Reallexikon Der Assyriologie Und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie

Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie

Begründet von Erich Ebeling und Bruno Meissner

fortgeführt von Ernst Weidner und Wolfram von Soden und Dietz Otto Edzard

herausgegeben von Michael P. Streck

unter Mitwirkung von G. Frantz-Szabo´, M. Krebernik, D. Morandi Bonacossi, J. N. Postgate, U. Seidl, M. Stol und G. Wilhelm

Redaktion: Theresa Blaschke, Armando Bramanti, Josephine Fechner, Mandy Greiner, Sabine Heigl, Nathan Morello und Stefan Odzuck

Fünfzehnter Band Waschung. A Ϫ Zypresse Ausgewählte Nachträge, Index

De Gruyter 2016Ϫ2018 380 HAMMURAPI im ganzen Reichsgebiet oder H˚ .-Tore oder Mersin, G9−23 May G997 (= AnSt. 49), 55−60. − Durand J.-M. 2003: nuldaˆnum = « Führer ou einfache Stelen errichtet; dieselben Bau- Duce », NABU 2003/76. − Fales F. M. 2003: werke werden mitunter auch anderen loka- Evidence for West-East contacts in the 8th cen- len Gottheiten gewidmet. In der Peripherie tury BC: the Buka¯n stele, in: G. B. Lanfranchi/ des Reiches kann in ein und demselben M. Roaf/R. Rollinger (ed.), Continuity of empire 5 G3G− ˚ (?): Assyria, Media, Persia (= HANEM ), Text H. und anderen regionalen Götter G47. − Freydank H./Saporetti C. G979: gehuldigt werden. H˚ . werden von fast allen Nuove attestazioni dell’onomastica medio-assira urart. Königen bronzene Prunkwaffen (= Incunabula Graeca 74). − Fuchs A. G994: (Schilde, Helme, Köcher, Pfeile usw.), sowie Sg. − Lemaire A. G998: Une inscription ara- meénne du VIIIe sie`cle av. J.-C. trouveéa` andere Metallobjekte aus der königl. Schatz- 27 G5−30 − 4 Bukaˆn (Azerbaı¨djan iranien), StIr. , . kammer (CTU B passim) gewidmet. Piotrovskij B. B. G966: Il regno di Van: Urartu [Russ. Vanskoe Carstvo (Urartu), G959]. − § 4. Ikonographie. Man hat lange Zeit Salvini M. G982: Bemerkungen über die Thron- folge in Urartu, in: H. Klengel (ed.), Gesellschaft versucht, die wichtigsten urart. Götter mit und Kultur im alten Vorderasien (= SGKAO G5), auf Tieren stehenden Gestalten zu identifi- 2G9−227; id. G99G: Una nuova iscrizione urartea, zieren, wobei H˚ . die Figur auf einem Lö- OrNS 60, 344−346. − Saporetti C. G970: Ono- wen sein sollte (Piotrovskij G959), ohne mastica medio-assira (= StPohl 6). − Seidl U. 2004 − dass dies jedoch allg. Zustimmung erfahren : Bronzekunst Urartus. Teixidor J. G997−G998: La ste`le de Boukan, Annuaire du hat. Die Bildlosigkeit des H˚ . ist dagegen Colle`ge de France, 732−734. − Zimansky P. von Calmeyer (G974) mit Nachdruck ver- 20G2: Imagining Haldi, in: H. Baker/K. Kaniuth/ treten worden. Die Darstellung auf einem A. Otto (ed.), Stories of long ago: Festschrift für 397 7G4−723 Bronzeschild aus Yukarı Anzaf (Belli G999) Michael D. Roaf (= AOAT ), . hat nun Klarheit gebracht, denn auf dem M. Salvini Rand des beschrifteten Schildes (CTU 4, 23 [B 3-G]) sind eine Reihe von hintereinander nach rechts schreitenden Göttergestalten Hammurapi. Fifth king of the First Dyn. abgebildet, die sich zum Teil identifizieren of Babylon, G792−G750 (middle chronol- lassen (Seidl 2004, G99−20G). Außer dem ogy). ersten, stehen alle auf Tieren, der zweite Gott ist zweifellos der Wettergott Teisˇeba § G. Sources. − § 2. Name. − § 3. Family. − § 4. Building activities. − § 5. Political history. − auf einem Löwen und mit Blitzen in den 6 − 7 Händen, der dritte, in der Flügelsonne und § . Administration. § . Death. auf einem Stier stehende Gott muss der G Sonnengott Sˇiuini sein (Sonnengott* B. III. § . Sources. The sources of informa- a). So bestätigt sich, dass die Götter norma- tion on H.’s reign are curtailed by the very lerweise mit Tieren oder Mischwesen asso- limited availability of Old Bab. data from ziiert werden. Die erste Gestalt, die barfuß his capital of Babylon* (Pederseń 2005, mit einer langen Lanze ((gisˇ)sˇuri) und einem G7−68). The evidence for the first 30 years Bogen (oder eher einem Schild?) einher is sparse, mostly from Sippar; there are schreitet, ist also mit Sicherheit eine Dar- fewer than 40 dated tablets for this period; stellung des Gottes H˚ . Er ist von Flammen some years are not documented at all. The umgeben, die in Verbindung mit dem Be- distribution of royal inscriptions is also re- griff „Licht“ (dasˇe) stehen könnten (Salvini stricted because it appears that there are no G99G; Belli G999, 37; CTU G, G25−G28 extant texts of this type that can be dated [A G-3] G5, 57). prior to the conquest of Larsa (Charpin 20GG, 82). From year 30 on, the evidence Belli O. G999: The Anzaf fortress and the gods of Urartu. − Calmeyer P. G974: Zur Genese alt- becomes much more abundant, represented iranischer Motive, II: der leere Wagen, AMI 7, by a variety of textual types: letters, 49−77. − Ç ilingirog˘ lu A./Salvini M. G999: inscriptions, administrative and private When was the castle of Ayanis built and what is economic tablets as well as lit. composi- the meaning of the word „sˇuri“?, in: Ç ilingirog˘lu/R. J. Matthews (ed.), Proceedings of the tions. The richest source of information, Fourth Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium held at some of it only made available in recent HAMMURAPI 38G years, comes from the archives of Mari* § G.2. Inscriptions. H. is the earliest king (A. § 8), filtered by local interests. of his dynasty whose commemorative inscriptions have survived. There is some All of this has lately allowed two authors to pen full length biographies of the king (Charpin classificatory uncertainty because some 2003; Van De Mieroop 2005) that replace all texts on stone were written in poetic Sum. previous efforts (not to mention various popular diction and could possibly be considered as accounts in several languages). lit. rather than inscriptional, although the § G.G. Year names. The order of the 43 distinction may be modern and irrelevant. G9 year names of H.’s reign is well established Currently, such texts and a few frag- 4 332−357 on the basis of ten date lists (Datenlisten*; ments are known (RIME , ), all Horsnell G999, 