DOCSLIB.ORG

John Petherick and Reputation in Nile Exploration

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
John Petherick and Reputation in Nile Exploration Miguel Chavez Vanderbilt University The Failed Explorer: John Petherick and Reputation in Nile Exploration Under the aegis of the Royal Geographical Society, British explorers of the nineteenth century traversed the interior of an unknown continent to discover new sights and solve old mysteries. Among these mysteries was the centuries-long quest to discover the source of the river Nile. But bounded in this quest were questions about how explorers can authoritatively speak about a discovery. How can an explorer demonstrate the veracity of their claims? How can an explorer legitimately speak with the voice of a scientist or as a practitioner of science? The questions were most evident in the vitriolic rivalry of John Hanning Speke and Richard Francis Burton over their competing claims of the Nile’s true source. But this can also be seen in the rise and fall of the career of John Petherick, a little-known explorer of the Nile Valley. Petherick’s career exemplified how reputation – even if divorced from the work of an explorer – nonetheless impacted the legitimacy of the explorer. In assessing John Petherick and the accusations dogging his career, we may better understand how trends within the history of science can be applied in Nile exploratory history. John Petherick came to the attention of the Royal Geographical Society due to his experience in the Nile Valley in the 1840s and 1850s. Arriving in Egypt to assist in the search for coal deposits in 1845, Petherick shifted his focus towards the gum arabic and ivory trade. Operating in territories that are now part of Sudan and South Sudan, Petherick traveled into regions unvisited by other Europeans. The most significant of these journeys was to the Bahr el Ghazal river, located in the Sudd swamplands that was impenetrable for earlier expeditions.1 In 1 “Address: At the Anniversary Meeting of the Royal Geographical Society, May 28, 1869, by the Earl DeGray and Ripon, President.,” The African Repository Issue 6, June 01, 1861: 172; From here on out, this region would just be referred as the Sudd. 1858 Petherick was appointed by the British state as the Vice-Consul of Khartoum, representing British interests in the Upper Nile.2 After a final Nile expedition in 1858, Petherick returned to Britain in 1859.3 While in Britain, Petherick would publish a book based on his prior sixteen years in Egypt and Sudan. But more significant was Petherick’s meetings with the Royal Geographical Society (RGS) regarding Petherick’s involvement in an expedition to verify the source of the White Nile. A few years earlier an expedition led by Richard Francis Burton had explored East Africa in search of a lake purportedly believed to be the source of the Nile. After finding Lake Tanganyika in early 1858, one of Burton’s lieutenant, John Hanning Speke, stumbled upon Lake Victoria in 1858. The discoveries of these lakes led to a heated controversy between Burton and Speke over which lake constituted the real source of the Nile River. Arriving back in Britain around the same time as Petherick, Speke and Burton’s competing claims led the RGS to plan a new expedition to verify Speke’s claim regarding Lake Victoria. Given his familiarity with the region north of the lake, Petherick was invited to join the expedition. Specifically, while Speke and his expedition would arrive at Zanzibar and move north towards Lake Victoria, Petherick was to return to Khartoum and organize supplies for Speke. Petherick was to then traverse the Sudd swamplands and set up a supply depot at the village of Gondokoro, which is to the south of the Sudd.4 Speke’s arrival at Gondokoro would not only function as a place of respite, but would serve to bookend his expedition over unknown territory. Believing that Petherick was “particularly fitted” to engage in this expedition, the RGS solicited public donations to fund the estimated £2,000 cost of Petherick’s expedition, although 2 Verdcourt, The Conchologists’ Newsletter, 453-458. 3 Petherick, Egypt, the Soudan and Central Africa, 480. 4 “Life in Central Africa,” Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine, April 1861: 452-453; Gondokoro is near the site of modern-day Juba, the South Sudanese capital. only £1,000 was raised and given to Petherick.5 Petherick agreed to serve in this expedition and returned to Khartoum in mid-October 1861.6 John Petherick’s involvement in this expedition elevated him to a preeminent position among contemporary explorers. In musing about the shared origins of Africa’s great rivers, J.F. Napier Hewett placed Petherick, alongside David Livingstone, Richard Burton, and John Hanning Speke as the explorers most likely to solve this mystery. In a book review of Petherick’s Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa (1861), Blackwood’s Edinburgh magazine extolled both Petherick’s personal character and writing style. Comparing Petherick’s adventures with the unadventurous “slaves of the desk” of then-contemporary Britain, the review goes on to state that Petherick is "a remarkable specimen of that Anglo-Saxon race which, in