Tell Leilan-Texts-2

PART I THE LETTERS

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. Chronological and Archival Context 1.1.1. Précis of Historical Background As outlined by Ristvet and Weiss in their introduction to this volume, recent research on both archaeological and documentary evidence from Tell Leilan and other sites has produced detailed discussions of the identification of the site and its place in the history of Northern Mesopotamia in the late third to early second millennium B.C., so that few remarks on the historical background are needed.1 First, it may be useful to reiterate that the identification of Tell Leilan with ancient fieÓn⁄/ fiubat-Enlil can be considered definitely established. Any possible doubts left by the analyses presented by Charpin (1987a) and Whiting (1990b) are removed by the 1987 evidence.2 On the other hand, the problems concerning the relationship between Apum/m⁄t Apim and fieÓn⁄/fiubat-Enlil remain unresolved, and the new evidence provides no firm conclusions on this issue. All that can be said is that Apum, in the texts here, refers to areas near the capital fieÓn⁄/fiubat-Enlil.3 The name fiubat-Enlil is sparingly used in the texts published here, but was almost certainly applied to the town by the mighty fiamÍ‹-Adad 1 (ca. 1833–1776 B.C.), whose association with the

1. The following brief remarks summarize information and discussion found especially in publications by Weiss (see Bibliography); Whiting 1990a and 1990b (for the Leilan evidence); Charpin 1986 and 1987a; and Charpin, ARMT XXVI/2, pp. 31ff. (for the Mari evidence). 2. This follows not so much from any single piece of evidence, but from the cumulative weight of corroborative data. To mention but two aspects: numerous administrative documents record transactions as taking place “in fieÓn⁄,” and in all seven cases in which fiubat-Enlil is mentioned in the letters (see index) the logical contextual implication is that the letter was received by someone residing in this town. 3. As correctly pointed out by Charpin (1987a, 137ff.; and Charpin 1990b, 117 with notes 4–5; for a different etymology of the name Apum, see Cohen 1993, 260), extant Old Babylonian references (including those from the new Leilan material) provide a clear distinction between Apum as the area or country around Leilan and fieÓn⁄/fiubat-Enlil as the actual ancient city, but some problems persist. First, the Old Assyrian references to Apum should be to a town (like other localities along the Old Assyrian routes) and, second, divine compounds like B2let-Apim usually involve the name of a town rather than a land. Unfortunately, the new evidence does not solve the difficulties. In [84], in a rather broken and not too clear context, we find a mí-tur uru a-‚pa?Ÿ-a-yi‚kiŸ. If the reading is correct—and the sign uru not added by mistake—this reference seems to prove the existence of a town Apum, but the evidence is slim. In [101] the king of fiun⁄, located somewhere west of Leilan, reports that he has prepared the defense of “the town of fiun⁄ and the Óalla‰ of the country of Apum,” and at the end of the letter he states that “the town of fiun⁄ and the country of Apum is well” (cf. also [102], 26f.). This seems to indicate that fiun⁄, a vassal kingdom of Leilan, was actually within the territory of Apum and that a town Apum perhaps was located west of Leilan. fiun⁄ itself is not yet mentioned in any third-millennium or Old Assyrian sources and could be a candidate, especially if we compare the Old Assyrian “route” through the Habur to the Old Babylonian “itinerary” and assume that fiun⁄ in the latter substitutes Apum in the former (cf. below I.1.2.4).

