Notes

Introduction

1 The epigraph is taken from Charles Richard Etude, Sur l’Insurrection du Dahra, quoted in Timothy Mitchell, Colonising Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 1988), 95. 2 H. Rider Haggard, She (1887; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 175. 3 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Random House, 1979); Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992); Paul Carter, The Road to Botany Bay: An Essay in Spatial History (London: Faber, 1987); Gauri Viswanathan, Masks of Conquest: Literary Study and British Rule in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989); Eric Hobsbawm and Ter- ence Ranger, ed., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). 4 Studies that simply describe physical violence or argue its beneficial necessity include Christopher Hibbert, Africa Explored: Europeans in the Dark Continent, 1769–1889 (New York: Norton, 1982); Dennis Judd, The Victorian Empire 1837–1901 (New York: Praeger, 1970); Alan Moorehead, The White Nile (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1960); and Don Taylor, The British in Africa (London: Robert Hale, 1962). A psychobiographical approach to violence appears in the following general studies: H. Alan C. Cairns, Prelude to Imperialism (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965); Robert I. Rotberg, Africa and Its Explorers: Motives, Methods, and Impact (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970); and Frank McLynn, Hearts of Darkness (New York: Carroll and Graf, 1992). It also appears in the following specialized studies, including biographies: Ian Anstruther, I Presume: Stanley’s Triumph and Disaster (London: Geoffrey Bles, 1956); Thomas J. Assad, Three Victorian Travellers: Burton, Blunt, Doughty (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964); John Bierman, Dark Safari: The Life Behind the Legend of Henry Morton Stanley (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1991); Fawn M. Brodie, The Devil Drives: A Life of Sir Richard Burton (New York: Norton, 1967); Richard Hall, Stanley: An Adventurer Explored (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1975); Edward Rice, Captain Sir Richard Francis Burton (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1990); and Jacob Wasserman, Bula Matari: Stanley, Conqueror of a Continent, trans. Eden and Cedar Paul (New York: Liveright, 1933). The following state- ment by Cairns about Henry M. Stanley functions as a good example of the psychological language often used in discussing travelers’ violence: ‘‘[In the] treatment of his porters there was a callousness reminiscent of the brutality he had himself experienced in childhood and youth’’ (Prelude to Imperialism, 26). 5 Wishing to emphasize the ‘‘heterogeneity’’ of travel writing and ‘‘its inter- actions with other kinds of expression,’’ Pratt, for instance, often looks simul- taneously at examples of fictional and nonfictional representation, especially in her discussions of South America and slavery in the Caribbean (Imperial Eyes, 11). In The Africa that Never Was (New York: Twayne, 1970), Dorothy

174 Notes 175

Hammond and Alta Jablow conflate the two genres even more fully, arguing that ‘‘There [is] no need to treat fiction and nonfiction separately since both are governed by the same tradition. [ . . . ] Fictional and nonfictional treat- ments of African material differ only in respect to greater or lesser consist- ency and integration. The fiction is by no means more fanciful than the nonfiction’’ (Preface, n. p.). 6 David Spurr, too, has noted the direct impact of written discourse, including travel writing, on the process of colonization: ‘‘Th[e] metaphorical notion of the writer as colonizer ought to be considered as more than a mere figure of speech, given the practical role which writing plays in the actual processes of colonial expansion and administration. In fact the structures of writing and those of political power can never be wholly distinguished from one another.’’ The Rhetoric of Empire (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1993, 93). 7 In 1875 at the age of nineteen, Haggard went to South Africa, where he worked under Sir Henry Bulwer, lieutenant-governer of the Natal pro- vince. He attended the ceremony during which the Cape Colony’s annex- ation of the Transvaal was announced on April 12, 1877. Wendy R. Katz, Rider Haggard and the Fiction of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987, 8–9). Conrad spent six months in central Africa (mid-June through mid-December 1890) working for the Socie´te´ Anonyme Belge du Congo. Schrei- ner, of course, had the most extensive experience of British colonialism in Africa, since she was born and reared in the frontier sections of the Cape Colony and since she returned to live most of her adult life in South Africa after a period of about eight years spent in England in the 1880s. See Ruth First and Ann Scott, Olive Schreiner (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1990). 8 Though the late nineteenth century represented the last major push of formal colonialism, many types of informal colonialism continue to this day and appear to be getting stronger rather than weaker. For a discussion of perhaps the most important of these types of informal colonialism – the economic/political condition sometimes called ‘‘transnational corporatism’’ – see Masao Miyoshi, ‘‘A Borderless World? From Colonialism to Transna- tionalism and the Decline of the Nation-State,’’ Critical Inquiry 19 (summer 1993), 726–51. 9 Especially relevant for the study of Victorian travel writing are the following studies of the imbrication of feminism, racism, and imperialism: Valerie Amos and Pratibha Parmar, ‘‘Challenging Imperial Feminism,’’ Feminist Review 17 (1984), 3–19; Dea Birkett and Julie Wheelwright, ‘‘How Could She? Unpalatable Facts and Feminists’ Heroines,’’ Gender and History 2 (1990), 49–57; T. J. Boisseau, ‘‘ ‘They Called Me Bebe Bwana’: A Critical Study of an Imperial Feminist’’ Signs 21, no. 1 (1995), 116–146; Antoinette Burton, Burdens of History: British Feminists, Indian Women, and Imperial Cul- ture, 1865–1915 (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1994); Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather (New York: Routledge, 1995); Jenny Sharpe, Allegories of Empire (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993); and Vron Ware, Beyond the Pale: White Women, Racism and History (London: Verso, 1992). 10 Spurr, Rhetoric of Empire, 22. 11 Judith Butler, Bodies that Matter (New York: Routledge, 1993), 2. 176 Notes

Chapter 1 Travel and imperial sovereignty

1 Hammond and Jablow, The Africa That Never Was, 56. 2 Patrick Brantlinger, Rule of Darkness (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1988), 180–1. 3 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Random House, 1979), 49 (hereafter cited as Discipline). 4 May French-Sheldon, Sultan to Sultan (London: Saxon, 1892; reprint with an introduction by Tracey Jean Boisseau, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), 181. 5 W. Winwood Reade, Savage Africa (New York: Harper, 1864), 257. 6 Ibid., 158. 7 Paul Du Chaillu, A Journey to Ashango-Land (London: John Murray, 1867), 369–70 (hereafter cited as Journey). 8 Henry Drummond, Tropical Africa (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1888) 105. 9 Elaine Scarry, The Body in Pain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 183. 10 Johannes Fabian, Time and the Other (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), 29. 11 Ibid., 29–30, original emphasis. 12 Radhika Mohanram, Black Body: Women, Colonialism, and Space (Minneap- olis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 11. 13 David Cannadine, ‘‘The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the ‘Invention of Tradition,’ c. 1820–1977,’’ in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Hobsbawm and Ranger; Frank Hardie, The Political Influence of Queen Victoria 1861–1901 (London: Oxford University Press, 1935); Adrienne Munich, Queen Victoria’s Secrets (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996). 14 Cannadine, ‘‘The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual,’’ 121, original emphasis. 15 According to Siba N’Zatioula Grovogui, ‘‘The right of peoples to dispose of themselves depended upon free and unconstrained will of the self to deter- mine its own political system and affiliation. In Europe, where it was first applied, this legal and political concept propelled the populace to the highest level of authority as the repository of sovereignty:’’ Sovereigns, Quasi Sovereigns, and Africans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996, 80). On this subject, see also W. Ross Johnston, Sovereignty and Protec- tion (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1973). 16 Quoted in W. Ross Johnston, Sovereignty and Protection, 12, emphasis added. 17 By the time of Edward VII’s ascension to the throne in 1902, this rhetoric was transformed into an identification of the British people with the Crown in its imperial control over other areas. In The Coronation of Edward VII (London, 1903), J. E. C. Bodley wrote that the coronation ceremony was intended to express ‘‘the recognition, by a free democracy, of a hereditary crown, as a symbol of the world-wide dominion of their race,’’ quoted in E. J. Hobs- bawm, The Age of Empire, 1875–1914 (New York: Pantheon, 1987, 70). 18 In The African Colonial State in Comparative Perspective, Crawford Young makes a similar point about the transformation of Africans into subjects who would possess even fewer political rights than did earlier inhabitants Notes 177

of colonized areas: ‘‘Africans about to enter the sphere of sovereignty of European states encountered a status of distancing as subjects – in civil standing and racial categorization – far removed from that of the crown subjects of earlier centuries’’ (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994, 76). 19 The characterization of sovereignty in this chapter relies upon Michel Fou- cault’s work in Discipline and Punish and Ernst Kantorowicz’s ideas in The King’s Two Bodies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957). According to Foucault, the sovereign’s body was present insofar as all authority emanated from it, but it was absent in that its powers could be channeled through others. For example, all punishment brought the sovereign’s force to bear on the subject even if that power was directed through the body of the execu- tioner or torturer: ‘‘[B]y breaking the law the offender has touched the very person of the prince; and it is the prince – or at least those to whom he has delegated his force – who seizes upon the body of the condemned man and displays it marked, beaten, broken’’ (Discipline, 49). 20 Jenny Sharpe, Allegories of Empire, 18. 21 Despite its significance within British political self-conceptions, this change in ruling entity is often downplayed in historical studies of the Rebellion. Thomas Metcalf, for example, claims that ‘‘Although one of the more im- portant consequences of the Mutiny, this [transfer of power] had very little practical significance. The replacement of the Company by the Crown was nothing more than a change in the organ by which British policy was formulated, and it involved by itself no change in that policy:’’ The Aftermath of Revolt, India 1857–1870 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965, ix). 22 Hobsbawm reports in The Age of Empire that the word ‘‘imperialism’’ came into widespread use as a positive term for British overseas policies only in the 1890s (60). 23 Christine Bolt, Victorian Attitudes to Race (London: Routledge, 1971), 90. 24 Hammond and Jablow, The Africa That Never Was, 55. 25 Biographical information about Baker is taken from Dorothy Middleton, Baker of the Nile (London: Falcon Press, 1949). 26 Ibid., 77. 27 Samuel Baker, The Albert N’yanza (1866; London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1962), 2:xli (hereafter cited as Albert N’yanza). 28 A. Adu Boahen, ed., Africa Under Colonial Domination, 1880–1935 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990), 33. 29 Norman Vance, Sinews of the Spirit (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985) and the essays included in Muscular Christianity: Embodying the Victorian Age, edited by Donald E. Hall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) offer excellent analysis of the phenomenon of ‘‘muscular Christianity.’’ 30 Samuel Baker, Exploration of the Nile Tributaries (Hartford, Conn.: O. D. Case, 1868), 536 (hereafter cited as Exploration). 31 H. H. Johnston, The Story of My Life (London: Chatto and Windus, 1923), 88 (hereafter cited as Life). 32 H. H. Johnston, The Kilima-Njaro Expedition (London: Kegan Paul, 1886), 49 (hereafter cited as Kilima-Njaro). 33 For example, Cheryl McEwan, following Brantlinger’s lead, claims, ‘‘A feature of 19th-century narratives about Africa was the anonymity of the indigenous 178 Notes

peoples; their individuality was often ignored so that they faded into the background and became part of the overall picture of savagery:’’ ‘‘Encounters with West African Women: Textual Representations of Difference by White Women Abroad,’’ in Writing Women and Space, ed. Alison Blunt and Gillian Rose (New York: Guilford Press, 1994, 75). Similarly, Dea Birkett argues that traveler Amelia Edwards ‘‘did not stereotype the Egyptians with whom she came into contact, unusually calling all the staff of her dahabeeyah by their real names:’’ Spinsters Abroad (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 164, emphasis added to the word ‘‘unusually.’’ 34 McLynn, Hearts of Darkness, 162. Additional information about ‘‘Bombay’’ can be found in Donald Simpson, Dark Companions (London: Paul Elek, 1975), a study of the African men employed by the explorers. 35 John Hanning Speke, Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile (London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1863), 271. 36 Ibid., 272. 37 Henry M. Stanley, How I Found Livingstone (New York: Charles Schribner’s Sons, 1890), 28 (hereafter cited as Livingstone). 38 Henry M. Stanley, Stanley’s Despatches to the New York Herald, 1871–1872, 1874–1877, ed. Norman R. Bennett (Boston: Bostom University Press, 1970), 71. 39 Henry M. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent, 2 vols. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1878), 1:182 (hereafter cited as Dark Continent). Interestingly, the idea that one could ‘‘read’’ a meaning or message in the markings left by a severe beating also appears in some later Victorian fiction. In The Representation of Bodily Pain in Late Nineteenth-Century English Culture (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), Lucy Bending discusses an 1890 novel entitled A Fearful Flogging, in which a young boy desperately tries to read the marks left on him by a whipping. The narrator reports ‘‘a wild and all-absorbing desire to read the primitive hieroglyphy which Dr. Fergusson and his princi- pal assistant [ . . . ] had written upon me with rods. They were two learned men. I must see what, in their wisdom, they had written with sticks, using my skin for parchment’’ (quoted in Bending, Representation of Bodily Pain, 22). 40 The powerful image of the intrepid explorer coursing down a river festooned with tropical vegetation had perhaps its first physical representation on the elaborate cover of Harper’s first American hardback edition of Through the Dark Continent. With the title and author’s name embossed in gold leaf, the raised image has Stanley in solar topee riding in the front of a boat with arm extended upward as if sweeping aside the palms and other exotic plants that are also pictured. For more information on the relationship between Stanley’s travels and Conrad’s writing see the following: Mary Golanka, ‘‘Mr. Kurtz, I Presume? Livingstone and Stanley as Prototypes of Kurtz and Marlow,’’ Studies in the Novel 17, no. 1 (1985): 194–202; M. M. Mahood, ‘‘Idols of the Tribe: Conrad’s Heart of Darkness,’’ in The Colonial Encounter (London: Rex Collings, 1977), 4–36; J. A. Richardson, ‘‘James S. Jameson and Heart of Darkness,’’ Notes and Queries 40, no. 1 (1993): 64–66; Ian Watt, Conrad in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1979), 144; and Tim Youngs, Travellers in Africa (Manchester: Manches- ter University Press, 1994). According to Irwin Porges’s Edgar Rice Burroughs, Notes 179