the strangely- mingled characteristics of knight-errant and trader, sends victorious children to every part of the habitable globe."7 In explaining the focus upon Petherick’s character in the review, the reviewer said, “[we] have dwelt on the character of Mr. Petherick, because much of the charm and value of a traveller's [sic] work must depend on his personal qualities."8 These two passages reflected the idea that personal reputation directly impacted the trustworthiness of an individual engaged in a scientific enterprise. That Petherick exemplified standards of virility, honor, and prowess meant that Petherick was trustworthy as an explorer. Of course, Blackwood’s review took at face value Petherick’s self-fashioned narrative that highlighted Petherick’s standing as an explorer. But Petherick’s narrative, if exaggerated, nonetheless reflected an attempt to conform to social expectations of how an explorer should and should not behave. These pressures have been articulated by historians of science regarding the 5 “Life in Central Africa,” Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine, April 1861: 458; Verdcourt, The Conchologists’ Newsletter, 453-458; “The Sources of the Nile,” The African Repository Issue 3 (March 01, 1861): 95. 6 Katherine Petherick, “Mrs. Petherick’s African Journal, Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine, June 1862: 696. 7 “Life in Central Africa,” 440, 452. 8 “Life in Central Africa,” 452. natural sciences in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. As an example, James Endersby’s Imperial Nature (2010) examined the life and career of Joseph Hooker, the famed botanist and head of the Kew Gardens.9 Endersby argued that Hooker sought to maintain the scientific authority as a disinterested botanist with the practical need to maintain a living through profit.10 But whereas Endersby and other historians of science focused on so-called “gentlemanly scientists,” that is those scientists of the British gentry who resisted the professionalization of scientific practices in the nineteenth century, self-described explorers conformed to standards mirroring those reflected in Blackwood’s review of Petherick. Petherick’s reputation as an ideal explorer coincided with his role as Britain’s consular representative in Khartoum and his earlier role as a gum and ivory merchant. These coexisting identities were known to travelers and would-be explorers making their way from Egypt to Khartoum. Clarence Brownville Melville, an American physician travelling the Nile, sought out Petherick for the chance to join the expedition to rendezvous with Speke.11 Meeting Petherick a few days after his arrival to Khartoum, Brownell expressed admiration for Petherick’s prior exploration of the region.12 After receiving and accepting an offer by Petherick to join the expedition as the chief botanist, Brownell remained in Khartoum as preparations for the expedition were finalized. During this time, Brownell described the luxury of Petherick’s residence, describing sumptuous dinners, nightly parties, and the large staff that maintained the household.13 On 22 March 1861, Petherick, Brownell, and their expedition departed Khartoum for Gondokoro.14 However, the expected rendezvous with Speke did not occur. Unbeknownst to 9 Jim Endersby, Imperial Nature: Joseph Hooker and the Practices of Victorian Science (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010). 10 Endersby, Imperial Nature, 5-7, 29. 11 Charles Melville Brownell, journal, “Khartum,” entry for 9 March 1862. SAD.424/9/54. Sudan Archive, Durham University. 12 Charles Melville Brownell, journal, “Mr. Petherick,” entry for 11 March 1862. SAD.424/9/57. 13 Charles Melville Brownell, journal, “Savage dances,” entry for 15 March 1862. SAD.424/9/60. 14 Charles Melville Brownell, journal, “The real start,” entry for 22 March 1862. SAD.424/9/64. Petherick, Speke’s expedition was delayed due to political squabbling amongst the native tribes and kingdoms with the arrival of Speke’s expedition. This delay forced Petherick to stay in Gondokoro for a year while he waited for Speke’s arrival.15 A few months after Petherick’s departure, Samuel White Baker, another RGS-sanctioned explorer operating along the Blue Nile, made his way to Petherick’s residence in Khartoum. Entering the residence, Baker was awed by Petherick’s personal menagerie of two ostriches, two leopards, one hyena, and a bamboo.16 Having completed his own expedition of the Blue Nile in Abyssinia, Baker planned to launch his own expedition along the White Nile, taking supplies and provisions to Gondokoro to rendezvous with Speke.17 While Baker did not address how his plans conflicted with Petherick’s, Baker nonetheless reported about his time in Khartoum and his meetings with the European community present in the city. Baker noted the luxurious houses of French, Austrians, Italians, and Greeks living in the city.18 Baker acknowledged the importance of the gum arabic trade in the commercial life of Khartoum, but slavery, Baker contended, was the lifeblood of the city.19 As Baker stated: The people for the most part engaged in the nefarious traffic of the White Nile are Syrians, Copts, Turks, Circassians, and some few Europeans [sic].