2 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Habur Plains harks back almost to the beginning of his reign. This evolves clearly from the Mari Eponym Chronicle (Birot 1985), in which the annotation for the third regnal year of fiamÍ‹-Adad mentions that he was defeated by the Lulleans, i.e., a local hill population, at Lazap⁄t(um), a town located in the region south of Leilan (see I.1.2.4). fiamÍ‹-Adad possibly conquered the city from an earlier ruler, but the name of this ruler—or, indeed, the name of any other pre-fiamÍ‹-Adad ruler of Leilan—is still unknown. The archives from Mari and Chagar Bazar (Talon 1997) provide us with the names of a number of officials active in fiubat-Enlil, but otherwise give few details about the city. From Leilan itself there is some evidence from this period, primarily from the buildings excavated on the Acropolis in 1985 (Whiting 1990a and 1990b), but also from the Eastern Lower Town Palace, where several rooms have yielded sealing fragments bearing legends of fiamÍ‹-Adad, IÍme- Dagan, and some of their officials.4 Events during the phase immediately following the death of fiamÍ‹-Adad and the disappearance of YasmaÓ-Addu from Mari are still poorly known, and a more precise elucidation must await retrieval or publication of additional sources. It is clear, however, that even before the death of the king himself, and while his power seems to have reached its zenith, Leilan and the surrounding area were not under his complete control. Evidence from Mari documents shows how the “barbarian” Turukkeans, deported from the east Tigris region and settled close to fiubat-Enlil (in Amursakkum), rebelled and caused fiamÍ‹-Adad and his sons considerable difficulties (Eidem 1993a). To what extent the sons of fiamÍ‹-Adad managed to retain control of the Habur Plains after the death of their father is difficult to ascertain, but we know that the old official Samiya stayed in control of fiubat-Enlil some five years into the reign of Zimri-Lim. Texts from Mari show that Samiya was in conflict with Turum-natki, who was supported by inhabitants of fiubat-Enlil itself. Together they solicited help from Zimri-Lim of Mari to get rid of Samiya, and promised him the “treasures of fiamÍ‹-Adad,” apparently still somewhat intact, in return. Likewise Samiya received a letter from SimaÓ-ilânem of Kurd⁄, who offered to kill Turum-natki and join the country of Apum to fiubat-Enlil. Thus Turum-natki is the first documented figure who may have had legitimate, i.e., “pre-fiamÍ‹-Adad,” claims on Apum, but there is as yet no explicit evidence for this. This situation came to an end in the year ZL 3', when Ibal-pî-El II of EÍnunna invaded the Habur Plains supported by Qarni-Lim of Andarig. Samiya disappears from view, and Turum-natki somehow

Another solution might be that Apum and fieÓn⁄ (for an etymology “Hot (Springs),” see Bonechi 1998, 221f.) originally referred to two different aspects of the Leilan settlement, its extensive lower town and the ancient core represented by the citadel. These two realities are, of course, termed respectively adaÍÍum and kerÓum in Old Babylonian northern texts, and this “double” nature of major tells, which dates back into the third millennium B.C., could have created different names for parts of the same settlement (cf. the situation at ki Ebla, where a special designation [sa-zax ] was used for the citadel). Since the k⁄rum merchant quarter in Leilan was located in the lower town, the Assyrians would then have used the name Apum rather than fieÓn⁄. None of this, however, is very convincing on present evidence, and we must conclude that the problem cannot be solved yet. 4. For the 1987 material, cf. the example published here in Appendix 2, no. 7 (fiamÍ‹-Adad). Other figures attested in such evidence include Kani-PI, son of °atni-Addu, servant of IÍme-Dagan [L.87-1281]; Sam‹ya, servant of fiamÍ‹-Adad [L.87-1279]; Lîter-Íarr›ssu, servant of fiamÍ‹-Adad (cf. Parayre 1991b, 138 no. 14; a bulla with the seal of this official has been found also at Acemhöyük, see Tunca 1989, 483). Samiya and Lîter-Íarr›ssu (Whiting 1990a and 1990b; for Lîter-Íarr›ssu, see D. Charpin, ARMT XXVI/2, p. 29 c) are well-known figures in this phase of Leilan history, and both are known to have been stationed at fiubat-Enlil toward the end of the period. Kaniwe(?) is not attested previously.

