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Introduction Notes Introduction 1 The epigraph is taken from Charles Richard Etude, Sur l’Insurrection du Dahra, quoted in Timothy Mitchell, Colonising Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 1988), 95. 2 H. Rider Haggard, She (1887; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 175. 3 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Random House, 1979); Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992); Paul Carter, The Road to Botany Bay: An Essay in Spatial History (London: Faber, 1987); Gauri Viswanathan, Masks of Conquest: Literary Study and British Rule in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989); Eric Hobsbawm and Ter- ence Ranger, ed., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). 4 Studies that simply describe physical violence or argue its beneficial necessity include Christopher Hibbert, Africa Explored: Europeans in the Dark Continent, 1769–1889 (New York: Norton, 1982); Dennis Judd, The Victorian Empire 1837–1901 (New York: Praeger, 1970); Alan Moorehead, The White Nile (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1960); and Don Taylor, The British in Africa (London: Robert Hale, 1962). A psychobiographical approach to violence appears in the following general studies: H. Alan C. Cairns, Prelude to Imperialism (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965); Robert I. Rotberg, Africa and Its Explorers: Motives, Methods, and Impact (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970); and Frank McLynn, Hearts of Darkness (New York: Carroll and Graf, 1992). It also appears in the following specialized studies, including biographies: Ian Anstruther, I Presume: Stanley’s Triumph and Disaster (London: Geoffrey Bles, 1956); Thomas J. Assad, Three Victorian Travellers: Burton, Blunt, Doughty (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964); John Bierman, Dark Safari: The Life Behind the Legend of Henry Morton Stanley (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1991); Fawn M. Brodie, The Devil Drives: A Life of Sir Richard Burton (New York: Norton, 1967); Richard Hall, Stanley: An Adventurer Explored (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1975); Edward Rice, Captain Sir Richard Francis Burton (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1990); and Jacob Wasserman, Bula Matari: Stanley, Conqueror of a Continent, trans. Eden and Cedar Paul (New York: Liveright, 1933). The following state- ment by Cairns about Henry M. Stanley functions as a good example of the psychological language often used in discussing travelers’ violence: ‘‘[In the] treatment of his porters there was a callousness reminiscent of the brutality he had himself experienced in childhood and youth’’ (Prelude to Imperialism, 26). 5 Wishing to emphasize the ‘‘heterogeneity’’ of travel writing and ‘‘its inter- actions with other kinds of expression,’’ Pratt, for instance, often looks simul- taneously at examples of fictional and nonfictional representation, especially in her discussions of South America and slavery in the Caribbean (Imperial Eyes, 11). In The Africa that Never Was (New York: Twayne, 1970), Dorothy 174 Notes 175 Hammond and Alta Jablow conflate the two genres even more fully, arguing that ‘‘There [is] no need to treat fiction and nonfiction separately since both are governed by the same tradition. [ . ] Fictional and nonfictional treat- ments of African material differ only in respect to greater or lesser consist- ency and integration. The fiction is by no means more fanciful than the nonfiction’’ (Preface, n. p.). 6 David Spurr, too, has noted the direct impact of written discourse, including travel writing, on the process of colonization: ‘‘Th[e] metaphorical notion of the writer as colonizer ought to be considered as more than a mere figure of speech, given the practical role which writing plays in the actual processes of colonial expansion and administration. In fact the structures of writing and those of political power can never be wholly distinguished from one another.’’ The Rhetoric of Empire (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1993, 93). 7 In 1875 at the age of nineteen, Haggard went to South Africa, where he worked under Sir Henry Bulwer, lieutenant-governer of the Natal pro- vince. He attended the ceremony during which the Cape Colony’s annex- ation of the Transvaal was announced on April 12, 1877. Wendy R. Katz, Rider Haggard and the Fiction of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987, 8–9). Conrad spent six months in central Africa (mid-June through mid-December 1890) working for the Socie´te´ Anonyme Belge du Congo. Schrei- ner, of course, had the most extensive experience of British colonialism in Africa, since she was born and reared in the frontier sections of the Cape Colony and since she returned to live most of her adult life in South Africa after a period of about eight years spent in England in the 1880s. See Ruth First and Ann Scott, Olive Schreiner (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1990). 