39−45). One of these is par- from the last third of his reign. The inscrip- ticularly informative: the unorthodox par- tions, mostly preserved on stone, but some tially preserved Date List O provides fuller on Old Bab. or even much later tablet cop- than usual accounts of the Sum. versions of ies, were written in both Akk. and Sum., eight year names in its preserved sections, some redacted in parallel versions in both even if some of them are out of order languages. It may be that most of them (OECT 2, pl. 5f.; Horsnell G999, 200−203, were set up separately in the two language 275−277). Ampler forms of year name G4 formats and the preservation of versions in and year name 38 are documented in two one language without an equivalent in the promulgation documents that contain the other is due to chance of discovery. These Sum. versions of the formulae, PRAK 2, 33 texts dealt with construction work on tem- DG4 (Horsnell G999, G50) and PBS 5, 95 ples and city walls but also commemorated (ibid. G59). military victories. The choice of events for commemoration § G.3. Laws. The best-known monumen- in year names reveals specific aspects of the tal composition from the reign of H. is un- self-representative strategies of the crown. contestably the text of his law collection or H.’s first two year names were conven- “code,” inscribed on stelae that were tional: ascension to the throne, followed by placed in major cities of his kingdom (CH˚ , a debt release decree. This was followed by Roth G9972, 7G−G42; Borger, BAL3 2−50; year names describing cultic events until Gesetze* A. § 3.6). The text very much ex- year seven, which celebrated the “capture” pands on earlier models, while preserving of the cities of Uruk and Isin. Except for their basic organizational structure. These years ten and eleven, named after victories were the Sum. Laws of Ur-Namma*(§3.4; over Malgium* (§ 4) and Rapiqum*, the Gesetze* A. § 2.2) and Laws of Lipit-Isˇtar* year formulae of the next decades de- (§ 6; Gesetze* A. § 3.G) that had been inscribed cultic events, building activities and scribed on stone monuments, even if we canal work. Then, with year 30, the pattern know them primarily in school tablet cop- changed and the next nine were dedicated ies (together with a few remnants of stone mostly to military affairs, while the last versions of the latter), but the author con- three years were once again named after sciously chose to redact H.’s text in Akk. the erection of a cultic statue and wall rather than Sum. (the relationship, if any, building. The narrative of these names fol- with the Akk. Laws of Esˇnunna [Gesetze* lows a familiar trajectory: consolidation of A. § 3.5] is more difficult to analyze). The rule, ascent to major stature with the de- text undoubtedly went through various feats of Elam and then Larsa (year names redactions, but the final version was cre- 30, 3G), engagement and dominance in the ated towards the end of H.’s reign. The pri- political and military conflicts of the time, mary source for modern editions is a stela, followed by a brief period of hegemony taken to Susa as booty by an Elam. army and peace. Year name 40 may allude to vo- (Sˇutruk-Nahhunte* § G) more than half a tive offerings designed to ward off infirmity mill. after it was first set up. Its original or approaching death (§ 7 below). provenance is usually cited as Sippar, but 382 HAMMURAPI the evidence for this is circumstantial at inheritance matters, injury or death in pro- best (Van De Mieroop 20GG, 306 n. 2f.). fessional activities, tariffs and rents down Other similar stela fragments were discov- to matters concerning ownership of slaves ered in Susa and we now have more than and many other circumstances. These pro- 50 contemporary as well as later tablet visions were construed in the traditional copies, some of them taken directly from casuistic manner on the pattern “if … then stone monuments that survived into later …” (Recht* § 6). According to one recent times but have not been recovered, others opinion (Sallaberger 20G0, 52−56), the ge- used for school instruction and scholarly neral import of these exemplifications of investigation (including a commentary) royal justice were to define more generally down to Late Bab. time. (G) the principle of written law in legal For sources of the CH˚ s. Maul 20G2, 76 n. G; add transactions that required a broad range of Jimeńez 20G4, G3 (NA). economic transactions to be documented by a sealed tablet that listed witnesses who The CH˚ , like its Sum. predecessors, was could be called upon to verify the con- structured as an expanded version of a cer- tracts; (2) the obligation of social respon- tain type of royal monumental inscription sibility that promoted active participation with a prolog, narrative and an epilog that of all citizens in economic life and required exhorted future kings to observe H.’s legal them to take responsibility and care for pronouncements and lay extensive curses their actions; and (3) the role of local insti- on anyone who might want to alter them, tutions concerning individuals, at the city, deface, rewrite or destroy the stela. The urban district and individual level, includ- 282 narrative portion consists of preserved ing panels of elite or prominent members “just pronouncements” (dı¯na¯tmı¯sˇa¯rim)as of the community who settled dispute reso- G the epilog (xlvii ) designates them. The lutions. prolog extolled the pious deeds of H., de- For decades, there has been a vigorous scribing the vast extent of his kingdom by debate concerning the legal status of the listing his deeds on behalf of the major cit- CH˚ . Most early scholars categorized it as a ies of his realm. formal law code (and it is often cited as While parts of the CH˚ have rightfully such outside of Assyriology), but more re- been used as evidence in discussions of po- cently scholars have argued that this is an litical and ideological aspects of H.’s reign, anachronistic notion and that there is little principles of