Burroughs claimed to have written the first Tarzan book with the help of ‘‘a 50-cent Sears dictionary and Stanley’s In Darkest Africa’’ (129); quoted in Marianne Torgovnick, Gone Primitive (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 26. 41 Iain R. Smith, The Emin Pasha Relief Expedition, 1886–1890 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972), 166 (hereafter cited as Emin Pasha). 42 Daniel Bivona, ‘‘Why Africa Needs Europe: From Livingstone to Stanley,’’ Chapter 2 in British Imperial Literature, 1870–1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 59 and 60. 43 When the original manuscript diaries were sold by a private party to a Belgian museum in the 1980s, the British government placed microfilm copies in the British Library. A few sections of the Perpetual Diaries have been published in The Exploration Diaries of H. M. Stanley, edited by Richard Stanley and Alan Neame (London: William Kimber, 1961). When a part of the Perpetual Diary that I am discussing appears in that volume, I cite the published version. Otherwise, all my citations from the manuscripts refer to the microfilm copy at the British Library. 44 Baker, Albert N’yanza, 232. 45 Stanley, Exploration Diaries, 86. 46 ‘‘The body interrogated in torture constituted the point of application of the punishment and the locus of extortion of the truth. And just as presumption was inseparably an element in the investigation and a fragment of guilt, the regulated pain involved in judicial torture was a means both of punishment and of investigation’’ (Foucault, Discipline, 42). 47 Alexander Maitland, Speke (London: Constable, 1971), 108. 48 Speke wrote this appraisal of Petherick in an 1859 letter to John Blackwood (quoted in Maitland, Speke, 107), and he urged him at another time to publish: ‘‘It has just struck me that you could not do better than write a short description of your travels in Africa, well loaded with amusing anec- dotes & fights with the natives. The thing would tell admirably just at present, and for the future would keep the world looking anxiously for your peregrinations’’ (quoted in Hammond and Jablow, The Africa That Never Was, 52). After the hassle at Gondokoro, Speke’s tune changed com- pletely, as is evident in the scoffing tone of an 1863 letter to the editor of the Athenaeum: ‘‘Petherick’s book I have never read and moreover do not wish to read it as it is well known that he never used an instrument by which he could tell where he went to’’ (December 19, 1863, quoted in Maitland, Speke, 191). 49 In Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile, Speke made little reference to Petherick’s consular position and claimed that Petherick ‘‘gratuitously offered, as it would not interfere with his [ivory] trade, to place boats at Gondokoro, and send a party of men up the White River to collect ivory in the mean while, and eventually to assist me in coming down’’ (33). Other sources seem to indicate that perhaps his aid was as much Speke’s idea as Petherick’s. 50 Alan Moorehead, The White Nile, 59. 51 [John] Petherick and [Katharine] Petherick, Travels in Central Africa, 2 vols. (London: Tinsley Brothers, 1869), 1:64. 52 Ibid., 1:64–5. 180 Notes

53 To learn more about Charles Speedy’s fascinating life, including his tempor- ary guardianship over Alamayu, son of King Theodore of Abyssinia, see John M. Gullick’s carefully researched article, ‘‘Captain Speedy of Larut,’’ Journal of the Malay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, no. 3 (1953): 1–105. 54 Cornelia Speedy, My Wanderings in the Soudan, 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley and Son, 1884), 1:42. 55 Martin Wiener, Reconstructing the Criminal (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 1990), 54. 56 These quotations and those contained in the following sentence come from Francis Galton, The Art of Travel,4th edn. (London: John Murray, 1867), 303. 57 Foucault, Discipline, 53. 58 Wiener, Reconstructing the Criminal, 57. 59 Drummond, Tropical Africa, 105. 60 Daniel Bivona, Desire and Contradiction (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990), 56. 61 Samuel Baker, Ismailı¨a (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1875), 56. 62 A similarly theatrical scene occurs later in Ismailı¨a when Baker, while holding a trial of a man named Suleiman who had beheaded a prisoner against Baker’s orders, describes changing the color of the lights in the trial room so as to create a more theatrical effect (310–21). 63 Stanley’s final exploring caravan consisted of over 900 Africans and a dozen Europeans. The sheer size of the expedition meant that food was very diffi- cult to find and wars over resources erupted between the traveling party and the indigenous tribes. For more information about Stanley’s quest to succor Emin Pasha, see the second chapter of the present study as well as Iain Smith, Emin Pasha. 64 Henry M. Stanley, In Darkest Africa, 2 vols. (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1890), 1:214. 65 Reade, Savage Africa, 383. 66 Scarry, The Body in Pain, 56. 67 Daniel R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 3. 68 ‘‘The Administrative Muddle in Africa,’’ Spectator, 20 Feb. 1897, 264. 69 Henry S. Wilson, The Imperial Experience in Sub-Saharan Africa, 82–7 (quoted in Youngs, Travellers in Africa, 92).

Chapter 2 Pulverization and the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition

1 Susan Stewart, On Longing: Narratives of the Miniature, the Gigantic, the Sou- venir, the Collection (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1993), 127. 2 The Times (London), 20 Jan. 1887, quoted in Iain Smith, Emin Pasha, 207. 3 Iain Smith, Emin Pasha, 299. 4 Much of the information in the following summary comes from Iain Smith’s excellent book, The Emin Pasha Relief Expedition, and Frank McLynn’s Stanley: Sorcerer’s Apprentice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992). 5 For more information on Gordon, consult Charles Chenevix Trench, The Road to Khartoum: A Life of General Charles Gordon (New York: Norton, 1979). Notes 181

6 For more information about the Mahdi and his followers consult Peter M. Holt, The Mahdist State in the Sudan, 1881–1898 (Oxford: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1970). 7 According to the majority of the relevant primary and secondary sources, Farran had most recently lived in Syria, but other commentators assign to him various ethnic/national identities. For instance, Bonny repeatedly re- ferred to Farran as ‘‘a Soudanese,’’ while James S. Jameson described him as ‘‘Arabic.’’ 8 Stanley, In Darkest Africa, 1:38. 9 Congolese reaction to this massive invasion was expressed succintly and powerfully in the words of a letter written to King Leopold in 1890 by George Washington Williams, an African-American who interviewed indigenous people immediately after the Expedition’s conclusion: ‘‘HENRY M. STAN- LEY’s name produces a shudder among this simple folk when mentioned; they remember his broken promises, his copious profanity, his hot temper, his heavy blows, his severe and rigorous measures, by which they were mulcted of their lands. His last appearance in the Congo produced a pro- found sensation among them, when he led 500 Zanzibar soldiers with 300 camp followers on his way to relieve EMIN PASHA. They thought it meant complete subjugation, and they fled in confusion. [B]ut the only thing they found in the wake of his march was misery. [ . . . H]is troops were allowed to straggle, sicken and die; and their bones were scattered over more than two hundred miles of territory:’’ George Washington Williams, ‘‘An Open Letter to His Serene Majesty Leopold II, King of the Belgians and Sovereign of the Independent State of the Congo,’’ in Heart of Darkness by Joseph Conrad, ed. Robert Kimbrough (New York: Norton, 1988), 252–3, original capitalization). 10 The anonymous author of ‘‘Mr. Stanley and the Rear Column. What Should the Verdict Be?’’, published in the Contemporary Review 58 (Nov.–Dec. 1890): 785–95, lamented the fact that Britons as a whole ‘‘gave [them]selves up to unbridled hero-worship’’ at the conclusion of the expedition (785). 11 In 1938, Stanley’s servant, William Hoffmann, published his reminiscences as With Stanley in Africa (London: Cassell, 1938). Also, Jephson’s manuscript diary covering the entire trip was discovered in a cupboard and subsequently published in 1969: The Diary of A. J. Mounteney Jephson, ed. Dorothy Mid- dleton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969). William Bonny’s very interesting diary has never been published, though there is a microfilm copy at the British Library (on the end of a microfilm roll that also contains a copy of part of Stanley’s manuscript diary of the trip). Perhaps this neglect owes something to Bonny’s role in the public telling of gruesome activities and his lower professional status in comparison to the other participants. 12 See, for example, the contract signed by Jameson in James S. Jameson, Story of the Rear Column of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition, ed. Mrs. J. S. [Ethel] Jameson (London: R. H. Porter, 1890, 377). Interestingly, the first man chosen by Stanley as the chief medical officer of the expedition, Dr. Leslie, refused to sign this contract and was therefore replaced by Thomas Parke (Iain Smith, Emin Pasha, 87). Jameson’s diary will be cited hereafter as Story. 13 In Darkest Africa did indeed make quite an impact when it first appeared on June 28, 1890. The New York Herald dubbed it an ‘‘exciting, engaging, earnest 182 Notes

book’’ (‘‘Stanley and Emin Pacha [sic],’’ 29 June 1890) and the London Times elevated it to near-mythic status when it claimed the narrative was ‘‘as moving and enthralling a tale as ever was told by man’’ (‘‘Mr. Stanley’s Book,’’ 28 June 1890). The book even became an international sensation, appearing nearly simultaneously in England, America, Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Norway, Sweden, Holland, Bohemia, and Hungary and selling 150,000 copies; see E. Marston, How Stanley Wrote In ‘Darkest Africa’ (London: Sampson Low, 1890), 59. 14 The time period was shortened as a result of court struggles between Troup and Stanley. While Stanley was still in Africa in April 1889, a letter written by Troup that condemned the actions of the Rear Column was printed in English newspapers. This resulted in censure by the Emin Pasha Relief Exped- ition Committee, and a year later – just before he published In Darkest Africa – Stanley obtained an interim injunction so that Troup could publish noth- ing else prior to the completion of the six-month period. Troup counter-sued for damages, and the settlement of this suit included a provision that Troup and the others could publish materials on or after October 15, 1890 (see Youngs, Travellers in Africa, 121). 15 Review of With Stanley’s Rear Column, by J. Rose Troup (Pall Mall Gazette,7 Nov. 1890). The Pall Mall Gazette had earlier commented, in a review of Jephson’s Emin Pasha and the Rebellion at the Equator, that ‘‘It was very pleasant, and even exciting, when there was only Stanley to reckon with, but when half-a-dozen little Stanleys turn writers of books, the prospect is awful’’: Review of Emin Pasha and the Rebellion at the Equator,by A. J. Mounteney Jephson (Pall Mall Gazette, 1 Nov. 1890). 16 Medical historian J. B. Lyons found Parke’s manuscript diary and published parts of it in a 1994 biography that for the first time chronicled the heavy involvement of Knott in the writing of Parke’s book, My Personal Experiences in Equatorial Africa (London: Sampson Low, Marston and Co., 1891). See Lyons, Surgeon-Major Parke’s African Journey, 1887–89 (Dublin: Lilliput Press, 1994). 17 Several people who reviewed the various texts related to the expedition commented on the widespread presence of flogging. For instance, a reviewer of Troup’s book in the Observer lamented that ‘‘Mr. Troup’s book is full of strange gaps, and his diaries, like those of Major Barttelot, consist for the most part not of any records that can be useful to science or civilisation, but merely of registers of the deaths and floggings of the men and of the dinners the officers were eating while their troops were starving’’ (‘‘Mr. Troup’s Book,’’ Observer, 9 Nov. 1890). 18 William Bonny, ‘‘Mr. Bonny’s Statement,’’ The Times, 10 Nov. 1890, emphasis added. 19 Ibid. 20 Ibid., emphasis added. The act of biting a person on the cheek was declared by the Spectator to be ‘‘simply impossible to a sane European’’ (‘‘Major Barttelot and Mr. Jameson,’’ Spectator, 15 Nov. 1890, 680). In his diary Barttelot admitted to having poked African political leaders, but said such violence was meant only as a threat of further harm: ‘‘I went to King Gondana and told him, giving him a smart prod with a stick, that unless guides were forthcoming in five minutes the Notes 183