THE LETTERS 3 came to grief, since we hear that Qarni-Lim inters him in Apum, mourns him, and then places one of his sons on the throne of Apum (see Eidem 1994). The new king was possibly a certain Z›zu, who is known from a few Mari texts. One of these is ARM X 122+ (Durand 1987h = DEPM III, no. 1140), in which Zimri-Lim, campaigning in the north, reports to his queen fiiptu that he has broken the enemy lines and managed to join his allies Z›zu of Apum and the troops of EluÓut.5 Another reference to Z›zu, in A.350+ (Charpin 1990b = DEPM I, no. 333), concerns reports of his death, attributed consecutively to an illness, to a serious accident, and finally to “natural causes.” Following this event, officials of Bunu-IÍtar of Kurd⁄ arrive to seal the residence of Z›zu and retain a caravan of his, assembled to transport grain from AzamÓul to SapÓum, while Qarni-Lim of Andarig, presumably then residing in fiubat-Enlil, proceeds to install °⁄ya-abum as king. This and other texts from that time reflect a situation in which the Sinjar city-states of Andarig and Kurd⁄ seem to share control of Apum. A new piece of information provided by one of the Leilan treaties (L.T.-1) is that °⁄ya-abum was the son of Turum-natki. This leads to a suspicion that the unpublished evidence for °⁄ya-abum’s accession, referred to by Charpin (ARMT XXVI/2, p. 60), coupled with that of the anonymous “son of Turum-natki” who replaced him, means that this son was, in fact, °⁄ya-abum and not Z›zu, who instead may have been installed as a Kurd⁄-sponsored king in AzamÓul. If so, we have evidence for two sons of Turum-natki who may, for a time, have shared the kingship of Apum, residing in fiubat-Enlil and AzamÓul respectively.6 In any event, °⁄ya-abum was left as king of Apum, although under tutelage from Andarig during the next years until mid-ZL 9', when Elamite troops and their allies invaded the Habur. Events during this year are exceptionally well documented in the published sources from Mari. °⁄ya-abum was killed and an Elamite general, Kunnam, resided for a time at fiubat-Enlil and controlled a large sector of the Habur Plains, but later the same year the Elamites and their allies were defeated. Qarni-Lim came to a sad end (cf. Heimpel 1996a), and his place was taken by Atamrum, ruler of the Sinjar town AllaÓad, who now controlled both Andarig and fiubat-Enlil, where fiupram (also king of the town Sus⁄) was installed as governor. During the following years Atamrum, and simultaneously and subsequently from ZL 11' his successor, °imdiya, were in control of Leilan. The 1987 excavations in the Eastern Lower Town Palace produced only a few inscriptions from this entire period. Neither Turum-natki nor Z›zu is attested, but a few sealings have the legend of B2l‹-em›q‹, servant of °⁄ya-abum. Atamrum of Andarig and his governor (Í⁄piˇum) fiupram are not attested, but °imdiya, Atamrum’s successor, is represented by a few sealing fragments and two tablets.7 After 1762 B.C., when Hammurabi of Babylon brought an end to the power of Mari, documentation for the history of northern Mesopotamia comes to an end for a very long time, although

5. For this interpretation, which differs from that of Durand, see Eidem 1989b, 365. 6. Such a setup is, of course, reminiscent of that found in the texts published here, for which see below I.1.1.3. 7. The envelope fragments from room 2 (see Appendix 2, no. 1) are especially interesting since they carry the full legend of °imdiya’s seal. The two tablets are a legal document sealed by a servant of °imdiya and dated with the limmu Óa-ab-d[u(?)-…] found in room 22, and a single letter [L.87-887] addressed to °imdiya, from room 5. The latter text, which contains interesting new information, will be published separately by F. Ismail.

4 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN not completely. Texts from Tell al-Rimah in the Sinjar Plain (ancient Qaˇˇar⁄; see Charpin and Durand 1987; also Eidem 1989a) provide some information about a few years within the decade 1760–50 B.C., and show that Hammurabi of Babylon now was in control of northeastern Mesopot- amia,8 while texts from Tell Asharah (ancient Terqa) on the middle Euphrates document developments under the so-called °ana dynasty (Rouault 1984 and 1992). When the first rooms of the Eastern Lower Town Palace at Leilan were excavated in 1985 a handful of tablets and sealings appeared bearing names of kings, evidently dating to a period later than that documented at Mari. Several of these tablets were administrative texts dated with the otherwise unknown limmu IÍme-El and warki IÍme-El, and sealed with the seal of Yak›n-AÍar, son of Dari-EpuÓ and king of Apum. This royal name provided a welcome chronological link with southern Mesopotamia, where the year-formula for the 23rd regnal year of the Babylonian king Samsu-iluna records the destruction of “ﬁahn⁄ (= ﬁeÓn⁄), the capital of the country of Apum,” and in a variant version mentions a certain ia-ku-u[n-…]. Thus the year Samsu-iluna 22, which equals 1728 B.C., could be considered a terminal date for the king Yak›n-AÍar. The Babylonian year- formula is the latest extant reference to Leilan, where major occupation also seems to have come to an end at about this time.