Mesopot. conceptualizations or no evidence for the statutory use of the of kingship and hegemony and, most pro- text in dispute resolutions (Roth G995; ead. fusely, in debates concerning Mesopot. law 2000; Wilcke 2007; with earlier lit. resp.). and jurisprudence, the text also has to be Not all agree; e. g., De´mare-Lafont (2000; viewed as an integrated whole. As such, it ead. 20G3) would view texts such as CH˚ as is the most prominent example of H.’s self- acts of legislation that were intended to be representational strategies designed to pres- permanent but were subject to amendment ent the king as the shepherd of multitudes, or suspension for local purposes. ruler of an astoundingly extensive kingdom There is a growing consensus that CH˚ , sanctified by divine authority and master of by means of classic Mesopot. principles of justice and righteousness, principles that listing plausible as well as often imaginary were exemplified by the almost 300 exam- or even implausible examples to generate ples of regulation and model verdicts that general unwritten principles and codes of form the narrative sections of the monu- behavior, defined broad notions of justice mental inscription. and correct models of social action, but not These exemplary cases covered a wide a collection of strictly defined legal norms. variety of subjects, from regulations of dis- As Yoffee (20G6, G056) has observed, “the pute resolutions, penalties for grave inju- majority of legal practice, as opposed to the ries, sections regulating various aspects of legal proclamations by kings, was designed social life, damage to property, family and to reinforce local power”. At a certain HAMMURAPI 383 level, the CH˚ worked to regulate such prac- left in their wake paths of death, destruc- tice and to control and perhaps even tion and shattered displaced lives (Micha- weaken the power of such local, often op- lowski, CKU GGf.). The prolog to CH˚ pro- positional authority in matters concerning vides vivid testimony of the devastation he economic and civic life as well as dispute wrought. resolutions. G 4 The prolog to the CH˚ presents the king § . . Literary texts. H. was celebrated as a beneficent “shepherd” to his people in Sum., Akk. and bil. compositions, some (i 5G). This metaphor was only partly apt. of them on stone, making it sometimes dif- Once he had conquered the south, H. and ficult to distinguish between “lit.”/school his subordinates imposed a highly struc- texts and royal inscriptions (Rutz/Micha- tured and stratified administrative system lowski 20G6). These may be summarized on the newly acquired territories mainly as: run by officials installed by Babylon, who a) Six Sum. poems traditionally classified oversaw other executives drawn from local as “royal hymns” (Hammurapi A−F): From elites, confiscating Rı¯m-Sıˆn*’s royal estates Sippar (A:VSG0, 2G0 (+)? VS G0, 209), pos- and appropriating the local corveé system sibly from Larsa (B: TCL G6, 6G,J.J.A. that required all able bodied free men to van Dijk, MIO G2 [G966] 64−66), Nippur provide service to the crown for military, (C: ISET I GGG Ni. 4225), and a tablet from labor, artisanal and other duties in ex- Nippur with three hymns, the first two du- change for land or grain rations (Fiette plicated on a tablet from Kish (D, E, F: forthc.). He also issued a debt cancellation CBS 4503 = PRAK B GG; Sjöberg G972). edict to recharge the local postwar econ- b) An Akk. hymn to Marduk (F. N. H. omy (Charpin G99G). al-Rawi, RA 86 [G992] 79−83; T. Oshima, Justice was administered according to Babylonian prayers to Marduk [20GG] G9G− the new structures. Private contractual G97). No royal name is preserved in the leg- matters and torts were left in the hands of ible G6 lines, but it is possible to ascribe it local elites at the urban ward, rural irriga- to H. tion districts or city level, while administra- c) A fragment of an unprovenanced tive disputes were decided by the various school exercise tablet modeled on tradi- bureaucratic authorities in charge. In cases tional Sum. royal hymnographic patterns of ambiguity, indecision or contestation of with sections marked as kirugu and kisˇ u verdicts, matters could be sent up to the (A. Cavigneaux, Fs. P. Attinger 82f.). crown and even to the very person of the d) A school exercise, probably from Sip- king (Leemans G968; Ishikida G998; id. par, that originally contained a Sum. ver- G999). H.’s verdicts may seem just to us, sion, with some Akk. glosses, of the epilog but it is important to keep in mind that all G99G of this took place in the context of a polity section of the CH˚ (Sjöberg ). e) A piece of an Old Bab. stone monu- that was almost continually at war and had 90842 to balance the use of manpower for agricul- ment, probably from Sippar (BM , 2 G72−G76 2G 40−42 ture, animal husbandry, craft production, LIH , =CT , ; s. Wasser- G992 2 5 etc. with the need for bodies for the army, man ; transl. K. Hecker, TUAT / G989 726 which also engaged in public works and [ ] f.), with parts of a bil. hymnic other undertakings. This required a smoothly text addressed directly to the king. There working administrative system that prop- is also a much later tablet copy from a erly maintained the loyalty of local power Pers.-period library of the Sˇamasˇ temple in structures while simultaneously keeping Sippar (Fadhil/Pettinato G995). them fully controlled. But H. was hardly f) A fragment of a diorite stele from the beneficent. Like most Ancient Near Eastern Gipar in Ur* (B. § 3.G.3c [p. 374f.]) with a monarchs who have gained modern admi- first person bil. in the name of H. (UET G, ration because of their extensive conquests, G46, described by L. Woolley/M. E. L. Mal- he was undoubtedly a tyrant whose deeds lowan, UE 7 [G976] 6 as “a war memorial 384 HAMMURAPI put up by the Bab. king after his subjection icle 20, Grayson, ABC G55; Glassner 2004, of the south country”). There are pieces of 272f.) describes his defeat of Larsa and he a similar object with the same text, of un- is also mentioned in a broken context in known provenance (YOS 9, 39−6G), an un- the Chronicle of market prices obv. 7 provenanced tablet copy of the Sum. text, (Chronicle 23, ABC G78; Glassner 2004, with a few glosses (TLB 2, 3), an unpubl. 