soldiers would burn his village’’. Walter George Edmund Musgrave Barttelot, The Life of Edmund Musgrave Barttelot,3rd edn. (London: Bentley, 1890), 91. 21 ‘‘Mr. Bonny’s Statement’’; emphasis added. 22 Assad Farran, ‘‘Stanley’s Rear Column: Assad Farran’s Affidavit,’’ The Times, 14 Nov. 1890. 23 Henry M. Stanley, ‘‘Stanley’s Rear Column: Mr. Stanley’s Statement,’’ The Times, 8 Nov. 1890. 24 H. H. Johnston, ‘‘Stanley’s Rear-Guard and the Congo Scandals,’’ Speaker,15 Nov. 1890: 542. 25 Mary Louise Pratt, ‘‘Scratches on the Face of the Country; or, What Mr. Barrow Saw in the Land of the Bushmen,’’ in ‘‘Race,’’ Writing, and Differ- ence, ed. Henry Louis Gates, Jr. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 139. 26 Julia Kristeva, Powers of Horror, trans. Leon S. Roudiez (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 3–4, original emphasis. 27 Spurr, The Rhetoric of Empire, 80. 28 D. J. Nicoll, Stanley’s Exploits; or, Civilizing Africa (Aberdeen: James Leatham, 1890) 31. 29 S. E. Crowe, The Berlin West African Conference 1884–1885 (London: Long- mans, Green and Co., 1942), 5. The following sources have also influenced my interpretation of the Berlin Conference specifically and the ‘‘Scramble for Africa’’ more generally: Eric Axelson, The Partition of Africa, 1875–1891 (Jo- hannesburg: South African Broadcasting Corporation, 1964); Raymond F. Betts, ed., The ‘‘Scramble’’ for Africa: Causes and Dimensions of Empire (Boston: D. C. Heath, 1966); G. N. Uzoigwe, Britain and the Conquest of Africa (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1974); and H. L. Wesseling, Divide and Rule: The Partition of Africa, 1880–1914, trans. Arnold J. Pomerans (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1991). 30 Boahen, Africa Under Colonial Domination, 16. 31 Most historians today stress that the perception of imperial inevitability as early as 1890 represented wishful thinking more than reality. The problem it seems, is that while many boundaries had been settled upon by the European powers by 1890, the exercise of ‘‘effective occupation,’’ one of the tasks incumbent since the Berlin Conference on European nations who wished to make good their claims to hegemony in a particular area if challenged by another European nation, continued to result in uprisings and violent chal- lenges to imperialism that kept it from being solidified in any real way. 32 E. A. Maund, ‘‘On Matabele and Mashona Lands,’’ Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society 1891, 1. Maund had been in Matabeleland in 1889 hoping ‘‘to win favours for a trade concession’’ for a commercial company he led; see P. E. N. Tindall, A History of Central Africa (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1968), 144. 33 John Pope Hennessy, ‘‘The African Bubble,’’ Nineteenth Century 28 ( July 1890), 3. 34 ‘‘In Dirtiest Africa and the Way Out,’’ Pall Mall Gazette, 14 Nov. 1890. 35 This statement, from the Spectator, is quoted in ‘‘The Case for a Stanley Commission,’’ Pall Mall Gazette, 10 Nov. 1890. 36 ‘‘The Shooting of the Sudanese at Yambuya,’’ Pall Mall Gazette, 22 Nov. 1890. 37 ‘‘The Case for a Stanley Commission,’’ Pall Mall Gazette, 10 Nov. 1890. 184 Notes

38 Galton, The Art of Travel, 303. 39 Baker, Exploration, 531. 40 This amalgamation was also evident in the stand taken by the Aborigines Protection Society in response to the scandal. The London Times reported that at an evening meeting the Society decided that ‘‘What they now desired was that in any future expedition to the African continent steps might be taken to prevent such atrocities as had been reported during the last two or three months. All that they could do was to enter a protest against any expeditions being sent out which might inflict sufferings on the African natives. They all felt that the opening up of Africa, if it were done on proper lines, would be a great blessing to humanity; but it was to be feared that a good deal of the opening up of Africa had brought evil to the population rather than good. (Hear, hear.)’’ ‘‘The Aborigines Protection Society and the Congo Atrocities,’’ The Times, 13 Dec. 1890. 41 ‘‘The Moral of Yambuya,’’ Speaker, 22 Nov. 1890, 567. 42 Iain Smith, Emin Pasha, 299.

Chapter 3 Damaged bodies and imperial ideology in travel fiction

1 See, for example, Chapters 6, 8, and 9 in Brantlinger, Rule of Darkness, as well as Hammond and Jablow, The Africa That Never Was. In Rider Haggard and the Fiction of Empire (1), Wendy Katz quotes Graham Greene as writing in The Lost Childhood (1951) that ‘‘If it had not been for that romantic tale of Allan Quatermain, Sir Henry Curtis, Captain Good, and, above all, the ancient witch Gagool, would I at nineteen have studied the appointments list of the Colonial Office and very nearly picked on the Nigerian Navy for a career? And later, when surely I ought to have known better, the old African fixation remained.’’ 2 John A. McClure, Kipling and Conrad: The Colonial Fiction (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), 154. 3 Laura Chrisman, Rereading the Imperial Romance: British Imperialism and South African Resistance in Haggard, Schreiner, and Plaatje (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), 141. Joyce Avrech Berkman has also termed Schreiner’s political position in Trooper Peter ‘‘anti[-]imperial,’’ saying not only that the ‘‘conversion [of the British] to anti[-]imperialism was her goal’’ but also that the Jesus-figure asks Peter ‘‘to become a messenger to the English people, to summon them to end their support of imperialism’’: The Healing Imagination of Olive Schreiner: Beyond South African Colonialism (Amherst, Mass.: University of Massachu- setts Press, 1989), 111 and 112. 4 An instance of this tendency in literary studies to view imperialism as an undifferentiated phenomenon occurs in Wendy Katz’s rather vague state- ment that ‘‘the age of British imperialism, the historical background against which I will set Haggard’s romances, extends from about 1870 to 1914’’ (Rider Haggard and the Fiction of Empire, 16). 5 Examples of this approach include Brantlinger’s Rule of Darkness; Lawrence James, The Rise and Fall of the British Empire (New York: St. Martin’s Press Notes 185

1997), Thomas Pakenham’s The Scramble for Africa (New York: Avon Books, 1991), and Timothy H. Parsons, The British Imperial Century, 1815–1914 (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 1999. 6 Andrew Roberts, ed., The Colonial Moment in Africa: Essays on the Movement of Minds and Materials, 1900–1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 8. 7 The following studies provide helpful information on the Mandate System introduced after World War I: Siba N’Zatioula Grovogui, ‘‘Behind the Veil of the Trust,’’ Chapter 4 in Sovereigns, Quasi Sovereigns, and Africans; Lawrence James, ‘‘For the Benefit of Everyone: Concepts of Empire, 1919–1939,’’ Section 6 in Part III of The Rise and Fall of the British Empire; and Frederick Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa,2nd edn. (1923; reprint, London: Frank Cass, 1965). 8 Andrea White’s Joseph Conrad and the Adventure Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), Linda Dryden’s Joseph Conrad and the Imperial Romance (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2000), and Wendy Katz’s Rider Hag- gard and the Fiction of Empire all offer some attention to both Conrad and Haggard, while Laura Chrisman’s Rereading the Imperial Romance concentrates on Haggard and Schreiner among its three main subjects. 9 Haggard lived from 1856 to 1926; Schreiner, 1855 to 1920; and Conrad, 1857 to 1925. 10 C. C. Eldridge, The Imperial Experience from Carlyle to Forster (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996), 73 and 59. 11 Indeed, during the First World War Haggard recorded in a diary his feeling that he was vindicated now for having told the English people that they must be prepared to fight and not lose their martial spirit: ‘‘How often have I been vituperated by rose-water critics because I have written of fighting and tried to inculcate certain elementary lessons, such as that it is a man’s duty to defend his country, and that only those who are prepared for war can protect themselves and such as are dear to them. [ ...] Well, and today have I done any harm by inoculating a certain number of the thousands who are at the front with these primary facts, even although my work has been held to be so infinitely inferior to that of Oscar Wilde, Bernard Shaw, and others?’’ (16 Jan. 1915); quoted in D. S. Higgins, Rider Haggard: A Biography (New York: Stein and Day, 1981), 221. 12 H. Rider Haggard, King Solomon’s Mines (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 190–1, emphasis added. 13 Daniel R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire, 115. 14 Katz, Rider Haggard and the Fiction of Empire, 83. 15 This argument is made persuasively in Laura Chrisman, Rereading the Imperial Romance. Brantlinger discusses imperial romance and what he calls ‘‘imperial gothic’’ in Chapters 6 and 8 respectively of Rule of Darkness, and interesting interpretations can also be found in Chapter 6 of Peter Berresford Ellis, Rider Haggard: A Voice from the Infinite (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978). 16 Chrisman, Rereading the Imperial Romance, 31. 17 H. Rider Haggard, Allan Quatermain,inThree Adventure Novels (New York: Dover, 1951), 485. 18 Pakenham, The Scramble for Africa, 500. 186 Notes

19 For a succint discussion of the rebellion, please consult Tindall, A History of Central Africa, 166–76; for a fuller discussion, consult T. O Ranger, Revolt in Southern Rhodesia, 1896–7 (London: Heinemann, 1967). 20 Boahen, Africa Under Colonial Domination, 106. 21 These figures come from Parsons, The British Imperial Century, 1815–1914, 87. 22 Olive Schreiner, Trooper Peter Halket of Mashonaland (Boston: Roberts Broth- ers, 1897), 26 (hereafter referred to as Trooper Peter). 23 This use of a visit by Jesus was probably inspired, at least in part, by W. T. Stead’s If Christ Came to Chicago (London: Review of Reviews, 1894). 24 Schreiner, Trooper Peter, 16. Interestingly, a government official in Rhodesia had earlier used a similar analogy between weapons and farming equipment when describing the possibility of violence against the Ndebele. As reported by missionary C. D. Helm in a letter to the London Missionary Society, Sir Sidney Shippard had told him after the Rudd Concession was secured that the Ndebele were likely to be ‘‘cut down by our rifles and machine guns like a cornfield by a reaping machine’’ (quoted in Pakenham, The Scramble for Africa, 385). There is very little likelihood that Schreiner actually knew about this statement, but it is interesting that the sentiments are similar. 25 The quotation comes from Liz Stanley, ‘‘Encountering the Imperial and Colonial Past through Olive Schreiner’s Trooper Peter Halket of Mashonaland,’’ Women’s Writing 7, no. 2 (2000), 210. Carolyn Burdett has also noticed this disjuncture in styles, mentioning that Schreiner makes ‘‘the most uncomfortable discursive transitions be- tween a prose which borrows its cadence and rhythm from biblical text, announcing itself as allegoric, on the one hand; and, on the other the documentary-like details of Chartered Company policy in Mashonaland’’: Olive Schreiner and the Progress of Feminism: Evolution, Gender, Empire (Basing- stoke: Palgrave, 2001), 135. 26 The biographical information contained in the following three paragraphs relies on Schreiner’s letters and on Ruth First and Ann Scott’s biography. 27 First and Scott, Olive Schreiner, 40–1. 28 Letter to Catherine Findlay, 28 April 1875, reprinted in Olive Schreiner, Letters, Vol. 1, 1871–1899, ed. Richard Rive (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 16 (hereafter cited as Letters). 29 First and Scott, Olive Schreiner, 54. 30 The first quotation comes from a letter to Havelock Ellis, 28 Mar. 1884, in Schreiner, Letters, 36; the second is from a letter to Havelock Ellis, 8 Apr. 1884, in Schreiner, Letters, 37. 31 The first quotation comes from a letter to Rev. J. T. Lloyd, 29 Oct. 1892, in Schreiner, Letters, 213; the second comes from a letter to Betty Molteno [22 May 1896], in Schreiner, Letters, 266. 32 The epigraph above comes from Rev. G. W. Cross’s review of Trooper Peter Halket of Mashonaland printed in the Eastern Province Magazine (Cape Colony) on March 6, 1897, reprinted in Cherry Clayton, ed., Olive Schreiner (Johan- nesburg: McGraw Hill, 1983), 84. A typical statement about the tale’s relationship to Christianity is that made by Phyllis Lewsen: ‘‘Schreiner’s moving parable [ ...] echoes the New Testament’’: ‘‘Olive Schreiner’s Political Theories and Pamphlets’’ (1982), reprinted in Clayton, Olive Schreiner, 214. Notes 187

33 Gerald Monsman, Olive Schreiner’s Fiction (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Uni- versity Press, 1991), 111. 34 Abraham J. Heschel, The Prophets (1962; reprint, New York: Harper and Row, 1969), 10 and 11. 35 Letter to Rev. G. W. Cross, 4 Feb. 1897, in Schreiner, Letters, 301, original capitalization. 36 See, for example, Luke 14:35. 37 The first quotation comes from a letter to her brother, Will Schreiner, in December 1896, where she stated that it was to that public that ‘‘my little book is addressed’’ (in Schreiner, Letters, 299). Interestingly, she also told her brother that the book was not intended for ‘‘the South African public (who would not understand it).’’ 38 For example, in Ezekiel 7:21–3, God warns through the prophet Ezekiel that He will turn away from the suffering of Israel to teach a lesson:

I will hand it [Jerusalem] over to strangers as booty, to the wicked of the earth as plunder; they shall profane it. I will avert my face from them, so that they may profane my treasured place; the violent shall enter it, they shall profane it.