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Western Media and the Portrayal of the Rwandan Genocide
    History in the Making Volume 3 Article 5 2010 The Western Media and the Portrayal of the Rwandan Genocide Cherice Joyann Estes CSUSB Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making Part of the African History Commons, and the Mass Communication Commons Recommended Citation Estes, Cherice Joyann (2010) "The Western Media and the Portrayal of the Rwandan Genocide," History in the Making: Vol. 3 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making/vol3/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Arthur E. Nelson University Archives at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in History in the Making by an authorized editor of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cherice Joyann Estes The Western Media and the Portrayal of the Rwandan Genocide BY CHERICE JOYANN ESTES ABSTRACT: On December 9, 1948, the United Nations established its Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Genocides, however, have continued to occur, affecting millions of people around the globe. The 1994 genocide in Rwanda resulted in an estimated 800,000 deaths. Global leaders were well aware of the atrocities, but failed to intervene. At the same time, the Western media's reports on Rwanda tended to understate the magnitude of the crisis. This paper explores the Western media's failure to accurately interpret and describe the Rwandan Genocide. Recognizing the outside media’s role in mischaracterizations of the Rwanda situation is particularly useful when attempting to understand why western governments were ineffective in their response to the atrocity.
    [Show full text]
  • Professionalizing Science: British Geography, Africa, and the Exploration of the Nile Miguel Angel Chavez Vanderbilt University
    Professionalizing Science: British Geography, Africa, and the Exploration of the Nile Miguel Angel Chavez Vanderbilt University February 2019 Dissertation Prospectus Prepared for the Doctoral Committee: Dr. Lauren Benton Dr. Moses Ochonu Dr. James Epstein Dr. Jonathan Lamb 1 Abstract: This dissertation identifies the mid-nineteenth century as an inflection point in the practice, organization, and perception of science in Britain. In assessing the history of British exploration in Africa, I investigate how a new generation of explorers overcame social and economic barriers that limited scientific work to gentlemen scientists. I examine the strategies employed by explorers to bolster their scientific credentials, such as a commitment to accurate measurements; a reliance on learned institutions such as the Royal Geographical Society to confer scientific and financial capital on explorers; and a devotion to ideologies prevalent in British geographic circles such as abolitionism and the holistic description of the world. By investigating how these strategies occurred in the context of Nile exploration, I connect the issue of the professionalization of geography with questions of empire, indigenous knowledge, and the transnational nature of British geography. Finally, I chart the development of geography from its seeming unity with the establishment of the Royal Geographical Society to the division of the field between academic geographers and field scientists. It is my hope this study can assess how the legacy of Nile exploration helped transform science in the nineteenth century and reframe the relationship between science and society. Introduction Two strands of inquiry have dominated histories of science in the long nineteenth century. Assessing how class, education, and networks influenced scientific knowledge production and highlighting the natural sciences, one set of historians has placed the gentlemanly scientist at the center of British science from the seventeenth century through the mid-nineteenth century.
    [Show full text]
  • British Major-General Charles George Gordon and His Legacies, 1885-1960 Stephanie Laffer
    Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2010 Gordon's Ghosts: British Major-General Charles George Gordon and His Legacies, 1885-1960 Stephanie Laffer Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES GORDON‘S GHOSTS: BRITISH MAJOR-GENERAL CHARLES GEORGE GORDON AND HIS LEGACIES, 1885-1960 By STEPHANIE LAFFER A Dissertation submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2010 Copyright © 2010 Stephanie Laffer All Rights Reserve The members of the committee approve the dissertation of Stephanie Laffer defended on February 5, 2010. __________________________________ Charles Upchurch Professor Directing Dissertation __________________________________ Barry Faulk University Representative __________________________________ Max Paul Friedman Committee Member __________________________________ Peter Garretson Committee Member __________________________________ Jonathan Grant Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members. ii For my parents, who always encouraged me… iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation has been a multi-year project, with research in multiple states and countries. It would not have been possible without the generous assistance of the libraries and archives I visited, in both the United States and the United Kingdom. However, without the support of the history department and Florida State University, I would not have been able to complete the project. My advisor, Charles Upchurch encouraged me to broaden my understanding of the British Empire, which led to my decision to study Charles Gordon. Dr. Upchurch‘s constant urging for me to push my writing and theoretical understanding of imperialism further, led to a much stronger dissertation than I could have ever produced on my own.