296f.). His name was undoubtedly listed in stone fragment (RIME 4, 357), two more a broken passage in the Neo-Ass./Neo-Bab. from museums (LIH 60 =CT2G, 40−42;A dynastic chronicle (Chronicle 8, ABC G4G; 35G8, Van De Mieroop 20GG, 338), and a Glassner 2004, G30f.). Middle Bab. school copy from Babylon (VS § G.6. Letters sent by Hammurapi (for 24, 4G; Pederseń 2005, 89f. M6: 68); for letters to H. s. Fiette 20G6). 2GG letters: stone fragments of H. s. in general Van De a) To Sıˆn-iddinam, governor of the Larsa Mieroop 20GG. province: 98 letters, s. the list in Sıˆn-iddinam* g) Fragments of a bil. basalt monument § 2 and add AbB G4, G−3 (but delete AbB from Kisˇ (LIH 67, found by C. Bellino in G3, 44). the early G9th cent. on the surface of Tall al- b) To Sˇamasˇ-h˚a¯zir, the land manager of Uhøaimir; P. R. S. Moorey, Kish excavations the Larsa province (Fiette forthc.), some- G923−G933 [G979] nos. G6−22; the first one times together with other officials: 95 let- was found next to the ziggurat on Tall al- ters, s. the list in Sˇamasˇ-h˚a¯zir*. Uhøaimir, while the find spots of the rest are c) To Iddin-Ea: AbB G4, GG7. unknown; s. RIME 4, 357). It is not certain d) To Ibni-Sıˆn and Marduk-na¯søir: AbB 8, that these pieces all belong to the same ob- 50, 53. ject. e) To Lusˇtamar-Zababa and Be¯la¯num: h) A Neo-Bab. or perhaps even Middle AbB 9, 32. Bab. school tablet from Nippur contains a f) To Zimrı¯-Lıˆm*, king of Mari: ARM bil. lex. excerpt from the series Nabnıtu ¯ 28, G, 4f. (MSL G6, 3G5) on the obv. and a passage g) To Buqa¯qum, sheikh of Sapı¯ratum: from a bil. H. inscription on the rev. ARM 7, 5Gf.; 28, 6f. (Sjöberg G974−G975, G6G). h) To Bah˚dı¯-Lim, governor of Mari: i) A poorly preserved fragment of an ARM 6, 5G, 53f.; 28, 8. Akk. lit. composition that dealt with major i) Unknown recipients: AbB 8, G9; ARM events of H.’s reign, including the conquest 28, 9. of Esˇnunna and Mari. It contains the only mention of Zimrı¯-Lıˆm in any source from 2 Babylonia (Rutz/Michalowski 20G6; for an § . Name. H.’s name was Amorite. The first element of his name, spelled H˚ a(-am)- important although epigraphically uncer- tain restoration s. Ziegler 20G6). mu(-um), Am-mu, was ammu, “father’s brother”, “older male relative” (Name*, § G.5. King lists and chronicles. H. was Namengebung. E. § 5.2). This epitheton mentioned in a list of kings of Larsa, where transfers the strong relationship between he followed Rı¯m-Sıˆn, and was also named blood relatives in tribal structures to the in a list of kings of the Old Bab. dynasty bond between god and name-bearer: god (King List B) preserved in a somewhat protects the name-bearer as does an impor- unreliable version on a Neo-Bab. tablet, tant male member of the family. where he is ascribed a reign of 55 years The second element of H.’s name is ren- (Königslisten* und Chroniken. B. § 3.G: G5 dered as rabi or rapi. There can be no [p. 89], § 3.7: 6 [p. G00]). H. also occurs in doubt, however, that the interpretation a list of royal names from Nineveh, incor- ra¯pi >(?) ra¯pı¯, “is healing”, is the correct rectly explained (V R 44 i 2G =K4426 + one (s. the discussion in Streck G999, Rm. 6G7;s.§2e below). The king was men- esp. 663−665 and 667f.): tioned in two Late Bab. chronicles: The a) Three unpubl. Old Bab. texts from chronicle of early kings B obv. G−8 (Chron- Larsa preserve the unambiguous spelling HAMMURAPI 385 ra-pi: YBC 4362, 6496, and 6508 (all texts brother (i. e. god) is healing (the wound of collated, s. Streck G999, 659). This writing being childless)”. also occurs in a Neo-Ass. letter that mentions an old tablet of H., SAA G0, G55: 8, § 3. Family. H. was the fifth member of G0. the First Dynasty of Babylon: the son of b) /p/ is also attested for other bearers of Sıˆn-muballitø* − his predecessor on the the same name: note the writing of the throne − grandson of Apil-Sıˆn* and descen- name of a king of H˚ ana as Am-mi-ra-pi dant of Sumu-la-el*. We know this not only (Syria 37, 205: 32; also wr. -ra-bi-ih˚, i. e., from king lists, but from the monarch’s ra¯pi) and the example of a G3th cent. king own pronouncements that mentioned his of Ugarit whose name was written in syll. father, grandfather and more distant rela- cun. as Am-mu-ra-bi, A-mu-ra-bi or Am- tive, Sumu-la-el, who was considered the mu-ra-ap-e (RSOu. 22,p.87: 4) but as founding ancestor of the lineage, alongside MRPi (DUL G65f.) in the Ugar. alphabet. Sumu-abum*, who never sat on the throne 2003 GGG Note, moreover, that the element -ra-pi of Babylon (Charpin , ). His only also occurs in other Amorite names (Streck known sibling may have been a sister G999, 66G). named Iltani who served as a nadı¯tum dedi- c) The usual Old Bab. spelling ra-bi is cated to the sun god in Sippar. Two other ambiguous. Consistent spellings in names nadı¯tums in Sippar may conceivably have been daughters of H.: Ruttum (Tyborowski like li-bi-it for lipit and i-bi-iq for ipiq in 20G0 60−62 20G7 texts from southern Bab. show that the sign , ; Richardson ; but she may in fact be daughter of H. of Kurda) bi could be used as an archaism for /pi/ 20G2 67 (Streck G999, 658). and Lamassani (Barberon , ), but direct evidence is lacking. Another daugh- d) The root rp, “to heal”, occurs fre- ter, whose name is not preserved, was mar- quently in the Amorite onomastic elements ried off to Søillı¯-Sıˆn*, the ruler of Esˇnunna, yarpa, ripa/¯ı and rapu¯ , rapu¯ a, whereas according to an Esˇnunna year name. The the root rbı is considerably less frequent ¯ names of two of his sons, Mutu-numah˚a (yarbı¯, tarbı¯) (Streck G999, 663f.). More- and Sumu-dita¯na, the latter described as over, the root rp is amply attested else- the “elder/st” (FM 2, GG9: 5f.; ARM 26/2, where in the NW Sem. onomasticon, but 375 7 664 : ), are