39 Perhaps this need to counteract the view of black men as savages also helps explain the fact that Schreiner’s parable never makes reference to white women living in Rhodesia. 40 Liz Stanley, ‘‘Encountering the Imperial and Colonial Past through Olive Schreiner’s Trooper Peter Halket of Mashonaland,’’ 202. 41 Joyce Avrech Berkman has found a similar refusal on Olive Schreiner’s part to support black militant resistance in Schreiner’s later discussions of militancy during the period following the Anglo-Boer War. She writes, ‘‘[Schreiner] never delineated the constructive dimensions of black militance as she did for suffragette militance or for other European and American revolutionary movements. Perhaps in this respect more than any other, Schreiner exposed the white liberal prejudices that some scholars and writers have accused her of harboring’’ (The Healing Imagination of Olive Schreiner, 123). 42 Heschel, Prophets, 204–5, emphasis added. 43 Ibid., 12, original emphasis. 44 Liz Stanley, ‘‘Encountering the Imperial and Colonial Past,’’ 211; Stephen Gray, ‘‘The Trooper at the Hanging Tree,’’ English in Africa 2, no. 2 (Sept. 1975), reprinted in Clayton, Olive Schreiner, 203; Monsman, Olive Schreiner’s Fiction, 121. 45 Chrisman, Rereading the Imperial Romance, 13, original emphasis. 46 Burdett, Olive Schreiner and the Progress of Feminism, 129, emphasis added. 47 Letter to W. P. Schreiner, 29 June 1898, in Schreiner, Letters, 333. 48 Letter, 9 July 1886, in Schreiner, Letters, 93. 49 Several critics have indeed read the Christian sentiments as ironic and con- cluded that Schreiner satirizes a religious response to the rebellion. Liz Stanley’s essay, ‘‘Encountering the Imperial and Colonial Past,’’ probably 188 Notes

presents this view the most vehemently. For instance, Stanley says that the novel ‘‘pivots around a deeply ironic use of Christianity against itself,’’ that the Jesus-figure’s long speeches about compassion and morality are ‘‘calcu- lated to put believers to sleep,’’ and that Schreiner ‘‘actually undermines and rejects the comforting Christian mythology that one final deathbed act of redemption can expiate the past’’ (210, original emphasis). 50 Olive Schreiner, ‘‘The Dawn of Civilisation,’’ reprinted in Schreiner, An Olive Schreiner Reader, ed. by Carol Barash (London: Pandora, 1987), 219. 51 Letter to Rebecca Schreiner, [Feb.-Mar. 1886], in Schreiner, Letters, 268. 52 Letter to Ettie Stakesby Lewis, 25 May 1896, in Schreiner, Letters, 279, original emphasis. In mentioning the ‘‘Logan Contract,’’ Schreiner refers to a crooked agreement between Rhodes (when he was prime minister of the Cape Colony) and an entrepreneur named James Logan whereby Logan gained a monopoly on railroad station refreshments without the government taking competitive bids; see Robert I. Rotberg, The Founder (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 372–3). 53 From the time of the disastrous Jameson Raid in December 1895, Schreiner had been convinced that the Company had to be suppressed. ‘‘The future of South Africa,’’ she explained to W. T. Stead, ‘‘lies largely in the hands of England now: if the English public and the English Government do not make it perfectly clear that they unrestrictedly and entirely condemn the action of Rhodes, and do not take away the Charter and remove Rhodes from all positions of trust, there will never be rest and trust of England in this country’’ (Schreiner, Letters, 166). Events in Rhodesia simply reinforced Schreiner’s hatred of the Company and made her more eager than ever for Rhodes’s removal from public life in Africa. 54 Schreiner, ‘‘The Native Question’’ (1908), reprinted in Schreiner, An Olive Schreiner Reader, ed. Barash, 195. 55 Requests for protection came from Swaziland, Basutoland, and Bechuana- land, among others; see Boahen, Africa Under Colonial Domination, 94–107. 56 In 1893, Lobengula sent three indunas (warriors) to ask the British High Commissioner for South Africa for protection against the BSAC, which was threatening to invade Matabeleland, ostensibly in response to Ndebele raids against Shona living around Fort Victoria. When the indunas, who were traveling with a white trader, spent the night at a police post in the British Bechuanaland protectorate, two of them were shot dead during a scuffle with Bechuanaland police; see Judith Todd, Rhodesia (Bristol: MacGibbon and Kee, 1966), 21. 57 The belief that Englishmen (and women) can effect reform was supple- mented by Schreiner’s belief that South Africans of English descent also would do the right thing: South African critic Isabel Hofmeyr says that Schreiner ‘‘harbour[ed] a tenuous optimism that justice, equality, and the rightness of the liberal democracy would come to triumph via the operation of the ‘enlightened’ liberal remnant of the English community’’ (‘‘South African Liberalism and the Novel,’’ reprinted in Clayton, Olive Schreiner, 155). 58 The quotation comes from a letter to Betty Molteno [July 1896], in Schreiner, Letters, 287. 59 Letter to W. T. Stead [Oct. 1896], in Schreiner, Letters, 292. Notes 189

60 Letter to W. P. Schreiner, 20 Apr. 1895, in Schreiner, Letters, 250–1. Marshall Clarke was appointed the first resident commissioner in Basutoland when it was transferred from Cape Colony jurisdiction to direct rule by the British Government in 1884, and from 1893 to 1898 he served as resident commis- sioner of Zululand, which had been annexed in 1887 following one of several fiercely fought ‘‘Zulu Wars’’ (see Rive’s footnotes in Schreiner, Letters, 250). For a fresh and fascinating analysis of a resident commissioner in South Africa’s mandate territory after the First World War, see Patricia Hayes, ‘‘ ‘Cocky’ Hahn and the ‘Black Venus’: The Making of a Native Commissioner in South West Africa, 1915–1946,’’ in Cultures of Empire, edited by Catherine Hall (New York: Routledge, 2000), 329–55. 61 The first quotation is taken from a letter to Alfred Mattison, 13 April 1896, in Letters, 273, and the latter comes from a letter to Betty Molteno, December 1897, in Letters, 322. 62 This idea does not seem at all far-fetched when one considers Schreiner’s articulation in ‘‘The Native Question’’ of protection and civilization of black Africans as the only guarantee of continued white dominance. In that essay, published in 1908, she said, ‘‘If by entering on a long and difficult course of strictly just treatment, as between man and man, we [meaning the Dutch and the English] can bind our dark races to us through their sense of justice and gratitude [ . . . ] if we do not fail to realise that the true crown of honour on the head of a dominant class is that it leads and teaches, not uses and crushes, [ . . . ] then I think the future of South Africa promises greatness and strength. But if we fail in this [ . . . ] then I would rather draw a veil over the future of this land’’ (reprinted in Schreiner, An Olive Schreiner Reader, ed. Barash, 192–3). 63 Quoted in Ranger, Revolt in Southern Rhodesia, 374. 64 Todd, Rhodesia, 169. 65 Reprinted in Clayton, Olive Schreiner, 83. 66 Full-length studies of Conrad’s treatment of political issues, including im- perialism, include the following: Benita Parry, Conrad and Imperialism (London: Macmillan, 1983); Avrom Fleishman, Conrad’s Politics (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1967); Eloise Knapp Hay, The Political Novels of Joseph Conrad (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963); and Peter Edgerly Firchow, Envisioning Africa: Racism and Imperialism in Conrad’s Heart of Dark- ness (Lexington, Ky.: The University Press of Kentucky). 67 For a basic introduction to Buddhist principles, see Donald S. Lopez, The Story of Buddhism: A Concise Guide to its History and Teachings (San Francisco: Harper, 2001). 68 In addition, the fourth listener (the frame narrator) can probably be thought of as a figure for the reader who is encouraged to think and act rightly about the empire rather than staying passive in the light of horrific abuses. 69 Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness,3rd edn., ed. Robert Kimbrough (New York: Norton, 1988), 68 (hereafter cited as Heart of Darkness). 70 Joseph Conrad, A Personal Record,inHeart of Darkness, 192. 71 Katz, Rider Haggard and the Fiction of Empire, 61. 72 The quotation comes from Michael P. Jones, Conrad’s Heroism (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1985), 70. 73 Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Random House, 1993), 61. 190 Notes

74 In German territories in East Africa and South-West Africa rebellions oc- curred – and were violently suppressed – between the end of the Berlin Conference and the time of Conrad’s novella; see Woodruff Smith, The German Colonial Empire (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1978), 51–65). In areas controlled by Portuguese companies in Mozambique, 16 different uprisings had to be contended with between 1890 and 1905; see Boahen, Africa Under Colonial Domination, 90. The second half of the 1890s witnessed a British push for effective occupa- tion in West Africa, and even though territory was mainly gained by means of treaties, military force was used on numerous occasions (such as the war against the Oba of Benin, whose killing of a British envoy in 1897 led to a punitive expedition that sacked Benin City). The French relied even more heavily on military means to create a very large empire in north- west and western Africa. They crushed several powerful indigenous states in West Africa in the 1880s and 1890s, including the Kingdom of Dahomey, the Soninke empire, and the Segu Tukuloor empire (Boahen, Africa Under Colonial Domination, 16–17). Four-fifths of the French colonial budget went to the military (Michael Crowder, West Africa Under Colonial Rule, Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1968, 77). 75 Earlier, Marlow described a map of Africa he saw in Brussels that contained ‘‘a vast amount of red – good to see at any time because one knows that some real work is done in there – [and] a deuce of a lot of blue, a little green, smears of orange, and, on the East Coast, a purple patch, to show where the jolly pioneers of progress drink the jolly lager-beer’’ (Heart of Darkness, 13). The color ‘‘blue’’ represented French-controlled areas. 76 Ian Watt, Conrad in the Nineteenth Century, 219; Conrad, Heart of Darkness, 18. 77 Two articles by Hunt Hawkins offer a very good introduction to Conrad’s relationship to the Congo reform movement: ‘‘Conrad’s Critique of Imperi- alism in Heart of Darkness,’’ PMLA 94, no. 2 (1979), 286–99, and ‘‘Joseph Conrad, Roger Casement, and the Congo Reform Movement,’’ Journal of Modern Literature 9, no. 1 (1981–2), 65–80. To gain a rich sense of the rhetoric and goals of the reformers, I recommend H. R. Fox Bourne, Civilisation in Congoland: A Story of International Wrong-Doing (London: P. S. King and Son, 1903); Edmund Morel, King Leopold’s Rule in Africa (London: Heinemann, 1904) and Red Rubber (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1906); and Mark Twain, ‘‘King Leopold’s Soliloquy,’’ in Following the Equator and Anti-Imperialist Essays (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). 78 Neal Ascherson, The King Incorporated: Leopold the Second and the Congo (1963; London: Granta Books, 1999), 253. 79 Ibid., 253. 80 This scene is described on p. 23 of Conrad, Heart of Darkness. 81 Other critics have pointed out the connection between the Russian trader and the Stokes affair yet the full implications of this character have not been satisfactorily explained. Interpretations of the trader’s significance have varied pretty considerably and are scattered within the literature on Conrad. Two good specialized studies are Yusur Al-Madani’s ‘‘Heart of Darkness: The Russian and Conrad’s Vision of the Colonial Experience,’’ L’epoque Conradienne 25 (1999): 27–39, and James Morgan, ‘‘ ‘Harlequin in Hell’: Marlow and the Russian Sailor in Conrad’s Heart of Darkness,’’ Notes 191

Conradiana 33, no. 1 (spring 2001), 40–8. It seems plausible to me that Conrad makes his trader-figure a Russian (a choice which might appear rather strange) to emphasize that free trade really was meant to include people from all nations – even one that had almost no practical or romantic interest in Africa, such as Russia. 82 Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 39. 83 Park’s Travels in the Interior of Africa appeared in 1799; Bruce’s five-volume Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile was published in 1790. 84 In the manuscript version, the note of despair about this failure of capitalism was even more pronounced, for after Marlow’s statement that the trader ‘‘crawled as much as the veriest savage of them all’’ when it came to wor- shipping Kurtz, the following words appear: ‘‘And his was a sturdy alle- giance, soaring bravely above the facts which it could see with a bewilderment and a sorrow akin to despair’’ (Heart of Darkness, 58). 85 Jeremy Hawthorn has offered the possibility that both the red and blue pockets represent Britain because those are the main colors of the Union Jack (Joseph Conrad: Narrative Technique and Ideological Commitment, London: Edward Arnold, 1990, 194). Thus, he argues, Conrad suggests that Britain itself has turned to using a combination of force and trade to maintain a colonial presence in Africa. 86 Georges Duby, The Three Orders: Feudal Society Imagined, trans. Arthur Gold- hammer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980) and Marc Bloch, Feudal Society, trans. L. A. Manyon (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961) remain excellent introductions to feudal relationships. 87 Marlow also depicted questioning eyes and the need for empathy when describing the suffering individuals at the Grove of Death: ‘‘I began to distinguish the gleam of the eyes under the trees. [ ...] The black bones reclined at full length with one shoulder against the tree, and slowly the eyelids rose and the sunken eyes looked up at me, enormous and vacant, a kind of blind, white flicker in the depths of the orbs which died out slowly’’ (Heart of Darkness, 20). 88 Similarities also exist between Marlow’s portrayal of the helmsman and Schreiner’s depiction of the Shona captive at the moment of his being freed by Peter Halket. She too emphasizes the role of an African’s eyes in convincing onlookers of their responsibility: ‘‘Peter Halket looked up at him: the man seemed dead. [ . . . ] The man opened his eyes slowly, without raising his head, and looked at Peter from under his weary eyebrows. Except that they moved, they might have been the eyes of a dead thing’’ (Trooper Peter, 126). 89 A. J. Wauters, Histoire politique du Congo belge, quoted in Samuel Nelson, Colonialism in the Congo Basin, 1880–1940 (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Center for International Studies, 1994), 113.