1.1.2. Evidence from the Eastern Lower Town Palace The material excavated in the Lower Town in 1985 has been dealt with in some detail by Whiting (1990a and 1990b) and need only be briefly summarized here. It was found mainly in the two partially excavated rooms numbered 2 and 5, and it included sixteen administrative texts dated with the following limmu eponyms: Adad-bani (1 text), AÍÍur-takl⁄ku (1), IÍme-El (7), warki IÍme-El (1), and Niwer-Kubi (6). All these texts came from room 2 except the one dated to Adad-bani, which was found in room 5. In addition, half a dozen undated or fragmentary administrative texts and a single letter addressed to Samiya were found. The sealings had inscriptions relating to the kings ﬁamÍ‹-Adad, °imdiya, Till-Abnû, Mutiya, and Yak›n-AÍar. The seal of Yak›n-AÍar himself was also found impressed on all the administrative tablets dated with the limmu IÍme-El (including the one dated warki IÍme-El). From this admittedly limited material Whiting was able to define the main premises for the chronological situation. As mentioned above, Yak›n-AÍar can be connected to the 22nd regnal year of Samsu-iluna, which provides a terminus ante quem for the material, whereas the lower floors of the building obviously dated back to the time of ﬁamÍ‹-Adad. Whiting could define the inter- vening period as follows: “a) any time that Dari-EpuÓ, Yakun-AÍar’s father, may have ruled; b) any time that other unknown predecessors of Yakun-AÍar (such as possibly Mutiya, may have ruled; c) the length of Yakun-AÍar’s reign prior to the limmus attested in the archive” (Whiting 1990b, 572 n. 106). During the 1987 season rooms 2 and 5, which produced the majority of the tablets found in 1985, were completely exposed and, in addition, a large new area of the palace was excavated. The epigraphic finds from 1987 were recorded with 1068 field numbers, but since subsequent study has separated fragments recorded as one field number and joined others recorded separately, this figure is only a rough guide to the number of separate items found. Leaving aside the ca. 250 sealing and

8. For some remarks on the order and extent of this control, see below I.1.2.1.

THE LETTERS 5 envelope fragments, for which absolute figures are less meaningful, the material can be summarized as follows: ❍ 219 letters or letter fragments published in this volume. Although a few theoretical joins among the sometimes very small fragments may have passed unnoticed, this material can safely be said to represent at least 200 different texts. ❍ Some 80 fragments from at least six larger tablets containing the texts of political treaties and a version of the Sumerian King List. ❍ 328 administrative texts or fragments with preserved (or reconstructible) limmu-date representing this exact number of individual tablets. ❍ Some 125 administrative texts or fragments without preserved date. ❍ Some 140 smaller fragments, of either administrative texts or insignificant pieces. As discussed in detail by Ristvet and Weiss in their introduction, most of these tablets and fragments were found in two main groups, in room 2 and rooms 17/22/23 respectively. The first group consists of administrative texts, many dated to the limmu-year IÍme-El, firmly associated with the ruler Yak›n-AÍar. The texts predominantly concern wine, and seem to be part of a smaller, specialized archive, and are the latest texts found in the palace. The much larger second group, scattered in three different rooms, consists of administrative texts, letters, and fragments from political treaties. Most of the texts presented in this volume belong to this group.9 With very few exceptions the material belongs to the latest phase of Leilan history, i.e., the period ca. 1755–28 B.C. Apart from °imdiya, who may have continued to be in control of Leilan some time after the Mari archives came to an end in 1761 B.C., three different kings, Mutiya, Till-Abnû, and Yak›n-AÍar, are attested for this phase, their names occurring in seal legends, in letters, and as contracting partners in treaties. The chronological framework for this period has to be developed from the Leilan material itself, and some of the basic premises for such a construction, from several levels of analysis, must be discussed here.