known only because they vis- the root rbı¯ is not (ibid. f.). The deity ited Mari (Lion G994), but this does not “healed” the wound of childlessness mean that H. did not have other offspring. through the birth of the new child. He was succeeded by still another son, e) There are some hints that already in Samsu-iluna* (who considered himself as ancient times the interpretation of the sec- the “mighty heir” of H.). ond name element was sometimes unclear: in Alalah˚ we find H˚ a-am-mu-GAL (Streck § 4. Building activities are primarily G999 665 , f.), using the logogram for “large/ documented in year names and inscrip- 5 great”. The Ugar. scribal exercise KTU , tions, and therefore it is certain that the re- 22: 2G provides the writing mrbi; the text cord is incomplete. The first documented features mistakes, and the spelling with i at large project was the (re)building of the the end shows that despite b, ra¯pi is meant. wall of the cloister for women dedicated to The Gst mill. name list V R 44 i 2G offers the sun god Sˇamasˇ in Sippar (YN 4). Over the incorrect interpretation of mH˚ a-am-mu- the years, H.’s patronage would extend to ra-bi as kimta rapasˇtu, “extensive family”, other major works in Sippar, but also in misconstruing the sentence structure of the Babylon, Kutha, Esˇnunna, Kisˇ, and in other name, which is not surprising because the places. In his 20th year he founded a city list includes other unreliable analyses of named Basøu* (Sˇapaza*), probably located personal names (Streck G999, 667). near Babylon (YN 2G, AbB 2, 84: 4f.). To summarize: H.’s name should be Under H.’s rule, the crown also orga- understood as Ammu-ra¯pi, “Father’s nized major projects designed to protect 386 HAMMURAPI and improve the movement of water in the that now controlled all southern Babylo- kingdom. YN 9 commemorated work on a nia. The few surviving documents from the canal named H˚ ammu-ra¯pı¯-h˚egâl, “Ham- first years of his rule probably came from murapi (provides) Abundance”. The 24th Sippar and perhaps Isin. YN 7 commemo- year was named after the dredging of the rated the brief “seizing” (dib) of Uruk and Euphrates and a canal or canal basin Isin (cities once allied with his father) in the named Tilimda-Enlila (perhaps to be read S, while YN G0 was named after a defeat in Akk.), “Enlil’s Waterjar”. YN 33 de- of Malgium* (§ 4), not far from Babylon scribed the digging of waterworks named towards the E, and the following year cele- H˚ ammu-ra¯pı¯-nuh˚usˇ-nisˇ¯ı, “H. is (the Bearer brated a victory over Rapiqum. But the of) Prosperity for the People.” This was an propagandistic wording of the year formu- ambitious undertaking that probably began lae cannot be taken at face value as re- at Du¯ r-Sıˆn-muballitø-(abim-wa¯lidija), “For- vealed by the rich information embedded in tress of Sıˆn-muballitø (the Father Who En- the Mari correspondence. Malgium would gendered Me)”, near Nippur and then ran quickly recover from its temporary misfor- down through the major southern cities to tune while Rapiqum was soon retaken by Uruk, Larsa, Ur and then Eridu, on the Esˇnunna, but was eventually handed over verge of the marshes and the Persian Gulf to Babylon by the northern king Sˇamsˇ¯ı- for over approximately 200 km (Richard- Adad I as a gift in gratitude for H.’s refusal son 20G5; Van Lerberghe et al. 20G7). This to join Esˇnunna in an alliance against his may have been the name given to a major own kingdom. The events that led up to project that replaced or dredged in places this are indicative of H.’s secondary role in the main branch of the Euphrates. There is the complex political and military interac- evidence to suggest that climate changes tions between the various kingdoms of had resulted in low river flow silting up Mesopotamia and Syria at the time; the and excessive reed growth in canals, and scope of his rule and resources at hand also gave rise to serious flooding (Cole/ were hardly comparable to those enjoyed Gasche G998). It is possible that work on by his more powerful neighbors. The mon- walls of Sippar, referenced in the YNs 23, arch’s early year names focus primarily on 25, and 43, was designed to protect against religious offerings, but this does not mean such inundations. The same may be true of that his kingdom was not involved in inter- similar works in Rapiqum*, N of Babylon state politics or warfare. on the Euphrates, and the construction of H.’s fortunes were on the upswing and a wall named Ka¯r-Sˇamasˇ* on the Euphrates eventually, in his G6th year, he joined in an close to Babylon, both referenced in H.’s alliance with Sˇamsˇ¯ı-Adad I and Ibal-pı¯-el* II, penultimate year name. who was now the king of Esˇnunna, to invade the land governed by his old enemy § 5. Political history. Very little is Malgium. The expedition was a success and known about the reign of Sıˆn-muballitø*, Malgium had to pay the coalition an enor- H.’s father and predecessor on the throne mous amount of silver to lift the siege of its of Babylon. Documents from the reign of capital city. Soon after, however, H.’s ally the former originated in Kisˇ, Damrum and Sˇamsˇ¯ı-Adad I met his fate and his vast Sippar. H. presumably inherited a small kingdom fell apart, opening space for new polity that controlled a limited amount of actors on the scene, including Zimrı¯-Lıˆm*, territory around Babylon that included at the new king of Mari, whose archives have least Sippar, Kisˇ and perhaps Borsippa. As provided a wealth of information on the H. began his rule, Babylon was hemmed political, diplomatic and military events of in by much more powerful states: Sˇamsˇ¯ı- the next twelve years. The political changes Adad’s* I extensive kingdom of upper in the Near East that followed the dissolu- Mesopotamia in the far N, Esˇnunna close tion of the great kingdom would have far- by to the E, Elam further to the SE and just reaching effects, eventually allowing H. to downriver, Rı¯m-Sıˆn’s* I Larsa kingdom expand his reach and attain hegemony in HAMMURAPI 387