    [Show full text]
  • Tragedy, Ritual, and Power in Nilotic Regicide
    Tragedy, Ritual and Power in Nilotic Regicide: The regicidal dramas of the Eastern Nilotes of Sudan in Comparative Perspective1 Simon Simonse Introduction Regicide as an aspect of early kingship is a central issue in the anthropological debate on the origin of the state and the symbolism of kingship. By a historical coincidence the kingship of the Nilotic Shilluk has played a key role in this debate which was dominated by the ideas of James Frazer, as set out in the first (The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings), the third (The Dying God) and the sixth part (The Scapegoat) of The Golden Bough (1913). The fact that the Shilluk king was killed before he could die a natural death was crucial to Frazer’s interpretation of early kingship. Frazer equated the king with a dying god who though his death regenerates the forces of nature. This ‘divine kingship’ was an evolutionary step forward compared to ‘magical kingship’ where the power of the king is legitimated by his claim to control the natural processes on which human communities depend. Frazer’s interpretation of kingship was opposed by a post-war generation of anthropologists who were interested in the empirical study of kingship as a political system and who treated the ritual and symbolic aspects of kingship as a secondary dimension of kingship more difficult to penetrate by the methodology of structural-functional analysis. The reality of the practice of regicide that was so central to Frazer’s interpretations of kingship was put in doubt (Evans-Pritchard, 1948). The ongoing practice by mostly Eastern Nilotic communities of killing Rainmakers when they failed to make rain – noted by Frazer in The Golden Bough (1913, Part 1, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Lincoln Attained. He Is Master of Th^Y-^Itical Help the Project Than Tho
    * c NEW YUKK HERALD, WEDKESDj!Y, JULY 9, 1873.-TKIPLE SHKKT. Hg % sen intental Ingei In Onr Politic*. is a soldier j he knowj the felicity of me. The result is that yesterday we signed heiid of a tributary of the Zambezi, and if of A. T. Stewart 4 Co., has been made the re- 1 a or a handsome testimonial from his "r'm -rtnn'-v- Mnn.4 .« lU.t l.k. clplent or » IIEKALD CI»Ter (tueitloni thkn Ruffrkgt His ideas of the have an on certain conditions, Bu w|w«« vi tiuo mnvuuv v* »ui»» « »» I NEW YORK authority. Presidency agreement by which, friends. Protection.The Apathr end Silence of been that it is in senses a they agree to form a company, of which I am ab<jve the sea is not a mistake this time HS; AND ANY STREET. always many great Jo in L. Tnc';er, one of the good old BROADWAY office. to be to suit and to inion must be correct Bat oar the Republican Party. True and faithful as he has been,personal President, my views, give opi of the Tremont House, Boston, and recentlyUaAlordst me and friends a the of the new Clifford at Mass., was We are not insensible to the valne of many there are many thingB he has done that Bhow my majority of stock." sp< report from Khartoam, byoorremdent's House, Plymouth. | yJAMES GORDON BENNETT, a to to the belief that, in Thns we see how political was mixed the of Sir Samuel Baker, is drowned while bathing at Plymouth, on the 6th of the issues which our political friends are tendency Cre-tarism, jobbery emphaticau>rityinstant.