Chapter 4 Blurring boundaries, forming a discipline

1 A Tahitian named Omai accompanied Cook to England in the late eight- eenth century and was alternately lionized and analyzed by London society. He had his own lodgings, met Samuel Johnson and King George III, and had 192 Notes

his portrait painted by Joshua Reynolds (Alan Moorehead, The Fatal Impact New York: Harper and Row, 1966, 64–70). More information about Columbus and the people he took to Europe can be found in the following biographies: Felipe Fernandez-Armesto, Columbus (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991); Miles H. Davidson, Columbus Then and Now: A Life Re-examined (Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997) and Gianni Granzotto, Christopher Columbus, trans. Stephen Sartarelli (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1985). 2 See the chapter ‘‘Travelers and Savages: The Data of Victorian Ethnology (1830–1858),’’ in George Stocking, Jr.’s Victorian Anthropology (New York: Free Press, 1987) for an excellent short introduction to scientific use of travel narratives in the Victorian period. Robert Thornton’s ‘‘Narrative Ethnog- raphy in Africa, 1850 –1920,’’ Man, 18 (September 1983), 502–20, also offers useful information regarding the connection between travel writing and the development of anthropology. 3 Michael M. Ames, Cannibal Tours and Glass Boxes: The Anthropology of Museums (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1992), 141. Stocking’s ‘‘Travelers and Savages’’ does not analyze travelers’ collecting techniques or their relationship to objects. Conversely, two collections of essays – Susan M. Pearce, ed., Interpreting Objects and Collections (London: Routledge, 1994) and George Stocking, Jr., ed., Bones, Bodies, Behavior (Madi- son, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988) – contain discussions of collecting and collectors but do not directly address travelers. 4 Stocking, Victorian Anthropology, 47. 5 Brantlinger, Rule of Darkness, 177–9. 6 Stephen Arata, Fictions of Loss in the Victorian Fin de Sie`cle (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 7 Pratt, Imperial Eyes,7. 8 William Allen and T. R. H. Thomson, A Narrative of the Expedition Sent by Her Majesty’s Government to the River Niger in 1841, 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley, 1848), 1:37–8. 9 Allen and Thomson, Narrative of the Expedition, 1:96–7. 10 Oscar Peschel, The Races of Man and Their Geographical Distribution (London: Henry S. King, 1876), 60. 11 J. C. Nott and George R. Gliddon, Types of Mankind (Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo, 1854), xxix. 12 See Annie E. Coombes, Reinventing Africa (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 7–28. 13 Anne McClintock makes a similar argument about Victorian travelers’ fetishization of products like soap and medicines in Imperial Leather, 214–31. 14 Richard Burton, The Lake Regions of Central Africa (1860; reprint, New York: Horizon Press, 1961), 2:276. 15 Burton’s own description of the collecting incident in the book on Zanzibar reads as follows: ‘‘Limbs were scattered in all directions, and heads lay like pebbles upon the beach [at Kilwa]: here I collected the 24 skulls afterwards deposited in the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons, and which it is said (Journal Anthro Soc No. 28, xli.) Professor Busk is now investigating. They were gathered at random; doubtless they belonged to both sexes, and Notes 193

they represented chiefly the slave population’’ (Zanzibar, London: Tinsley Brothers, 1872, 2:346). 16 For a fuller description of this expedition, see Chapter 2 of the present study. 17 Iain Smith, Emin Pasha, 87. 18 Ian Watt appears to have been the first to identify Jameson as a possible source for Kurtz; a footnote in Conrad in the Nineteenth Century says that Jameson was ‘‘closer to Kurtz than the other candidates in one respect,’’ having been accused of ‘‘indulg[ing] in cannibal orgies’’ (144). J. A. Richard- son also makes a convincing case for Kurtz’s similarity to Jameson in ‘‘James S. Jameson and Heart of Darkness.’’ 19 Though Muhammed was a known slave-trader, Stanley negotiated with King Leopold of Belgium to have him appointed governor of a large portion of l’Etat Independant du Congo in exchange for his aid on the relief expedition. For information about this and other aspects of Stanley’s complicated deal- ings with Muhammed, please consult Iain Smith, Emin Pasha. 20 Though Jameson was no longer alive to defend himself against either of these charges, having died before Stanley ‘‘rescued’’ the Pasha, his widow, Ethel Jameson, and his brother Andrew together published in the London Times a letter Jameson had directed to the Emin Pasha Relief Committee shortly before his death (‘‘Mr. Jameson’s Own Story,’’ 15 Nov. 1890). Their attempt to vindicate him on the charge of abetting cannibalism seems to have failed, however, since the public recognized that Jameson’s version of events differed very little from that promulgated by Farran and Bonny. Stanley expressed the view of many when he said that ‘‘Jameson’s own letter [was] the most damaging evidence against him’’ (‘‘Stanley’s Rear-Guard,’’ New York Times, 22 Nov. 1890). I wish also, however, to emphasize that I am not interested in determining the truth about what Jameson did or did not do. Any attempt to figure out if a head was preserved or a girl offered to cannibals by Jameson over one hundred years ago would be not only foolhardy but dangerous. Such an investigation would risk recapitulating the same psychological categories and social divides that were produced by the original scandals. I prefer instead to focus on the written representations of Jameson’s acts by his traveling companions as well as by journalists. 21 Stocking, Victorian Anthropology, 258. 22 Anthropology Review 6 (Jan. 1868), p. 75, quoted in Mary Cowling, The Artist as Anthropologist (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989) 11. 23 The Department of Anthropology within the Biology section had been formed in 1866; Ethnology continued to be a department within Section E along with Geography (Stocking, Victorian Anthropology, 263). 24 F. Max Mu¨ller, ‘‘Address to the Anthropological Section of the British Associ- ation for the Advancement of Science,’’ Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 21 (1891): 179. 25 Henrika Kuklick, The Savage Within: The Social History of British Anthropology, 1885–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 41. 26 William Greenslade, Degeneration, Culture and the Novel 1880–1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 112. 27 James George Frazer, The Golden Bough,3rd edn., (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1976), 1: 221. 194 Notes

28 Ibid., 221. 29 Ibid., 221. 30 See Brian Doyle, ‘‘English as a Masculine Profession,’’ in English and English- ness (London: Routledge, 1989), 68–93, for a brief discussion of the mascu- linization that accompanied the solidification of English as a discipline. 31 ‘‘Stanley’s Rear-Guard.’’ 32 Rider Haggard, She, 165. 33 Henry M. Stanley, ‘‘Further Statement by Mr. Stanley,’’ The Times, 10 Nov. 1890. 34 Jameson, Story, 204. 35 ‘‘Mr. Bonny and the Cannibal Story,’’ The Times, 14 Nov. 1890. 36 John Duncan, Travels in Western Africa in 1845 and 1846 (1847; London: Frank Cass, 1968), 1:233. 37 ‘‘Mr. Bonny and the Cannibal Story,’’ emphasis added. 38 A Belgian newspaper, the Independance Belge, reported that two Belgian offi- cers attributed Jameson’s actions to his desire to be a successful naturalist: ‘‘One of [the officers] confirms the assertion of an English missionary that he (the missionary) had seen in Mr. Jameson’s tent an object which eloquently betrayed the naturalist tastes of Mr. Jameson – a negro’s head, with his skin preserved in a glass vessel, which head Mr. Jameson sent before his death to the English naturalist, Rowland Ward’’ (quoted in The Times, 14 Nov. 1890). 39 ‘‘G.,’’ Letter, Pall Mall Gazette (London), 18 Nov. 1890. 40 Report of the 54th Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, xxii, quoted in George Stocking, Jr., ‘‘The Ethnographer’s Magic: Fieldwork in British Anthropology from Tylor to Malinowski,’’ in The Ethnog- rapher’s Magic (Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992), 18. 41 Kuklick mentions that ‘‘Not until after World War I, when colonial authority seemed secure in most parts of the Empire, did it become routine for anthro- pologists to go into the field to collect their own data for analysis, and the discipline’s altered methodology was at least a partial funciton of political change, for anthropologists could be reasonably confident that peoples accustomed to defer to colonial rulers would be cooperative subjects’’ (Savage Within, 287). 42 ‘‘Stanley Welcomed in Verse,’’ New York Herald (12 Jan. 1890), London edi- tion. 43 Helpful analyses of Victorian commercialization and commodification can be found in Daniel Miller, Material Culture and Mass Consumption (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987) and Thomas Richards, The Commodity Culture of Victor- ian Britain (London: Verso, 1990). 44 Havelock Ellis, The New Spirit (1890; Boston: Houghton and Mifflin, 1926), 8. 45 A highly readable account of Linnaeus’s taxonomy can be found in Daniel J. Boorstin, The Discoverers (New York: Random House, 1983), 420–76. 46 For instance, on his Zambezi expedition of the late 1850s David Livingstone engaged artist Thomas Baines. After a stint in Cape Town painting ornamen- tal signs, Baines had been employed as an official war artist during the Kaffir War of 1850–53. He also held the position of official artist on a government- sponsored expedition in Australia from 1855–57. See Tim Jeal, Livingstone (London: Heinemann, 1973), 198. Notes 195

47 ‘‘The Log of the Rear Guard,’’ New York Times, 17 Nov. 1890. 48 Stanley, ‘‘Stanley’s Rear Column: Mr. Stanley’s Statement.’’ 49 ‘‘Mr. Stanley and the Rear Column. What Should the Verdict Be?’’, 794. 50 Francis Galton, ‘‘Opening Remarks by the President,’’ Journal of the Anthropo- logical Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 15 (1885), 337. 51 ‘‘Where is Assad Farran?’’ Star, 8 Nov. 1890, original capitalization. 52 T. Minh-ha Trinh, Woman, Native, Other (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana Univer- sity Press, 1989), 141, original emphasis. 53 Assad Farran, ‘‘Stanley’s Rear Column: Assad Farran’s Affidavit.’’ 54 For discussions of developments within current anthropology, please consult Paul Benson, ed., Anthropology and Literature (Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 1993); James Clifford, The Predicament of Culture (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988); James Clifford and George E. Marcus, eds., Writing Culture (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986); and George E. Marcus and Dick Cushman, ‘‘Ethnographies as Texts,’’ Annual Review of Anthropology 11 (1982): 25–69. For analysis of anthropology in relation to colonialism and postcolonialism, see Talal Asad, ed., Anthropol- ogy and the Colonial Encounter (London: Ithaca Press, 1973) and Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon, eds., Women Writing Culture (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995). Micaela di Leonardo offers trenchant evaluation of postmodern anthropology in Exotics at Home: Anthropologies, Others, American Modernity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998); and P. Steven Sangren and Kevin K. Birth each provide negative reactions to the rejection of objectivity in current cultural/social anthropol- ogy: Sangren, ‘‘Rhetoric and the Authority of Ethnography,’’ Current Anthro- pology 29, no. 3 (1988), 405–35, and Birth, ‘‘Reading and the Righting of Writing Ethnographies,’’ American Ethnologist, 17, no. 3 (1990): 549–57. 55 David K. Van Keuren’s excellent essay, ‘‘Museums and Ideology: Augustus Pitt-Rivers, Anthropological Museums, and Social Change in Later Victorian Britain’’, Victorian Studies 28 (1984), 171–89, offers more information on Pitt- Rivers, his museum at Oxford, and the academic institutionalization of anthropology. 56 Coombes, Reinventing Africa, 122. 57 In the first decade of the twentieth century, using as models both his own collected objects and Africans and African-Americans living in Paris, Ward sculpted African scenes and ‘‘types.’’ Some of his sculptures were purchased by the Muse´e Nationale at Nantes, the Luxembourg Museum, and the Johan- nesburg Art Gallery; the Socie´te´ des Artistes franc¸ais awarded him two medals; and in 1911 he was granted the Cross of the Legion of Honour (Sarita Ward, A Valiant Gentleman, London: Chapman and Hall, n.d., 164–78). 58 Sarita Ward, A Valiant Gentleman, 265–7. 59 Herbert Ward, Five Years with the Congo Cannibals (1890; 3rd edn, New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969), 268. 60 Nicholas Daly, ‘‘That Obscure Object of Desire: Victorian Commodity Cul- ture and Fictions of the Mummy,’’ Novel 28, no. 1 (1994): 39. 61 Ibid., 36. 62 Tracey Jean Boisseau, ‘‘ ‘They Called Me Bebe Bwana’: A Critical Cultural Study of an Imperial Feminist,’’ 120. In fairness, however, I should add that in her expanded version of the Signs essay, printed as the introduction to her 196 Notes

new edition of Sultan to Sultan, Boisseau considerably tones down her earlier disparagement of French-Sheldon’s scientific claims. For instance, in the introduction she now says simply that French-Sheldon’s ‘‘work was of limited interest to geographers or anthropologists’’ and that her achieve- ments ‘‘did not warrant the ongoing attention of the elite scientific soci- eties’’ (‘‘May French-Sheldon’s Invention of Self,’’ Introduction to Sultan to Sultan by May French-Sheldon, 28 and 29). 63 ‘‘A Lady in Africa,’’ review of Sultan to Sultan, by M[ay] French-Sheldon, Critic, 1 Apr. 1893, 193, original emphasis. 64 ‘‘What She Saw in Africa: Mrs. French-Sheldon’s Lecture on her Travels,’’ New York Times, 22 Mar. 1892. 65 ‘‘The Anthropological Institute,’’ The Times, 13 Jan. 1892. French-Sheldon took this ‘‘rich and rare’’ exhibit to Chicago’s World Fair in 1893, where she gave a lecture about her collected materials and displayed them in the Woman’s Building alongside selected Smithsonian exhibits of handicrafts made by Native American women; see Jeanne Madeline Weimann, The Fair Women (Chicago: Academy, 1981), 442, and Fannie Williams, ‘‘A ‘White Queen’ in Africa,’’ Chatauquan 18, no. 3 (1893), 344). 66 A notable exception is John Hanning Speke, whose Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile contains pictures of beadwork, headdresses, and other cultural artifacts. 67 Lt.-Col. E. Elers-Napier, Excursions in Southern Africa (London: William Shoberl, 1850), 275. 68 Vincent P. Pecora, Households of the Soul (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univer- sity Press, 1997), 141. 69 See Arata, Fictions of Loss, 38–53, and Greenslade, Degeneration, 83–5, for further examination of civilization and primitivism in The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde.