Mesopotamia and parts of Syria. Among The Mari letters provide information on other matters, we learn that Esˇnunna in- many details of these complex events, vaded the land of Mari and at the same which can only be summarized here. time that Zimrı¯-Lıˆm was forced to suppress With new resources at hand, control of an uprising of Jamı¯nite tribesmen in his a large area and freedom of movement, lands. H. dispatched an army of five gene- H.’s regime proceeded with new initiatives. rals to aid the Mari king. Prior to this time, the two major powers in Seeking to exploit the new political situ- Babylonia were Larsa in the S and Esˇnunna ation, the ruler of Elam began complex to the E. Having eliminated the former, he negotiations with polities that he viewed turned against the latter (with the help of as subordinate, Mari, Larsa, Babylon and some Mari troops) and conquered it the others, sometimes pitting them against each next year, even though Søillı¯-Sıˆn, the king of other, to involve them in a war against Esˇ- Esˇnunna, was his son-in-law. This time nunna. This resulted in the sacking of the Zimrı¯-Lıˆm had taken side with the latter city and its territory, which was now occu- and four months later H. moved against pied by Elam. The Elam. ruler then turned Mari. His 33rd year formula celebrated against Mari and a large-scale Elam. inva- three events: the construction of elaborate sion ravaged parts of Syria, involving vas- waterworks, the restoration of Sumer and sals in the area in a complex web of alli- Akkad and the victory over two rival ances and betrayals but also plotting to in- states, Malgium and Mari; he also con- volve various polities in a planned attack quered other cities in Syria, including Tut- on Babylon. But H.’s forces, in alliance tul* (A. § 2.2) on the Balı¯h˚ river. Thus with Mari, Aleppo and other powers, de- ended the reign of H.’s sometimes treacher- feated the interlopers at the battle of H˚ irı¯- ous and duplicitous ally, Zimrı¯-Lıˆm. Two tum. The Elamites then withdrew, but not years later, H. withdrew his occupying before once again sacking the territory and forces from Mari, having destroyed the city very city of Esˇnunna. But although some and driven out the population. The con- defeated Esˇnunna generals betrayed their quest of Mari and other power centers in new Elam. sovereign and declared their al- legiance to H., once the occupiers were the area opened the Euphrates corridor gone they elected a new king in the person into Syria, even if he did not permanently exploit the opportunities at hand; this of one Søillı¯-Sıˆn*, a man of humble origins. At this moment, Babylon solidified its would be of importance for his successors place in the power politics of the area. The on the throne of Babylon, who would try subsequent conquest of the Larsa kingdom to expand power northwards. after a six-month siege of the capital city, The last decade of H.’s reign is poorly however, was pivotal to H.’s fortunes (YN documented. There is evidence that Baby- 3G): he acquired control over the whole S lon continued to be involved in N Mesopot. of Babylonia, eliminated a rival polity and affairs, controlling some cities and sending gained access to the written cultural capital armies to pacify foes. One important of ancient Sumer and Akkad. Importantly, source for how H. wanted to be viewed by H. did not do this alone, but was able to both contemporaries and generations to rally to his side Mari, Andariq and Mal- come is the prolog to his CH˚ , written some gium, as well as Yamutbal (Jamutbal*) time during the last four and a half years of tribesmen. The allied army from Mari con- his life, which listed his beneficial actions tinued to aid H. against rebel tribesmen towards the cities of his realm. The enu- who, benefitting from the war, took to meration is extensive and leaves no doubt raiding Bab. settlements, although Zimrı¯- that he wanted to be viewed as the master Lıˆm desperately tried to get his armies back of all the world around him and the last to deal with local problems. With the rebels man standing in the complex game of kings vanquished, H. turned to administering the that he had been involved in for much of large southern territory he now controlled. his time on the throne, having overcome 388 HAMMURAPI the minor status of Babylon at the time of Fields for merchants: AbB 4, 2f. Field for a his enthronement. mounted messenger: AbB 4, 4. Field for the Like most Mesopot. conquerors before governor of Badtibira: AbB 4, 5. Fields for him, the supreme power he had attained fishermen: AbB 4, 6. Fields for isˇsˇiakku was fleeting and ephemeral as most of H.’s state farmers: AbB 4, 8; 9, G90. Fields for a military and organizational activities were scribe and for an overseer of weavers: AbB short-lived. A little over a decade after his 4, G0. Field for a re¯duˆ m soldier: AbB 4, G5. death, rebellion and other events led to the Field for a gardener: AbB 4, G6. Fields for disintegration of the S and the loss of the cooks: AbB 4, 24. Fields for various temple areas he had won from Larsa less than 25 attendants: AbB 4, 27. Field for a smith: years earlier; his successors had to adjust to AbB 4, 3G. Field for a gerseqquˆ attendant: new realities and to redesign the scope and AbB 4, 32. Fields for basket menders: AbB spread of the Bab. polity, attempting to ex- 4, 37. Fields for musicians: AbB 9, G88, ploit the power vacuum H. had left up the G93. Euphrates. The preserved memory of CH˚ , § 6.3. Legal affairs. Sending of wit- copies of other writings and lit. mentions nesses: AbB 2, 2. Problems with fields: AbB 2005 aside (Hurowitz ), his most lasting 2, 6, 9; 4, G2; 9, G90. An instance of a bribe: work may have been the waterworks of AbB 2, GG. Theft of barley: AbB 2, G2. Prob- H˚ ammu-ra¯pı¯-nuh˚usˇ-nisˇ¯ı. We have little evi- lems with cattle: AbB 2, G5. h˚ibiltu dence to go on, but it is possible that shut- “crime”: AbB 2, G9. Barley loan: AbB 2, ting down of this source of water for the S 24. Deserters: AbB G3, G0. Thieves: AbB G3, could have been a factor in the war against G2. Theft of cattle: AbB G3, 4G. a rebellion conducted by his successor § 6.4. Ransoming a prisoner of war: Samsu-iluna, who subdued the insurgents 9 32 with much brutality. These events had AbB , . grave long-lasting consequences, including § 6.5. A slave-girl runs away: AbB G3, a partial abandonment of cities along its G8. route. Almost a century after the death of § 6.6. Canals and water. Digging canals: H., these waterworks would be reopened AbB 2, 4, 55. Opening of a canal: AbB 4, by his great grandson Abı¯-esˇuh˚ (Richard- G9 4 39 20G5 . Low water: AbB , . Water for Larsa son ). and Ur: AbB 4, 80. Too much water: AbB This is but a brief summary of the complex polit- 4, 85. Gabuˆ m canal: AbB 9, G94. Openings ical events of H.’s time; for a fuller account s. the of unattended canals: AbB G3, 5. two biographies mentioned above (§ G) and the more detailed information analyzed by Charpin/ § 6.7. Building and sending boats, boat- Ziegler 2003 and Charpin 2004 that take full ac- men. Building of a cargo ship: AbB 2, 8, count of the Mari documentation. 59. Ships to be sent: AbB G3, 42. Boatmen to be sent: AbB G4, 225. § 6. Administration. The available H. § 6.8. Sheep shearing, shepherds. AbB 2, epistolary materials provide rich informa- 25 29 tion on the administration of his realm, fo- , . Dispatching of men to carry out shearing: AbB G4, GG7. cusing mainly on daily affairs, but contain little political data (aside from the letters § 6.9. Trees. Cutting of trees: AbB 2, 56. sent to Zimrı¯-Lıˆm of Mari and his officials Forest: AbB 4, 20. Buqa¯qum and Bah˚dı¯-Lıˆm). Here are some § 6.G0. Calendar matters. Intercalary examples: month Ulu¯ l: AbB 2, G4. § 6.G. Taxes. Delivery of cattle: AbB G, G. § 6.GG. Cult. Procession of goddesses of 9 G92 Barley tax: AbB , . Oxen and sheep: Emu¯ tbalum to Babylon: AbB 2, 34; 5, G35. AbB G3, 8−9. igisuˆ -payment: AbB G3, G9. Silver for the Kitı¯tum temple: AbB G3, 3G. § 6.2. Fields (cf. Stol 2004, 735f.; Fiette § 6.G2. Military affairs. Troops in Ra¯p- forthc.). Field for a seal-cutter: AbB 4, G. iqum: AbB G3, 25. HAMMURAPI 389

§ 7. Death. H. may have become ill or Hurowitz V. A. 2005: Hammurabi in Mesopo- 497−532 feeble, perhaps succumbing to old age, by tamian tradition, Fs. J. Klein . his 40th year (Pientka-Hinz 2008; Charpin Ishikida M. Y. G998: The structure and func- 20G0). A tablet dated by a unique compos- tion of dispute management in the public administration of Larsa under Hammurapi, Orient 33, ite year name (H. Holma, ASSF 45/3 [G9G4] 66−78 G999 rd ; id. :Theilkum institution in the pro- no. 5;HG6, G947) incorporating H.’s 43 vincial administration of Larsa during the reign date formula with the accession year name of Hammurapi (G792−G750 BC), Orient 34, 6G− of his son and successor Samsu-iluna was 88. − Jime´ nez E. 20G4: On the commentary to G0 the code of Hammurapi and the Babylonian god issued on day of the fifth month, sug- of ordeals, NABU 20G4/84. − Leemans W. F. gesting that the new king had taken over G968: King Hammurabi as judge, Fs. M. David (Horsnell G999, 43; Charpin 2004, 333), 2, GG0−G22. − Lion B. G994: Des princes de Babylone a` Mari, Gs. M. Birot 22G−234. − Maul although otherwise documents continued 20G2 to be dated as H. 43 for the rest of the year. S. M. : Tontafelabschriften des Kodex G4 G30 ,Hammurapi‘ in altbabylonischer Monumen- Moreover, in a letter (AbB , ) Samsu- talschrift, ZA G02, 76−99. − Pederse´ nO.2005: iluna claimed to have taken over the throne Archive und Bibliotheken in Babylon: die Tonta- from his sick (verb partially restored) fa- feln der Grabung Robert Koldeweys G899−G9G7 (= ADOG 25). − Pientka-Hinz R. 2008: Mid- ther and issued a debt relief proclamation lifecrisis und Angst vor dem Vergessen?: zur to solidify his claim to rule. H.’s subsequent Geschichtsüberlieferung Hammu-rapis von Baby- fate is unknown. lon, in: K.-P. Adam (ed.), Historiographie in der Antike (= ZAW Beih. 373), G−25. − Richard- 20G2 Barberon L. : Les religieuses et le culte de son S. 20G5: Re-digging Hammurabi’s canal, Marduk dans le royaume de Babylone (= Me´- NABU 20G5/94; id. 20G7: Goodbye, princess: G4 − G99G moires de NABU ). Charpin D. : L’ap- Iltani and the DUMU.MUNUS LUGAL, JCS 69, plication des e´dits de mı¯sˇarum: traces docu- 67−G08. − Roth M. T. G995: Mesopotamian le- G99G 76 2003 mentaires, NABU / ; id. : Hammu- gal traditions and the laws of Hammurabi, Chi- 2004 2 rabi de Babylone; id. : Histoire politique du cago Kent Law Revue 7G, G3−40; ead. G997 : 2002−G595 Proche-Orient amorrite ( ), Annähe- Law collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Mi- 4 25−480 20G0 rungen , ; id. : “Sentant sa mort nor (SBL WAW 6); ead. 2000: The law collection 20G0 75 20GG prochaine …”, NABU / ; id. : Baby- of king Hammurabi: toward an understanding of lon in der altbabylonischen Zeit: eine Hauptstadt codification and text, in: Le´vy (ed.), La codifica- von vielen … die als einzige übrig blieb, in: tion des lois dans l’antiquite´, 9−3G. − Rutz M./ E. Cancik-Kirschbaum/M. van Ess/J. Marzahn Michalowski P. 20G6: The flooding of Esˇ- (ed.), Babylon: Wissenskultur in Orient und nunna, the fall of Mari: Hammurabi’s deeds in G 77−89 − Okzident (= Topoi ), . Charpin D./ Babylonian literature and history, JCS 68, G5−43. Ziegler N. 2003: Mari et le Proche-Orient a` l’e´poque amorrite: essai d’histoire politique (= Sallaberger W. 20G0: König H˚ ammurapi und FM 5). − Cole S. W./Gasche H. G998: Second- die Babylonier: wem übertrug der Kodex H˚ am- and first-millennium BC rivers in northern Baby- murapi die Rechtspflege?, in: P. Charva´t/P. M. lonia, in: Gasche/M. Tanret (ed.), Changing Vlcˇkova´ (ed.), Who was king? Who was not watercourses in Babylonia: towards a recon- king? The rulers and the ruled in the Ancient struction of the ancient environment in lower Near East, 46−58. − Sjöberg A˚ .W.G972: Pray- Mesopotamia (= MHEM 5/G), G−64. − De´ mare- ers for king Hammurabi of Babylon, in: J. Berg- Lafont S. 2000: Codification et subsidiarite´ man et al. (ed.), Ex orbe religionum: Studia Geo dans les droits du Proche-Orient ancien, in: E. Widengren XXIV mense apr. MCMLXXII, quo Le´vy (ed.), La codification des lois dans l’antiqu- die lustra tredecim feliciter explevit, oblata ab ite´: actes du colloque de Strasbourg 27−29 collegis, discipulis, amicis, collegae magistro novembre G997, 49−64; ead. 20G3:L’e´criture du amico congratulantibus, 58−72; id. G974−G975: droit en Mesopotamie, in: O. Artus (ed.), Loi et Miscellaneous Sumerian texts G, OrS 24, G59− justice dans la litte´rature du Proche-Orient an- G8G; id. G99G: Was there a Sumerian version of cien (= ZABR Beih. 20), 69−83. − Fadhil A./ the laws of Hammurabi?, Fs. M. Civil 2G9− Pettinato G. G995: Inno ad Hammurabi da Sip- 225. − Stol M. 2004: Wirtschaft und Gesell- par, OrAntMisc. 