    [Show full text]
  • The Six Lives of Alexine Tinne: Gender Shifts
    THE SIX LIVES OF ALEXINE TINNE: GENDER SHIFTS IN THE ATLANTIC WORLD, 1835-1915 by MYLYNKA KILGORE CARDONA Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Arlington in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT ARLINGTON May 2015 Copyright © by Mylynka Kilgore Cardona 2015 All Rights Reserved ii Acknowledgements Attempting to complete a PhD is a group effort and I would not have been able to accomplish this dissertation without my support network. Many thanks to the UTA History department and College of Liberal Arts for granting the funding necessary for me to visit overseas archives and for fellowships to allow me to complete my writing. To my committee, I thank you for taking the time and the effort to help me shape my arguments, to discuss with me things that I just needed to verbalize before I could get them on paper, and for putting up with all the errant comma placement. Imre Demhardt, thank you for introducing me to cartography and to Alexine Tinne. I had no idea she would take me so far. Stephanie Cole, thank you for guiding me and helping me shape this work into a cohesive look at the gender shifts taking place in the nineteenth century. Your help was invaluable to me! Thank you to my #accountabilibuddies Karen and Kristen who kept me motivated to write even when I really did not want to and saved my sanity when I thought none was left. Thank you Robin for being a stern and strong supporter and to Jeanne for letting me vent my frustrations and always cheering me on.
    [Show full text]
  • The Burst and the Cut Stomach -The Metabolism of Violence and Order
    The Burst and the Cut Stomach . -The Metabolism of Violence and Order 1n Nilotic Kingship- SIMON SIMONSE Universit;' of Leiden An interpretation is offered of two contrasting Nilotic customs relating to the stomach of a king who has just died: the cutting of the stomach of a king who has been killed by his subjects for causing drought and the practice of some Bari speaking peoples of allowing the stomach of the king, who has died a natural death, to bloat and burst. The case material on the cutting of the stomach is taken from nineteenth cen­ tury accounts by travellers and a missionary concerning two cases of regicide among the Bari and from the study of the murder of the Pari queen in 1984 by the an­ thropologist Eisei Kurimoto. In a first round of interpretation it is argued that the relevant property of the stomach in this context, as well as in other Nilotic sacrificial ritual, is its capacity to turn a mass of undifferentiated substance into something valued and desirable. In a sec­ ond round we demonstrate that the stomach-metaphor is used to make sense of the socio-political impact of the king on the conflicts in his realm and, closely interwined with that, of his cosmic impact on the weather. To understand why the king's metabolism plays such an important role at the moment of his death we turn to the theory of the victimary origins of kingship developed by Rene Girard. Since the death of the king is a powerful lever for achieving social unity and cosmic harmony, his peo­ ple should leave nothing to chance when he dies, especially with regards to the organ most closely associated with his powers to dissolve conflicts and bring peace and rain.
    [Show full text]
  • General Gordon's Last Crusade: the Khartoum Campaign and the British Public William Christopher Mullen Harding University, [email protected]
    Tenor of Our Times Volume 1 Article 9 Spring 2012 General Gordon's Last Crusade: The Khartoum Campaign and the British Public William Christopher Mullen Harding University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.harding.edu/tenor Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Mullen, William Christopher (Spring 2012) "General Gordon's Last Crusade: The Khartoum Campaign and the British Public," Tenor of Our Times: Vol. 1, Article 9. Available at: https://scholarworks.harding.edu/tenor/vol1/iss1/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Humanities at Scholar Works at Harding. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tenor of Our Times by an authorized editor of Scholar Works at Harding. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GENERAL GORDON'S LAST CRUSADE: THE KHARTOUM CAMPAIGN AND THE BRITISH PUBLIC by William Christopher Mullen On January 26, 1885, Khartoum fell. The fortress-city which had withstood an onslaught by Mahdist forces for ten months had become the last bastion of Anglo-Egyptian rule in the Sudan, represented in the person of Charles George Gordon. His death at the hands of the Mahdi transformed what had been a simple evacuation into a latter-day crusade, and caused the British people to re-evaluate their view of their empire. Gordon's death became a matter of national honor, and it would not go un­ avenged. The Sudan had previously existed in the British consciousness as a vast, useless expanse of desert, and Egypt as an unfortunate financial drain upon the Empire, but no longer.