Chapter 5 Women travelers and verbal violence

1 Frances Power Cobbe, ‘‘Wife-Torture in England’’ (Contemporary Review, April 1878; reprinted in Susan Hamilton, ed., ‘‘Criminals, Idiots, Women and Minors’’: Victorian Writings by Women on Women (Ontario, Canada: Broad- view, 1995), 148. 2 Editor’s column, New York Herald, 5 February 1887. 3 Wilkie Collins, Armadale (1866; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 312. 4 George Eliot, Daniel Deronda (1876; London: Penguin, 1995), 245. George Meredith, Diana of the Crossways, revised edn. (1897; New York: Norton, 1973), 47. 5 Anthony Trollope, The Way We Live Now (1875; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 443. 6 Catherine Barnes Stevenson, ‘‘Female Anger and African Politics: The Case of Two Victorian ‘Lady Travellers,’ ’’ Turn-of-the-Century Women 2, no. 1 (1985): 14. On page 8, Stevenson cites a very striking passage from H. Rider Haggard’s Allan Quatermain (1887) that illustrates the perceived similarity between women and Africans: ‘‘My dear young lady, what are those pretty things around your own neck? – they have a strong family resemblance, especially Notes 197

when you wear that very low dress, to the savage woman’s beads. Your habit of turning round and round to the sound of horns and tom-toms, your fondness for pigments and powders, the way in which you love to subjugate yourself to the rich warrior who has captured you in marriage, and the quickness with which your taste in feathered headdresses varies – all these things suggest touches of kinship.’’ 7 John Mackenzie, Day-Dawn in Dark Places (London: Cassell, 1883), 220–1. Like Mackenzie, David Livingstone observed about the Tswana that ‘‘Their disputes are usually conducted with great volubility and noisy swearing’’ (Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa, New York: Harper, 1858, 503). 8 Anthony Sattin, Introduction to Letters from Egypt, by Florence Nightingale (New York: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987), 13. 9 For more information about other women travelers to Egypt, please consult Maria H. Frawley, A Wider Range (Rutherford, N. J.: Associated University Press, 1994), 131–59, and Billie Melman, Women’s Orients (Ann Arbor: Uni- versity of Michigan Press, 1992). 10 Amelia B. Edwards, Pharaohs, Fellahs, and Explorers (1891; New York: Harper, 1901), x. 11 Edwards also gave lectures and wrote articles about women’s lives in ancient Egypt and she publicly supported the Married Women’s Property Act of 1882 (Dea Birkett, Spinsters Abroad, 201). 12 Melman, Women’s Orients, 259. 13 Ibid., 262. 14 Amelia B. Edwards, A Thousand Miles Up the Nile,2nd edn. (London: George Routledge and Sons, 1891), 293 (hereafter cited as Thousand Miles). 15 The real name of ‘‘the Painter’’ was Edward McCalum; he was ‘‘an experi- enced traveller and Orientalist artist’’ (Melman, Women’s Orients, 259). 16 Margaret Bunson, ‘‘Thoth’s Book,’’ in The Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt (New York: Gramercy Books, 1991), 264. 17 The ‘‘l’’ in ‘‘salvage’’ would most likely have been silent in Shakespeare’s England; thus the word was equivalent to ‘‘savage’’ (Alden T. Vaughan and Virginia Mason Vaughan, Shakespeare’s Caliban, Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1991, 7). 18 Vaughan and Vaughan provide an excellent historical survey of cultural interpretations and political uses of the Caliban character from the sixteenth century through the late twentieth century. For our purposes, it is important to note that in Latin America and Africa two ‘‘diametrically opposite’’ inter- pretations of Caliban dominated twentieth century thought: ‘‘Caliban as exemplar of imperialist oppressors (the prevalent view in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries) or Caliban as emblem of oppressed natives (prevalent in recent decades)’’ (Shakespeare’s Caliban, 145). 19 Melman, Women’s Orients, 271. 20 Though little analysis of Cornelia Speedy’s work and life exists, some bio- graphical information can be gleaned from John M. Gullick’s article, ‘‘Cap- tain Speedy of Larut,’’ which discusses Charles Speedy’s experiences in the South Asian Seas. 21 In ‘‘Mary Kingsley – A Reassessment,’’ J. E. Flint offers a convincing argument that Mary Kingsley wrote West African Studies mainly to help the cause of 198 Notes

British traders who despised colonial government and wanted a greater say in the economic and political relationship between West African societies and Britain: Journal of African History 6, no. 1 (1963), 95–104. 22 Older, standard biographies of Kingsley include Stephen Gwynn, The Life of Mary Kingsley (London: Macmillan, 1932); Olwen Campbell, Mary Kingsley: A Victorian in the Jungle (London: Methuen, 1957); and Cecil Howard, Mary Kingsley (London: Hutchinson, 1957). Both Kathleen Wallace’s This Is Your Home: A Portrait of Mary Kingsley (Melbourne: Heinemann, 1956) and Helen Simpson’s A Woman Among Wild Men (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1938) appear to have been targeted primarily for adolescent or young adult female audiences interested in finding courageous female role models. More recent texts that showcase Kingsley as a feminist and/or imperialist heroine for adult audiences include Dea Birkett, Mary Kingsley: Imperial Adventuress (London: Macmillan, 1992); Katherine Frank, A Voyager Out (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1986); and Catherine Barnes Stevenson, Victorian Women Travel Writers in Africa (Boston: Twayne, 1982). 23 Salome C. Nnoromele, ‘‘Gender, Race, and Colonial Discourse in the Travel Writings of Mary Kingsley,’’ Victorian Newsletter, 90 (fall 1996), 1. 24 For a balanced approach to Kingsley’s life and writings see Alison Blunt, Travel, Gender and Imperialism: Mary Kingsley and West Africa (New York: Guilford Press, 1994); Simon Gikandi, Maps of Englishness (New York: Colum- bia University Press, 1996); Karen R. Lawrence, ‘‘ ‘The African Wanderers’: Kingsley and Lee,’’ in Penelope Voyages (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1994); and Sara Mills, Discourses of Difference (London: Routledge, 1991). 25 Among those critics who mention Kingsley’s interesting prose style, only two have suggested that that style may correspond to her understanding of African life or language. Eva-Marie Kro¨ller says, ‘‘From the beginning [of Travels in West Africa] language is independent and wayward as African paths and rivers,’’ and Karen R. Lawrence has suggested that ‘‘The hybrid forms within Kingsley’s text – the ‘word swamp,’ as she called it, of narrative, diary, ethnographic facts, and stories quoted from African and European sources – formally imitate the mixed tones and textures of the Africa she encoun- tered.’’ See Kro¨ller, ‘‘First Impressions: Rhetorical Strategies in Travel Writing by Victorian Woman,’’ Ariel 21, no. 4 (1990), 97; Lawrence, ‘‘ ‘The African Wanderers,’’ 141. Unfortunately, neither Kro¨ller nor Lawrence proceed to examine the full implications of that convergence between Kingsley’s writing and nineteenth-century European perceptions of African prose style. 26 Julie English Early, ‘‘ ‘Monsters of the Deep’: The Woman Traveller and Later Victorian Women’s Travel Narratives’’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1991), 163. 27 Ibid., 171. 28 Like Early after her, Catherine Barnes Stevenson, in one of the first scholarly studies devoted solely to women travelers who wrote about Africa, argued that Kingsley’s language was essentially masculine rather than feminine. She wrote, ‘‘In her travel writings Kingsley occasionally adopts a [ ...] decidedly male voice to extricate herself from situations in which femaleness is a liability. [For example t]hrough wit and verbal skill she manages to overcome the objections of officials to her travelling up the Ogowe without a husband’’ (Victorian Women Travelers, 146). Notes 199

29 Letter to Matthew Nathan, 28 Aug. 1899, quoted in Gwynn, The Life of Mary Kingsley, 228. 30 My argument here is very different from that advanced by Catherine Barnes Stevenson, who contends that because Mary Kingsley used both feminine and masculine language her narrator-figure in Travels in West Africa ‘‘is doubly impotent, having neither male force nor feminine wile’’ (Victorian Women Travelers, 142). 31 Mary Kingsley, Travels in West Africa (1897; London: Virago, 1982), 5 and 439) (hereafter cited as Travels). 32 Mary Kingsley, West African Studies (London: Macmillan, 1899), xiv. 33 Ibid., x. 34 This terminology oddly prefigures the symbolic classification of cultural practices into the categories ‘‘raw or cooked’’ in the title of anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss’s Le cru et le cuit (Paris: Plon, 1964). 35 Quoted in Gwynn, The Life of Mary Kingsley, 267. Other critics have noted Kingsley’s expressed affinity with black Africans but none has used that affinity to aid in a critical understanding of Kingsley’s life and writing – witness, for instance, Stevenson’s statement that ‘‘Kingsley also found that she was a ‘firm African’ who shared the outlook and the personality of a number of the natives she encountered’’ (‘‘Female Anger and African Polit- ics,’’ 14). 36 The first quotation comes from Lawrence, ‘‘ ‘The African Wanderers,’ ’’ 146; the second quotation comes from Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 213. 37 Mary Kingsley, ‘‘In the Days of My Youth,’’ M. A. P. (Mainly About People), 20 May 1899, 468. 38 Concord, April 1898, 60, quoted in Bernard Porter, Critics of Empire: British Radical Attitudes To Colonialism in Africa, 1895–1914 (London: Macmillan, 1968), 250. 39 Wallace, This Is Your Home, 127; Helen Simpson, A Woman Among Wild Men, xi. 40 The quotations are taken from Patricia Frazer Lamb, ‘‘The Life and Writing of Mary Kingsley: Mirrors of the Self’’ (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1977), 145. 41 Stevenson, Victorian Women Travel Writers, 140. 42 Lamb, ‘‘The Life and Writing of Mary Kingsley,’’ 145. 43 Stevenson, Victorian Women Travel Writers, 140, emphasis added. 44 Simpson, A Woman Among Wild Men, 127. 45 Abena P. A. Busia, ‘‘Silencing Sycorax: On African Colonial Discourse and the Unvoiced Female,’’ Cultural Critique (winter 1989–90): 90. 46 Consult Sara Mills’s Discourses of Difference for an informed discussion of late- Victorian women’s removal from most kinds of public authority. Works Cited