2, G73−G87. − Fiette B. 20G6: schaft in altbabylonischer Zeit, Annäherungen 4, Trois lettres e´crites a` Hammurabi dans les 64G−975. − Streck M. P. G999: Hammurabi archives de Sin-iddinam, NABU 20G6/83; id. oder Hammurapi?, ArOr. 67, 655−669. − Ty- forthc.: Le Palais, la terre et les hommes: la ges- borowski W. 20G0: The daughters of the kings tion du domaine royal de Larsa d’apre`s les ar- of Babylon and their role in the Old Babylonian chives de Sˇamasˇ-hazir. Me´moires de NABU G9. − economy and society, in: Charva´t/Vlcˇkova´ (ed.), Glassner J.-J. 2004: Mesopotamian chronicles o. c., 59−70. − Van De Mieroop M. 2005: (= SBL WAW G9). − Horsnell M. J. A. G999: Hammurabi of Babylon: a biography; id. 20GG: The year names of the first dynasty of Babylon. − Hammurabi’s self-presentation, Or. 80, 305− 390 HANDEL

338. − Van Lerberghe K. et al. 20G7: Water Ura* on Anatolia’s SE coast and Kanisˇ* (A. deprivation as military strategy in the Middle § 3c) in the Cappadocian region. The men East, 3.700 years ago, Me´diterrane´e, https:// mediterranee.revues.org/8000. − Wasserman of Ura in particular seem to have played N. G992: A bilingual report of oracle with a royal a major role as agents of the Hitt. king in hymn of Hammurabi, RA 86, G−G8. − Wilcke arranging shipments of goods from Ugarit* 2007 C. : Das Recht: Grundlage des sozialen und on the eastern Mediterranean coast to the politischen Diskurses im Alten Orient, in: id. G7 G30 (ed.), Das geistige Erfassen der Welt im Alten Hitt. homeland (RS . and dupls. Orient: Beiträge zu Sprache, Religion, Kultur und G7.46G; G8.3 =PRU4, G03−G05). Gesellschaft, 209−244. − Woolley L./Mallo- A fragment of a Hitt. lit. text refers to wan M. E. L. G976: Ur excavations: the Old Babylonian period (= UE 7). − Yoffee N. 20G6: the operations of “merchants” within the The power of infrastructures: a counternarrative Hitt. world: “We, the merchants of Ura and and a speculation, Journal of Archaeological Zallara*, are coming, and have plenty and Method and Theory 23, G053−G065. − Ziegler abundance in our possession. We are bring- N. 20G6: The flooding of Esˇnunna?, NABU 20G6/ 4G. ing many NAM.RA-people (deportees). We are driving cattle, sheep, horses, mules and G G−5 3−5 7 − P. Michalowski (§§ . , , ) asses in large numbers. We have barley and M. P. Streck (§§ G.6, 2, 6) wine in large amounts in our possession. We have in our possession valuable items Handel (trade). B. Bei den Hethitern. as well: silver, gold, lapis lazuli, carnelian, Bab. stone, quartz, copper, bronze, and § G. Merchants in the Hittite world. − § 2. Trad- − − 3 tin whatever is within our prerogative, all ing contacts, items traded. § . Risks, rewards, G2 42 2Ј−G3Ј royal protection measures. − § 4. Exports from in large amounts” (KBo. , : H˚ atti. [CTH 822]; transl. Hoffner G968; id. 200G, G84f.; Klengel G979, 73f.). This textual § G. Merchants in the Hittite world. remnant does not make clear whether the Though H˚ atti, kingdom of the Hittites, was so-called merchants were travelling to H˚ at- part of the LBA international trading net- tusˇa or a foreign destination. Nor does it work, references to actual Hitt. merchants indicate their actual role. Based on the size in written sources are rare. Hittites them- and range of the consignment, Klengel selves seem to have played no significant (G979, 75) argued that its components role in the world of international t. (Han- were not t. items assembled by private del* A. § G0; Handelskolonien* §§ 3,G−3,2; merchants; rather, the persons concerned Hoffner 200G, G80). Most goods imported were agents of the king, employed to escort into the kingdom, ranging from essential the goods to their final destination (s. a. commodities to luxury items, were ac- Metalle* und Metallurgie. A. II. § 2). quired through foreign intermediaries, as tribute (Tribut* D) from the kingdom’s vas- § 2. Trading contacts, items sal states (e. g. CTH G47, transl. Beckman, traded. One can conclude that there were HDT2 G66−G68), or through “gift” ex- trading contacts, on a fairly regular basis, changes between Hitt. kings and their for- between H˚ atti and other countries, includ- eign peers (Pferd* A. II. § 2.5; Bryce 2003, ing Babylon, Assyria, Mittani, the Syro- 95−G06). Even within H˚ atti, there is little Palestinian states, Egypt, and Cyprus, as evidence of a class of merchants plying indicated by both artefactual and textual their wares between the kingdom’s towns evidence (s. Cline G994, 70). By contrast, and cities or in local markets. As Hoffner Cline (G99G) notes the sparseness of items (200G, G8G) comments, the Hitt. term for of Mycenaean origin found in a Hitt. merchant, unnattallasˇ, refers exclusively to context and vice versa. This, he believes, wealthy and important men who under reflects a long-lasting embargo of trading royal protection conducted the business of activity imposed by the Hittites upon international t. with allied countries. Some- Mycenaean Greeks, for political or military times, the places of origin of these men are reasons, wherever the Hittites exercised mentioned in Hitt. texts. They included control. In support of his theory, Cline cites