1.1.3. The Leilan Kings The sequence of the three latest Leilan kings presents no immediate problem. The basis for a reconstruction is provided by two synchronisms with material from Babylonia. The first is the Samsu- iluna year formula already referred to, which shows that Yak›n-AÍar was king in 1728 B.C., a year that may well have been the last of his reign. The second synchronism is provided by the limmu °abil-k2nu, firmly associated with the reign of Mutiya, and which is also found in tablets from Sippar. From the Sippar material the limmu can be dated to a year either very late in the reign of Hammurabi or very early in the reign of his successor Samsu-iluna, i.e., approximately 1750 B.C. (see Veenhof 1989; cf. Charpin 1990d). Finally, the Leilan material itself provides ample evidence that Till-Abnû directly succeeded Mutiya, who is referred to retrospectively and in very specific terms in several letters sent to Till-Abnû.

9. Exceptions are (1) two letters from room 12: a fragmentary letter exchanged between two palace officials [168], and a small fragment from a letter sent to Mutiya from an unidentified writer [21]; (2) a letter fragment found in room 2 [160]. 6 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Mutiya The name Mutiya is a hypocoristicon of Mutu-AbiÓ,10 but the short form is exclusively used in the letters. The complete form is attested in the seal legend of Mutiya found impressed on sixteen administrative texts dated in the limmu °abil-k2nu: mu-tu-a-bi-iÓ, dumu Óa-lu-un-pí-mu, na-ra-am dim, ù dnin-a-pí-im Mutu-AbiÓ, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu,11 beloved of Adad and B2let-Apim In this inscription Mutiya is not given any title, but this is found in L.T.-2, where he is repeatedly referred to as lugal m⁄t Apim “king of the land Apum.”

Till-Abnû Although Till-Abnû12 is the current form of the name, the hypocoristicon Till⁄ya is found once, in the address of [23] sent from Hammurabi of °alab (also possibly in the address of [27] sent from Bin-Dammu, the °alab general). A number of administrative tablets are sealed with seals of servants of Till-Abnû or with his own seal. The two first lines in the legend invariably read: Till-Abnû, dumu Dari-EpuÓ “Till- Abnû, son of Dari-EpuÓ,” but the third line is often not visible, since it has been erased by repeated impression of the seal legend onto the tablets. On a total of seven tablets, however, the third line appears as: ìr Ía d[…] “servant of the god […].” Six of these texts are dated in the limmu Amer-IÍtar (months iii, iv, v, x, xi) and one in a limmu […]-IÍtar (month iii), which almost certainly is identical to Amer-IÍtar. On one tablet (dated Amer-IÍtar, vii 15) the third line appears as: lugal ma-a-at [a-pí-im(ki)] “king of the land Apum,” and this is the title found in several of the treaties, e.g., L.T.-3, which is dated to the limmu Amer-IÍtar.

Yakun-AÍar Again the full version is the most current form, but a hypocoristicon, Yak›ya (ia-ku-ia), is found in several seal legends belonging to servants of the king. The legend of his own seal is found on numerous tablets from room 2 (all dated in limmu IÍme-El and in two cases warki IÍme-El): ia-ku-un-a-Íar, dumu da-ri-e-pu-uÓ, lugal ma-a-at a-pí-im Yak›n-AÍar, son of Dari-EpuÓ, king of the land Apum (see Parayre in Weiss et al. 1990, 564, fig. 34)

10. For this name meaning “Man of EbiÓ” (Jebel Hamrin), see Durand 1991c, 85. It could be speculated, of course, that this name has a bearing on the history of the family to which Mutiya belonged. 11. This follows writings like Óa-lu-(un/m-)pí-PI-mu in texts from Mari (ARMT XVI/1, 97) and here L.T.-2 iii 5' Óa-lu-pí-ú-mu. 12. For this name and its possible etymologies, cf. Durand 1987g. The current spelling is ti-la-ab-nu-ú, but we also find til-la-ab-nu-[ú] ([52] and [55] from °alu-rabi), ti-i[l-la-a]b-nu-ú ([89] from ﬁukrum-TeÍÍup), til- ! ab -‚nu-úŸ ([89], 29), til-na4 ([105] from MeÓilum and [128] from BaÓdi-Lim), t[i-l]i-a[b]-nu ([113] from Sumu-Ditana), ti-la-ab-ni ([118] from AÓuÍina, and probably [122] from […], also in two letters from Kuzuzzu [137] and [139]). For variations in the spelling of -Abnû, ab-nu/ab-nu-ú/ab-ni in letters from Aya- abu of ﬁun⁄, see below ad [93]. These variations fit Durand’s observations and justify the normalization Till- Abnû used in this volume. Again, it could be speculated whether the name—if formed from the homonym GN of a town west of the Habur Plains—has a bearing on the history of the family. THE LETTERS 7