    [Show full text]
  • Eastern Equatoria State
    ! Ea!stern Equatoria State Map ! ! ! ! ! ! 32°E 33°E 34°E 35°E ! ! ! Makuac ! Lyodein ! Pengko River Tigaro Mewun Bor ! ! ! ! Brong ! Boma o ! Anyidi ! Marongodoa Towoth ! ! ! n Macdit R " Gurgo i Deng Shol . Kang ! ! ! en Upper Boma e Kwal Tiu ! Karita Nyelichu ! Gurbi ! ! ! Balwan M Tukls Nongwoli Pajok ! ! . Gwa!!lla ! ! Aluk Kolnyang ! Katanich Titong R Munini ! R. K ! ! Sudan ang Wowa ! Aliab ! en ! Logoda ! Malek Bor South ! ! Jonglei Pibor !Rigl Chilimun N N ° ! Pariak Lowelli Katchikan Kichepo ° ! Pariak ! ! ! ! 6 ! ! 6 ! a Lochiret River Bellel l l ! Awerial i ! t Kenamuke Swamp ! ! ! o PanabangW L r Ngechele ! . Neria Ethiopia a h Kanopir ! Natibok Kabalatigo South i R ! ! ! w t Central e ! Moru Kimod G ! Rongada African Sudan N . i R R Tombi l Republic ! e . N R. Gwojo-Adung a Ch ! ro Kassangor alb ! Tiarki ! o !Bori ng ! ! ! Moru Kerri Kuron Gigging ! ! ! Mun! i " ! Karn Ethi Kerkeng ! ! ! ! Nakadocwa Democratic i Gemmaiza r i Republic of Congo t Kobowen Swamp Moru Ethi Borichadi Bokuna ! Poko i ! ! Uganda Wani Mika ! ! Kassengo ! Selemani ! Pagar S ! Nabwel ! Chabong Kenya ! Tukara . ! ! R River Nakua ! Kenyi Terekeka ! Moru Angbin ! Mukajo ! ! Bulu Koli Gali ) Awakot Lotimor ! t ! ! ! ! Akitukomoi i Tumu River Gera ! e ! Nanyangachor ! l Napalap l Kalaruz ! Namoropus ! i ! t ! ETHIOPIA Kangitabok Lomokori o Eyata Moru Kolinyagkopil Logono Terekeka ! ! ! ! Wit ! L ! " ( Natilup Swamp Magara Umm Gura Mwanyakapin ! ! ! R n Abuilingakine Lomareng Plateau . ! ! R N ! a R ak y . Juban l u ! ! Rambo Lokodopoto!k . ! ! a L ( a N Lomuleye Katirima Nai A S ! ! o a k ! Badigeru Swamp River Lokuja a Losagam Musha Lukwatuk Pass Doinyoro East ch ! ! ! p ! ! ! o i Buboli r ) ! o L o Pongo River Lokorowa ! Watha Peth Hills .
    [Show full text]
  • Juba Case Study
    hpghpg hpg HumanitarianHumanitarian Humanitarian PolicyPolicy Group Group Policy Group City limits: urbanisation and vulnerability in Sudan Juba case study Ellen Martin and Irina Mosel January 2011 About the authors Ellen Martin is a Research Officer at the Humanitarian Policy Group (HPG) at the Overseas Development Institute (ODI). Irina Mosel is a project coordinator at Saferworld, Juba, Southern Sudan. The research team Nixon Tongun James, Juba University Ladu Morris Emmanuel, South Sudan Law Society William Ongoro Peter, Independent Fidensia Poni Charles, CES Ministry of Gender John Taban Charles, UNDP Betty Namadi Christopher, NRC Vita Florence Choro, NRC Jojo Christine Lusos, NRC Roda Allison Dokolo, UNHCR Acknowledgements ODI would like to thank the wide range of individuals and organisations that assisted and supported this study. First and foremost our thanks extend to the many people who gave generously of their time to participate in focus group discussions in Juba. We would also like to thank all the key informants who gave their time to be interviewed. Special thanks are due to NRC, Monica Sanchez Bermudez (UNDP) and UNHCR for supporting the study through seconding staff members. We are particularly grateful to UNDP for the logistical support provided to the study. ODI would also like to extend its thanks to the many people who contributed in numerous ways to the study including through research support, the provision of documents and materials and comments on earlier drafts. Particular thanks are due to Sorcha O’Callaghan (British Red Cross), Cherry Leonardi (Durham University) and Mireille Girard (UNHCR). Finally, thanks to colleagues in the Humanitarian Policy Group at ODI who provided comments and support to the study, and particularly Matthew Foley for his expert editing of the paper.