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abjection, 58–9, 97 n.54; disciplinary formation of, Aborigines Protection Society, 16, 5, 121, 124–5, 129–30, 193 n.23; 74, 86, 184 n.40 human costs of, 7, 124–5, 128, Abyssinia, 20, 107, 154–5 144–5; and race, 112–13, 121; adventure fiction, 67 see also collecting; participant- Africa: as diseased woman, 42; as observation; and science ‘‘open sore,’’ 41; see also Africa anti-slavery movement, 115 That Never Was, The (Hammond Arnold, David, see Imperial and Jablow) Medicine Africa That Never Was, The Art of Travel, The (Galton), 35 (Hammond and Jablow), 2–3, 10, 18, 175 n.5 Baden-Powell, Robert: The African Civilization Society, 115 Matabele Campaign 1896,76 Africans: as acquiescing subjects, Baker, Florence von Sass, 19, 154 16, 23, 41, 47, 97; as aggressive Baker, Samuel, 11, 31, 65, 172: life, fighters, 74–5; as children, 92, 19–20; The Albert N’yanza, 45; 93–4, 165–6; as demons or see also Exploration of the Nile devils, 11, 74; individualized by Tributaries and Ismailı¨a travelers, 24–25, 177–8 n.33; Ballantyne, R.M.: Black Ivory,67 verbal dexterity of, 148–9, 155, Barttelot, Edmund Musgrave, 161–2, 170; viewed as similar to 49–50, 60, 124: and acts of European/Euroamerican violence, 52–7; The Life of women, 8, 148, 149, 159–61, Edmund Musgrave Barttelot, 52, 170, 196–7 n.6 182–3 n.20 ‘‘Age of Empire,’’ 69 Basutoland, 93, 95, 188 n.55, 189 Allen, William: A Narrative of the n.60 Expedition Sent by Her Majesty’s beating, 20–22, 53–4, 54–5, 100 Government to the River Niger ..., Bechuanaland, 95, 188 n.55, 188 115–16 n.56 Ames, Michael, 113 Belgian Congo, 111, 124: see also amputation, 142–4 Congo Independent State ancien re´gime: and justice, 32, 35, Bending, Lucy, 178 n.39 36, 37; and sovereignty, 6, 14, Benin, 190 n.74: bronzes, 119 17, 18, 23, 26; and torture, 11, Berlin Act, 104 40 Berlin Conference (1884–85), 4, Anglo-Portuguese Agreement 6–7, 46, 61–2, 75, 104, 183 n.31 (1884), 61 Bird Bishop, Isabella, 137 Anthropological Institute, 113, Bismarck, Otto von, 6 –7, 61 132, 137, 138 biting, 54, 182 n.20 Anthropological Society of Bivona, Daniel, 28, 38 London, 121, 124–5 blackness, and embodiment, 15 anthropology: contemporary Blackwood’s Magazine, 95–6 issues in, 133–4, 135, 145–6, 195 Blunt, Alison, 159, 165

212 Index 213 bodies: black, theatrically Busia, Abena, 169–70 displayed by travelers, 6, 11; Butler, Judith, 9 white, erased rhetorically by travelers, 6, 15; female, African, Cairns, H. Alan C., 174 n.4 33–4, 83, 97–8, 131–2, 140–1, Caliban (The Tempest), 154, 197 142–4; and grotesqueness, 48; n.18 importance within colonialism, Cameron, Verney Lovett, 25 9, 15; as objects of scientific Cameroon, 62, 158 inquiry, 7, 114; see also heads, Cannadine, David, 16 severed; skeletons; skulls; and cannibalism, 53, 124, 128, 129, teeth 130–4, 135, 193 n.20 Boisseau, T. J., 137, 195–6 n.62 Cape Colony (South Africa), 78–9, ‘‘Bombay,’’ see Mubarak, Sidi 92–3, 108, 189 n.60 Bonny, William, 50, 52, 53, Caribs, 112 60 –1, 124, 126: and travel diary, Carroll, Lewis, see Dodgson, 181 n.11; and newspaper Charles Lutwidge statements about violence Carter, Paul, 1 and the EPRE, 54, 55–6, 60 –1, Central Africa, 1, 121, 124: see also 128–9 Belgian Congo; Congo Brantlinger, Patrick, 10 –11 Independent State; and British Association for the Rhodesia Advancement of Science Ceylon (Sri Lanka), 19, 123 (BAAS), 22–3, 113, 125, 129 Chalmers, John: Fighting the British East India Company, 17 Matabele,77 British Museum, 116, 119, 134 chartered companies, 46, 63–4; in British South Africa Company French Congo and Belgian (BSAC): chartered by British Congo, 104, 175 n.7; in Heart of government, 62; oppressive Darkness, 104–10; see also policies of, 75–6, 188 n.56; and individual chartered companies Rhodes, 87, 88, 89; and Chrisman, Laura, 68, 75, 85 suppression of Ndebele and Christianity, 3, 13, 74, 115, 162: Shona uprising, 83; critique of, and Mtesa of Uganda, 31; and by Olive Schreiner, 90, 91, 94, Trooper Peter Halket of 188 n.53 Mashonaland (Schreiner), 80–1, Bronte¨, Charlotte, 114 85–7, 186 n.32, 187–8 n.49; see Bruce, James, 107 also missionary activity and Buddhism, 86, 96 ‘‘muscular Christianity’’ Burdett, Carolyn, 85–6 Clarke, Sir Marshall, 93 bureaucracy, and imperialism, 28, Clifford, James, 134 55, 69, 102 coal mining, see under mining Burroughs, Edgar Rice, 27; and Cobbe, Frances Power, 147, 150 Stanley’s In Darkest Africa, 178–9 collecting, 5, 112–13, 134: n.40 animals, 115–16, 118–19, 123, Burton, Richard, 11, 148–9; and 156–7; body parts, 116–34; the Anthropological Institute, indigenous weapons, 100; 121; and skull-collecting, 121–2; jewelry and other ornaments, The Lake Regions of Central 134–44; words, 152 Africa, 121, 148; Zanzibar, 192–3 ‘‘collectography,’’ 113, 114, 144 n.15 Collins, Wilkie: Armadale, 147 214 Index

Colonial Office, 46, 184 n.1 37–8, 118; see also Journey to Columbus, Christopher, 112 Ashango-Land, A commercialization and Duncan, John: Travels in Western commodification in Victorian Africa in 1845 and 1846, 128 culture, 130, 194 n.43 Commi people (West Africa), Early, Julie English, 159 119–20 East Africa, 10, 12, 13, 20, 22–3, Congo Independent State, 27, 62, 24, 72, 122, 137, 139, 143, 190 104, 106, 135, 193 n.19; see also n.74: see also Equatorial Nile Belgian Congo Basin; Kenya; Tanzania; and Conrad, Joseph, 3, 4, 7, 172, 175 Uganda n.7: and Congo Reform Edwards, Amelia, 8, 150–4, 165: Movement, 190 n.77; Lord Jim, Pharoahs, Fellahs, and Explorers, 112, 144–5; ‘‘An Outpost of 151; A Thousand Miles Up the Progress,’’ 99; see also Heart of Nile, 8, 150–4; and feminism, Darkness 151 ‘‘contact zone’’ (Pratt), 173 ‘‘effective occupation,’’ 62, 75, Contemporary Review, 131–2 183 n.31 Cook, Captain James, 12, 112 Egypt, 20, 33, 34, 43–4, 49, 150–1 corpses, 58–9, 84, 142–4 Egyptology, as an academic Cromer, Lord, 104 discipline, 151 Cronwright-Schreiner, Samuel, 93 Elers-Napier, E.: Excursions in Cross, Rev. G. W.: Review of Southern Africa, 144 Trooper Peter Halket of Eliot, George: Daniel Deronda, Mashonaland (Schreiner), 80 147–8 Crown, the: as symbolic Ellis, Havelock 80: The New Spirit, representation of monarchy, 17, 130 18, 46 Emin Pasha (Eduard Schnitzer), 6, Crown Colonies, 3, 17–18 39, 49, 50: accused of Crystal Palace Exhibitions, 114 inhumanity by Henry Stanley, 126–7 Daily Telegraph (London), 26 Emin Pasha Relief Expedition Darwin, Charles: On the Origin of (EPRE), 48–52, 181 n.9: and Species, 114 biting, 54–5; and class issues decolonization, 5, 111 60–1; and collecting during, democratization in England, 6, 123–34, 135; and flogging, 53, 16–17, 18, 92 55–8; and Rear Column of, diamond mining, see under mining 50–1, 52, 55, 58 Dickens, Charles, 114 ‘‘empire of the imagination,’’ 1–2 divine-right sovereignty, 14, 27, English, disciplinary formation of, 28 125, 194 n.30 Dodgson, Charles Lutwidge (Lewis Equatorial Nile Basin, 20, 49 Carroll): Alice’s Adventures in Ethnological Society (London), Wonderland,38 22, 113, 115, 124 Drummond, Henry: Tropical ethnology, 114, 134, 193 n.23 Africa, 13, 36 Exeter Hall, 86 Du Chaillu, Paul 4, 13, 37–8, Exploration of the Nile Tributaries 118–21: Exploration and (Baker): disciplinary violence, Adventures in Equatorial Africa, 20–2; medicine, 43–4 Index 215

Fabian, Johannes, 14–15 Hammond, Dorothy, see Africa Fan (Fang) people, 161, 162 That Never Was, The Farran, Assad, 50, 52, 53, 60, 124, heads, severed, 72–3, 99, 121–3, 181 n.7: and affidavit 124, 127–8, 194 n.38 concerning EPRE, 56, 132–3 healing, see medicine feudalism, 104, 109–10 Heart of Darkness (Conrad), 7, 27, feminism: and Amelia Edwards, 63, 95–111, 124: African 151; and critique of women women, 97–8; feudalism, travelers, 8, 159, 175 n.9, 198 109–10; ivory trade, 106, 107; n.22 Russian trader, 106–9; trading fetishization: of body parts, by companies, 104–6; viewed as travelers 118–20; of words, by anti-imperial, 68 Amelia Edwards, 153–4 Hebrew scriptures: views of God, Five Years with the Congo Cannibals 13–14, 27–8, 35; portrayal of (Ward), 52, 135–6 prophets, 81–3, 85, 94, 187 flogging, 23–4, 53, 55–8, 182 n.17 n.38 Foreign Office, 23, 33 Hennessy, John Pope, 63 Foucault, Michel, 6, 34, 36, 177 Henty, G.A., 67 n.19, 179 n.46 Heschel, Abraham J.: The Prophets, France, imperial rule in Africa, 81, 85 102–4, 190 n.74 Hobsbawm, E. J.: The Age of Empire, Frazer, James, 125–6 69; see also Invention of Tradition, free trade, 68, 106–9 The French-Sheldon, May, 4, 12, 13, Hoffmann, William, 50, 181 n.11 135, 145: and Chicago’s World’s Hogan’s Heroes (television Fair, 196 n.65; and program), 103 anthropological collecting, How I Found Livingstone (Stanley), 137–44; see also Sultan to Sultan 44–5, 122–3 Hughes, Tom: Tom Brown’s Galton, Francis, 35, 65, 132: The Schooldays,20 Art of Travel,35 humanitarianism, as motive for German South-West Africa, see imperialism, 7, 64–6, 69, 78, Namibia 92–3, 111 Germany, imperial rule in Africa, Hunt, James, 121, 125 62, 63, 69–70, 170, 190 n.74 Hurston, Zora Neale: Their Eyes gold mining, see under mining Were Watching God, 147 Goldie, George, 62 Gordon, Charles, 49, 51 Imperial British East Africa Grant, James, 20, 33 Company (IBEAC), 62 Greene, Graham, influence of Imperial Medicine (Arnold), 42 adventure fiction upon, 184 n.1 ‘‘imperialism,’’ etymology of, 17, Grey, George, 92–3 177 n.22 Griqualand West (South Africa), 79 In Darkest Africa (Stanley): pardons Guillemard, Henry, 159 in, 39–41; and violence of EPRE, 52, 126–7; writing of, 51 Haggard, H. Rider, 1, 7, 67, 172, Indian gravesites, see Native 174 n.7, 185 n.11: King American gravesites Solomon’s Mines, 71, 127; Nada Indian Mutiny/Rebellion of 1857, the Lily, 70; She, 1, 10, 71–2 4, 17, 77, 177 n.21 216 Index

International Association of the Studies, 158, 161; see also Travels Congo, 61: see also Congo in West Africa Independent State Kilima-Njaro Expedition, The Invention of Tradition, The (Johnston), 23–4, 138–9 (Hobsbawm and Ranger), 1 Kipling, Rudyard: Barrack-Room invincibility, travelers’ pretense of, Ballads, 165; Kim, 144; The Man 13–14, 24 Who Would Be King, 10, 13 Ismaı¨l Pasha, 20, 38, 49 Kirk, John, 23 Ismailı¨a (Baker): theatricalized Kristeva, Julia, and the abject, pardons, 38–9, 180 n.62 58–9 Kuklick, Henrika: The Savage Jablow, Alta, see Africa That Never Within, 125, 194 n.41 Was, The kurbatch, see under weapons ‘‘Jack the Ripper,’’ 60 Jamaica, Rebellion of 1865, 17–18 laissez-faire capitalism, 104, 106–9 Jameson, James S., 50, 51, 52; and Lake Albert N’yanza, 20, 50 cannibalism, 130–4, 193 n.20; Lake Victoria, 20, 25, 31 and collecting, 123–30; and Lamb, Patricia Frazer, 166–7, flogging, 53; as model for 167–8 Kurtz in Heart of Darkness, 124; Lancaster, William, The Congo Story of the Rear Column of the Rovers,67 Emin Pasha Relief Expedition, 52, language: feminine and 124 masculine, 159–60; as tangible Jameson Raid, 76, 188 n.53 entity in Mary Kingsley’s Jephson, Arthur Mounteney, 50, writing, 161–2, 168–9; see also 51, 52: Emin Pasha and the under weapons Rebellion at the Equator, 52, 182 legal reform, Victorian, 35, 36, 39 n.15 Leopold II, King of Belgium, 27, Johnston, H.H. (Sir Harry), 22–4, 61, 62, 106, 111, 193 n.19 138–9; and Emin Pasha Relief Linneaus, Carl, classification Expedition, 57–8; Kilima-Njaro system of, 19, 130 Expedition, The, 23–4, 138–9 Livingstone, David, 10, 11, 19, 41, Journey to Ashango-Land, A (Du 168, 194 n.46, 197 n.7 Chaillu): and invincibility, 13; Lobengula (King of the Ndebele), pardons in, 37–8; scientific 76, 91, 188 n.56 collecting in, 118–21 London Missionary Society, 79, 186 n.24 Katz, Wendy, 102, 184 n.4 Kenya, 23, 63 Mackenzie, John, Day-Dawn in Khartoum (Sudan), 33, 49 Dark Places, 149 Khedive, the, see Ismaı¨l Pasha Mackinnon, William, 49, 62 Kingsley, Charles: 20, 158, magic, 7, 12–13, 24, 113, 117, Westward Ho!,20 119–20, 126, 133, 144–5: see also Kingsley, Mary, 8, 158–70: and sorcery cursing, 164, 165–70; and Mahdist Rebellion, 49 participant-observation, 130; mandate system, 185 n.7 and pidgin English, 163–4; sense Marcus, George, 134 of shared beliefs with Africans, Martineau, Harriet, and travel in 159–63, 199 n.35; West African Egypt, 150 Index 217

