58 (2013) 378-400. [Abstract: «The paper aims to show that Philoponus’ theory of sense-perception does not fit in with the spiritualist claim that the sensory process does not involve an extra material change in the sense-organ. Both the specific sense-organs (like the vitreous liquid and choroid or corneal membrane in the eyes) and the primary sense-organ (like the optic pneuma) contract or expand in the perceptual process. On the other hand,

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the literalist claim needs to be modified as well since only the tactile sense-organ (flesh) takes on the relevant qualities. Contraction or expansion in the sense-organ is triggered, not by physical changes in the medium, but by the formal activities arising from the perceptible objects: colours make the visual sense-organ contract or expand. At the level of sense-organs, the physiological process underlying sense-perception has three stages. The change in specific sense-organ will be transmitted to the primary sense-organ of the particular sense (optic/acoustic pneuma), and then reaches the common sense-organ, the pneuma. The primary sense- organs are spatially distinguishable parts of the common sense-organ which is otherwise homogeneous, not allowing for qualitative differences. The homogeneity of the pneuma establishes the unity of sense-perception at the level of physiological processes]. 36. Massimo il Confessore AYROULET É., Retournement et transformation: les deux dimensions de la conversion selon Maxime le Confesseur, in La conversion chez les Pères de l’Église, 233-247. [Rappels sur le sens biblique de la metanoia et de l’epistrophè. Une première dimension de la conversion: l’epistrophè maximienne. La metanoia ou deuxième dimension de la conversion. La conversion ou «logisation» de notre irascible et de notre concupiscible. Conversion et finalisme maximien. – «Au terme de cette étude, nous constatons que pour Maxime, il y a deux étapes, deux moments dans la conversion. Tout d’abord, le moment où l’on se détourne de tout ce qui n’est pas Dieu pour se tourner à nouveau vers Lui, la Source de tout Bien. C’est le moment où notre vie prend une autre direction, le moment de l’epistrophè, qui nous fait adhérer à Dieu dans la foi et entrer dans une certaine connaissance de Lui. Ce moment débouche naturellement sur l’entrée dans l’Église par le baptême. Ensuite, tout au long de ce chemin vers Dieu, sur lequel on s’est engagé par le baptême, la conversion apparaît sous une autre dimension, celle de la metanoia. Cette dernière consiste dans le renouvellement intérieur progressif du baptisé opéré par le Logos divin qui peu à peu le configure davantage à Lui, à travers la “logisation” des facultés de son âme, conduisant à une vie de plus en plus vertueuese et à l’acquisition de l’hexis de la charité, fruit de la volonté de l’homme et de l’opération en lui de la grâce divine» (pp. 246-247)]. COSTACHE D., Living above Gender: Insights from Saint Maximus the Confessor, JECS 21 (2013) 261-290. [On Eve, Adam, and Byzantine pedagogical rhetoric. Gender as embraced by God. Living above the gender division. Two ways towards the one goal. Concluding remarks. – Abstract: «Sometimes, one finds in the Maximian corpus passages that reprimand gender, womanhood, marriage, sexuality, and pleasure. Analyzing some relevant texts, mainly from his Ambigua, this article proposes that the Confessor did not dismiss gender-related themes. Drawing on Paul, Gregory of Nyssa, and his own experience of holiness, Maximus was concerned with the misuse of gender in humanity’s sinful condition, and with its virtuous restoration. He worked within a holistic, realistic, and spiritual framework, which led him to construe the spiritual lifestyle not as an abolishment of gender, marriage, and pleasure, but as a dispassionate and compassionate experience of human life»]. LARCHET J.-C., Hypostase, personne et individu selon Saint Maxime le Confesseur, RHE 109 (2014) 35-63. [L’équivalence des notions de personne et d’hypostase. L’équivalence des notions d’hypostase, de personne et d’individu. Conclusion: la souplesse du vocabulaire maximien. – Summary: «Upholders of modern personalism cannot, without anachronism, find in Maximus a foundation for their conceptions, lending the person an axiological sense in relation to the hypostasis, or which opposes the person and the individual by providing the person a relational connotation and the individual a separating and egoistical connotation linked to current conceptions of individualism. Indeed, an analysis of the texts of Maximus’ corps shows that, for the Confessor – as for the predecessors upon whom he depends (the Cappadocians, Leontius of Jerusalem...) and among successors who see themselves as his continuators (John of Damascus) –, the concepts of hypostasis, person and individual are practically equivalent and that each of them is used with a certain flexibility. In certain contexts, they seem to have particular connotations, but lose them in other contexts, and finally appear as being generally interchangeable» (p. 62)]. RAMELLI I.L.E., The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis. A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Ch. 4. From Augustine to Eriugena. Latin, Greek, and Syriac receptions of Origen’s apokatastasis theory: Augustine: From adhesion to rejection?: The mystery of Ps. Dionysius, his teacher, and his lost writings (pp. 738-757)].

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