    [Show full text]
  • Central Equatoria State! Map ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! 30°E ! 31°E ! ! 32°E
    ! (as of Dec! 2016) ! Central Equatoria State! Map ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! 30°E ! 31°E ! ! 32°E ! ! !Ngwer ! Korikori Ngop Fagiel Wulu Paker ! Gumro ! Lual ! ! Unagok Alel ! ! ! Ashandit Kulu Chundit ! ! ! Makuac Bor ! Atiit Bunagok Yirol West ! ! ! Deng Shol Pengko ! Eassi Dekada Jerweng ! ! ! ! Bro! ng Anyidi Wulu Pul Anyuol ! Anuol !! ! Macdit !Rokon ! Minikolome Kwal Tiu ! Malangya ! Khalil ! ! Wurrie!r ! Latolot Aw! erial !Tukls Kondoagoi Lake Nyiropo " ! Wako ! Lakes Anyat ! Awan ! ! ! Nyiel ! ! ! Bahr El Girin Awerial ! Bor South ! Pwora Mvolo ! Dor Jonglei " ! Minkamman Jalango Aliab ! ! Guar ! Aliab Dogoba Kila ! ! ! ! ! Malek N ! Dorri N ° Wun Abiyei ° Ambo ! Pariak 6 ! 6 Bengeya ! Golo ! ! ! Dijeyr ! Pariak ! Wun Thou! Gira Melekwich ! ! Domeri ! Wun Chwei ! Panabang Mangi ! ! Jabor ! Koalikiri Tal!i ! Mvolo ! " Melwel Latuk Lesi ! ! Bari Dakada ! ! ! Awiri Verlingai ! Wasi ! ! Tellang Banwar Dari ! ! Jakari Tombi Ndia Azai ! Mirda ! ! Mulinda ! Duboro Yeri Delinoi ! Mandari ! ! ! ! ! Teri Tur ! Gwojo-Adung Azai Kasiko ! ! Kulundulu ! Gaya ! Tiarki ! ! ! !Bori Mejiki G!utetian ! ! Kulwo ! ! Maralinn Jarrah Bogora Gigging Bogori ! Vora ! ! ! ! Bita Muni Gemmaiza ! " ! !Lakamadi Tindalo Terekeka ! Gobo Poko Gabir ! Bokuna ! ! Duwwo Wani Mika! Gulu Rushi ! ! Pagar ! Tukara ! ! Bitti ! Abdulla !Mbara ! ! Lamindo Pom ! Magiri ! Gali Kederu Lopore Wala ! Kpakpawiya ! Kediba ! Onayo ! Amad! i ! Bulu Koli ! Ire " ! ! ! Wandi Wito Riku Doso ! ! ! Rego ! ! Logono Terekeka ! Kemande Wit " ! Mariba ! ! ! Gabir Ma!gara ! Movo ! ! Minga
    [Show full text]
  • Jaroslav Valkoun the Sudanese Life of General Charles George Gordon1
    Anton Prokesch von Osten… | Miroslav Šedivý 48 | 49 He in no way gained the general esteem of his colleagues by assentation as claimed by Jaroslav Valkoun Hammer-Purgstall but, on the contrary, by raising arguments even in contradiction with the opinion prevailing at the Viennese Chancellery at the time, as happened in 1832. The validity of his opinions considerably improved his position and increased Me- tternich’s respect. Consequently, though more well-disposed towards Mohammed Ali than the Austrian chancellor himself, Prokesch continued to play the role of Metterni- ch’s adviser in the following years, and he did so either by his written comments to Laurin’s reports or through personal meetings with the chancellor in Vienna. With his two memoirs from late 1833 Prokesch also significantly influenced Metternich’s Egyp- tian policy for several years to come. Prokesch’s considerable reputation was so high that it survived Metternich’s fall in March 1848 and later brought him to the diplomatic post in Constantinople where, as mentioned above, he represented the Austrian and later the Austro-Hungarian Empire from 1855 to 1871. References BEER, Adolf (1883): Die orientalische Politik Österreichs seit 1773. Prag, Leipzig: E. Tempsky und G. Freytag. BERTSCH, Daniel (2005): Anton Prokesch von Osten (1795–1876). Ein Diplomat Österreichs in Athen und an der Hohen Pforte. Beiträge zur Wahrnehmung des Orients im Europa des 19. Jahrhunderts. München: R. Ol- The Sudanese life of General denbourg Verlag. 1 FICHTNER, Paula Sutter (2008): Terror and Toleration. The Habsburg Empire Confronts Islam, 1526–1850. Charles George Gordon London: Reaktion Books.
    [Show full text]