Martini-Henry rifle, see under Namibia, 70 weapons Narrative of the Expedition Sent by Masai, 140–4 Her Majesty’s Government to the Mashona, see Shona River Niger. . . , A (Allen and Matabele, see Ndebele Thompson), 115–16 Maund, E.A., 63 Native American gravesites, Mauritius, 19 desecration of, 117 Maxim guns, see under weapons natural history, 22, 114, 115, 129, McClintock, Anne: and 194 n.38 fetishization, 192 n.13; Imperial Nazis, as fools in comedy, 103 Leather, 149 Ndebele, 7, 75–7, 83–4, 89, 91, 94, McClure, John, 68 186 n.24 medicine, 5, 41–5 New York Herald, 26, 130, 147 Melman, Billie, 151 New York Times, 137–8 Meredith, George: Diana of the Nicoll, D.J., Stanley’s Exploits,60 Crossways, 148 Niger Expedition of 1841, 113, Metcalf, Thomas: The Aftermath 115–16, 145 of Revolt, India 1857–70, 177 Nigeria, 22 n.21 Nightingale, Florence, and travel mining: coal, 33; diamonds, 79; in Egypt, 150 gold, 75 Nile, 20, 23, 33, 150 missionary activity, 3, 55, 66, Nineteenth Century, 63–4 78–9, 149 North, Marianne, 137 Mitford, Bertram: John Ames, North Africa, see Egypt; Sudan; and Native Commissioner,77 Tunis Mohanram, Radhika, 15 Nubians, 152 monopoly capitalism, 7, 69, 78, numinousness, 11, 13–14, 88, 94, 104, 108–9 28–30 Monsman, Gerald, 81 Morton, Samuel, 117 Orange Free State (South Africa), Mounteney Jephson, Arthur, see 79 Jephson, Arthur Mounteney Osman, Saleh Ben, and the EPRE, Mtesa, King of Buganda, 29–31 131 Mubarak, Sidi ‘‘Bombay,’’ 24–7, Owen, Richard, 118 55, 122–3, 136 Muhammed, Hamed Bin (Tippu Pacific Islanders, 112 Tib), 50, 51, 55, 124 Pall Mall Gazette, 59–60, 64–5, 129, Mukasa, Ham: Uganda’s Katikiro in 182 n.15 England, 173 pardoning, 6, 36–41 Mu¨ller, F. Max, 125 Park, Mungo, 107 mummy narratives, 136 Parke, Thomas Heazle, 50: My Mungo Mah Lobeh (Great Personal Experiences in Equatorial Cameroon mountain), 165, 166, Africa, 52, 182 n.16 169, 170 participant-observation, 129–30, Munich, Adrienne, 16 133 ‘‘muscular Christianity,’’ 20, 158 Pearson, Karl, 80 mutilation, 6, 53, 84, 141–4 Pecora, Vincent P.: Households of My Wanderings in the Soudan the Soul, 144–5 (Speedy), 8, 33, 34–5, 154–8, 171 Peschel, Oscar, 117 218 Index

Petherick, John, 33: Travels in Rhodesia, 85, 88: and uprising by Central Africa, 33–4 Ndebele and Shona peoples, 7, Petherick, Katharine: Travels in 75–6, 86, 91; Unilateral Central Africa, 33–4 Declaration of Independence by phrenology, 114 white minority in, 95 physiognomy, 114 Roberts, Andrew: The Colonial Pitt-Rivers, Augustus, and the Moment in Africa,69 ethnological museum at Royal Anthropological Institute, Oxford, 134, 135 see Anthropological Institute Pratt, Mary Louise, 1, 172: concept Royal College of Surgeons, 116, of ‘‘bodyscape,’’ 58; Imperial 121, 123, 127 Eyes, 2, 114, 174 n.5 Royal Colonial Institute, 16 ‘‘primitivism,’’ 9, 114, 126, 133, Royal Geographical Society, 25, 135, 138, 145 33, 63, 113: and induction of protection, 7, 70–1, 90, 92, 172, first women Fellows, 137 189 n.62: and feudalism, Royal Niger Company, 62 109–10; requests for, by Africans, 79, 91, 94–5 Said, Edward, 102: Orientalism, protectorates, 3, 46, 63, 91, 93, 1 188 n.56 scarring, 22, 26–7, 47, 55, pseudospeciation, 59 141–2 pulverization, 6, 48, 52 Scarry, Elaine, 21, 42: The Body in Pain, 6, 13–14 race: 11, 46, 160, 171; Olive Schreiner, Olive, 3, 4, 7, 172: life, Schreiner’s thoughts on, 78–80; 78–80, 175 n.7; ‘‘The Dawn of in Rhodesia, 95; and Victorian Civilization,’’ 87; Dream-Life and science, 21, 112–13, 115, 117, Real Life, 82; Dreams, 82; ‘‘The 121; and women travelers, 150 Native Question,’’ 189 n.62; The Raiders of the Lost Ark (film), 103, Story of an African Farm, 80, 82; 140 see also British South Africa Ranger, Terence, see Invention of Company; Rhodes, Cecil and Tradition, The Trooper Peter Halket of rape, 76, 77, 78, 79 Mashonaland Reade, W. Winwood, 12, 42: science: development of, in Savage Africa,12 Victorian period, 113–14, 125, resistance to imperial rule, 4, 5–6, 133; and magic, 117, 119, 121, 21, 170, 190 n.74: in Heart of 145; and cruelty, 126–7, 144; see Darkness, 99–100; in India and also anthropology; collecting; Jamaica, 17–18; in Rhodesia, and race 75–6, 89–91; in Sudan, 49; ‘‘Scramble for Africa,’’ 68, 76, 78, women and, 83 183 n.29 Rhodes, Cecil: and British South self-determination, 69 Africa Company, 62, 188 n.53; sensationalism, 59–60, 133 criticized by Olive Schreiner, 78, Shakespeare, William: The 81, 87–9, 91; during term as Tempest, 153–4 prime minister of the Cape Sharpe, Jenny: Allegories of Empire, Colony, 188 n.52; and uprising 17 by Ndebele and Shona peoples, Shona, 76–7, 83, 89, 94 76 skeletons, 113, 117, 118, 134 Index 219 sketching: as aid in anthropology, Africa and Through the Dark 130–1; as sign of callousness, Continent 131–3 Star, The, 132 skulls, 113, 116, 117, 118–20, Stead, W.T.: If Christ Came to 121–3, 127, 134 Chicago, 186 n.23; and Pall Mall slave trade, 21, 22, 33: Arab/ Gazette expose´ on ‘‘white slave Muslim, 38, 41–2, 50, 193 n.19; trade,’’ 60; and Trooper Peter in adventure fiction, 67; Halket of Mashonaland suppression of, 20, 62, 115; (Schreiner), 186 n.23, 188 n.53 ‘‘white female,’’ 60 Stevenson, Catherine Barnes, 167, Smith, Iain, 49, 66 168 Smithsonian Institution, 135, 196 Stevenson, Robert Louis: The n.65 Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. sorcery, 122, 127, 144–5 Hyde, 145 Soudan, see Sudan Stewart, Susan: On Longing,47 South Africa, Union of, 70 Stoker, Bram: Dracula, 144–5 Speaker, 57–8, 65–6 Stokes, Charles, 106, 190 n.81 Spectator,46 Sudan, 6, 20, 33, 34, 38, 49, 154 Speedy, Charles, 154, 155, 156, Suleri, Sara: The Rhetoric of English 157, 180 n.53 India,2 Speedy, Cornelia, 8, 154–5: see Sultan to Sultan (French-Sheldon): also My Wanderings in the and anthropological collecting, Soudan 137–44; and individualization Speke, John Hanning, 20, 75: and of Africans, 25; and invincibility John Petherick 33; and violence of traveler, 12, 13 against Sidi Mubarak, 25–6; Swaziland, 95, 188 n.55 Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile, 25–6, 196 n.66 Tanzania, 22, 63 Spencer, Herbert, influence on Tarzan novels (Burroughs), 27 Olive Schreiner, 80 tattoos, 10, 11–12, 47 Spurr, David, 59, 175, n.6: The teeth: use of as biting weapon, 54; Rhetoric of Empire, 2, 8–9 collecting of, 135–6 Stairs, William, 49 theatrical paradigm, used to Stanley, Henry M.: 4, 6, 10–11, describe mid-Victorian travelers, 124, 131, 172; cultural and 10 –11 political impact of travels, 27; theatricalization, 24, 39, 40, 42–5, and the EPRE, 48–52, 54, 57, 180 n.62 64–5, 130, 181 n.9; and Thomson, T.R.H.: A Narrative of the ‘‘floating fort’’ incident, 29–32; Expedition Sent by Her Majesty’s and flogging of Sidi Mubarak, Government to the River Niger ..., 26–27; and ‘‘Jack the Ripper,’’ 115–16 60; and Mary Kingsley, 167–8; Thousand Miles Up the Nile, A and medicine, 44–45; (Edwards), 8, 150–4 newspaper dispatches of, 26–7; Through the Dark Continent and pardons, 39–41; and (Stanley), 27–32; and verbal science, 126–7, 130; and skull- violence, 148 collecting, 122–3; travel diaries, Times, The, 137–8 29–32, 179 n.43; see also How I Tippu Tib, see Muhammed, Found Livingstone and In Darkest Hamed Bin 220 Index

Todd, Judith, 95, 188 n.56 135–6; My Life with Stanley’s Rear Tokroori people, 21–2, 43 Guard, 52; see also Five Years with Torres Straits Expedition of 1898, the Congo Cannibals 130 Watt, Ian, 103 Travels in West Africa (Kingsley), 8, weapons: axe, 72–3; fist, 21, 25–6; 130, 158: and ascent of Mungo handgun, 140; kurbatch, 35; Mah Lobeh, 165–170; treatment Martini-Henry rifle, 108; Maxim of language, 160, 161–4, 169–70 gun, 50, 76, 77–8, 84; treaty-making, 3, 23, 62, 75 Remington rifle, 50; Winchester Trollope, Anthony: The Way We repeating rifle, 44, 50, 101; Live Now, 148 tongue, 147–9, 169; words, 150, Trooper Peter Halket of Mashonaland 152–3, 161–2, 166–7, 169–70 (Schreiner), 76 –95 West Africa, 12, 22, 37, 115, 118, Troup, John Rose, 50, 51, 52; With 190 n.74; see also Nigeria and Stanley’s Rearguard, 52, 182 n.17 Cameroon trusteeship, 68, 93 whipping, see flogging Tunis, as Turkish protectorate, 22 White, William Hale: Mark Turkey, 22, 49, 91 Rutherford’s Deliverance, 123 Tylor, Edward, 129–30, 138 whiteness, and disembodiment, 15 Uganda, 25, 28–31 Wiener, Martin: Reconstructing the Criminal, 35, 36 Vaughan, Megan: Curing Their Ills, Williams, George Washington, 42 181 n.9 Victoria, Queen of England, 16, Williams, Lucinda, 10 91: named Empress of India Wilson, Woodrow, 69 (1875), 17 Winchester repeating rifle, see violence, physical: psychoanalytic under weapons approach to, 2; necessity of women: African, in Trooper Peter studying, 2, 172; see also Halket of Mashonaland, 83; amputation; beating; biting; African, in Heart of Darkness, 97; flogging; mutilation; and verbal dexterity, 147–8; see pulverization; and weapons also bodies and violence, verbal violence, verbal, 7–8: and women in Victorian literature, 147–8; Young, Crawford, 176–7 n.18 and Africans in men’s travel Youngs, Tim, 28 writing, 148–9; utilized by women travelers, 149, 155–8, Zanzibar, 23, 50, 123; becomes 165–70; see also weapons British protectorate, 63 Viswanathan, Gauri, 1 Zoological Society (London), 22, 115 Ward, Herbert, 50, 51, 52: and Zululand (South Africa), 189 anthropological collecting, n.60