8 Though the late nineteenth century represented the last major push of formal colonialism, many types of informal colonialism continue to this day and appear to be getting stronger rather than weaker. For a discussion of perhaps the most important of these types of informal colonialism – the economic/political condition sometimes called ‘‘transnational corporatism’’ – see Masao Miyoshi, ‘‘A Borderless World? From Colonialism to Transna- tionalism and the Decline of the Nation-State,’’ Critical Inquiry 19 (summer 1993), 726–51. 9 Especially relevant for the study of Victorian travel writing are the following studies of the imbrication of feminism, racism, and imperialism: Valerie Amos and Pratibha Parmar, ‘‘Challenging Imperial Feminism,’’ Feminist Review 17 (1984), 3–19; Dea Birkett and Julie Wheelwright, ‘‘How Could She? Unpalatable Facts and Feminists’ Heroines,’’ Gender and History 2 (1990), 49–57; T. J. Boisseau, ‘‘ ‘They Called Me Bebe Bwana’: A Critical Study of an Imperial Feminist’’ Signs 21, no. 1 (1995), 116–146; Antoinette Burton, Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women, and Imperial Cul- ture, 1865–1915 (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1994); Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather (New York: Routledge, 1995); Jenny Sharpe, Allegories of Empire (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993); and Vron Ware, Beyond the Pale: White Women, Racism and History (London: Verso, 1992). 10 Spurr, Rhetoric of Empire, 22. 11 Judith Butler, Bodies that Matter (New York: Routledge, 1993), 2. 176 Notes Chapter 1 Travel and imperial sovereignty 1 Hammond and Jablow, The Africa That Never Was, 56. 2 Patrick Brantlinger, Rule of Darkness (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1988), 180–1. 3 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Random House, 1979), 49 (hereafter cited as Discipline). 4 May French-Sheldon, Sultan to Sultan (London: Saxon, 1892; reprint with an introduction by Tracey Jean Boisseau, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), 181. 5 W. Winwood Reade, Savage Africa (New York: Harper, 1864), 257. 6 Ibid., 158. 7 Paul Du Chaillu, A Journey to Ashango-Land (London: John Murray, 1867), 369–70 (hereafter cited as Journey). 8 Henry Drummond, Tropical Africa (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1888) 105. 9 Elaine Scarry, The Body in Pain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 183. 10 Johannes Fabian, Time and the Other (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), 29. 11 Ibid., 29–30, original emphasis. 12 Radhika Mohanram, Black Body: Women, Colonialism, and Space (Minneap- olis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 11. 13 David Cannadine, ‘‘The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the ‘Invention of Tradition,’ c. 1820–1977,’’ in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Hobsbawm and Ranger; Frank Hardie, The Political Influence of Queen Victoria 1861–1901 (London: Oxford University Press, 1935); Adrienne Munich, Queen Victoria’s Secrets (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996). 14 Cannadine, ‘‘The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual,’’ 121, original emphasis. 15 According to Siba N’Zatioula Grovogui, ‘‘The right of peoples to dispose of themselves depended upon free and unconstrained will of the self to deter- mine its own political system and affiliation. In Europe, where it was first applied, this legal and political concept propelled the populace to the highest level of authority as the repository of sovereignty:’’ Sovereigns, Quasi Sovereigns, and Africans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996, 80). On this subject, see also W. Ross Johnston, Sovereignty and Protec- tion (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1973). 16 Quoted in W. Ross Johnston, Sovereignty and Protection, 12, emphasis added. 17 By the time of Edward VII’s ascension to the throne in 1902, this rhetoric was transformed into an identification of the British people with the Crown in its imperial control over other areas. In The Coronation of Edward VII (London, 1903), J. E. C. Bodley wrote that the coronation ceremony was intended to express ‘‘the recognition, by a free democracy, of a hereditary crown, as a symbol of the world-wide dominion of their race,’’ quoted in E. J. Hobs- bawm, The Age of Empire, 1875–1914 (New York: Pantheon, 1987, 70). 18 In The African Colonial State in Comparative Perspective, Crawford Young makes a similar point about the transformation of Africans into subjects who would possess even fewer political rights than did earlier inhabitants Notes 177 of colonized areas: ‘‘Africans about to enter the sphere of sovereignty of European states encountered a status of distancing as subjects – in civil standing
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