THE DYNASTY Although a sequence Mutiya–Till-Abnû–Yak›n-AÍar seems secure, there remains a number of problems concerning these kings: their origins, their relationship to each other, and their periods of rule. It is clear that Till-Abnû and Yak›n-AÍar, both sons of Dari-EpuÓ, were brothers, and maybe other members of the family are attested.13 Since Mutiya and Till-Abnû and Yak›n-AÍar had different fathers, it might seem that two different dynasties were involved, but apparently the situation is not that simple. A diachronic view of our material shows that men named Till-Abnû and Yak›n-AÍar were actively supporting Mutiya during his reign, and the evidence suggests a geo-political construction in which Mutiya, as king of Apum and based in fieÓn⁄, was supported by two sub- or junior kings on the borders of Apum. Till-Abnû, in contrast to Yak›n-AÍar, is not attested as a correspondent of Mutiya, but the letter [110] (Ewri to “his lord” Till-Abnû) can with confidence be dated to the reign of Mutiya. Further, Till-Abnû is mentioned in two letters from the official Kuzuzzu, [137] and [139], almost certainly sent to Mutiya (for the historical context of all three letters see I.1.3.2). The implication of this evidence is that Till-Abnû supported Mutiya and must have been an ally, vassal, or governor of Apum. This observation may be connected with information in administrative texts dated to the limmu °abil-k2nu. The first is [L.87-625] (19 v), which lists a delivery of wine from [ti]-la-ab-nu-ú lú fiurnat. An individual named Till-Abnû is mentioned also in [L.87-665] (11 ix) and [L.87-1411] (25 ix), but in these instances in an uncertain context. At the same time, we have evidence for another lú fiurnat, a certain Kuzzuri: ❍ [L.87-646] (25 viii °abil-k2nu) lists a garment given to Kuzzuri lú fiurnat; ❍ [L.87-539] (7 viiib °abil-k2nu; same entry in [L.87-1412] with same date) is a note concerning four jars of wine brought by Kuzzuri lú fiurnat “when he came to meet with the king” (in›ma itti lugal ana nanmurim illikam). Although the possibility of homonymy precludes definite proof, it is a reasonable theory that Till- Abnû, for a time at least, was based at fiurnat prior to his accession, and that possibly he was assisted or succeeded by Kuzzuri.14 The town fiurnat, apart from references in the Leilan texts, is mentioned in a number of Mari texts that provide some evidence for its location, and it has recently been suggested that it should be sought northeast of Jebel Sinjar (see ARMT XXVI/2, p. 83 sub e). ARMT XXVI/2, 422 provides

13. Two sealing fragments are relevant in this context. The first is [L.87-151], where the fragmentary three-line legend reads: [x x]-d[…], [dumu d]a-ri-[…], [x t]i-la-[…]. If Dari-EpuÓ and Till-Abnû are involved here, we must have a figure related to, but presumably subordinated toTill-Abnû. The second is [L.87-152], again with only part of the legend preserved: [x x]‚xŸ-‚dŸ[…], [dumu ia-k]u- un-a-[Íar], [ìr? ti-la-a]b-nu-‚úŸ. In this case it could be speculated that a nephew of Till-Abnû is involved and, hence, that Till-Abnû was fairly aged or considerably younger than his brother Yak›n-AÍar. 14. The Kuzzuri mentioned in [L.87-656+717] (27 x °abil-k2nu), a section leader, could be a homonym. A man, Kuzzuri, is mentioned twice in letters, but no good links with a lú fiurnat can be established: as sender of [17] (reading, however, not completely certain) to his “father” Mutiya, hence, this figure was presumably a “king.” The letter is just a fragment, but the town Amaz—far from fiurnat—is mentioned. The other reference in [179] (address not preserved) is to an individual facing trial. 8 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN interesting information showing that fiurnat must have been a fairly large walled town: (Hammu- rabi of Kurda) “sent 2000 soldiers and they attacked the town fiurnat, which belongs to Zû-°atni, and captured as much of its salÓum, its cows and sheep, and people, as they could get hold of, but the townspeople mounted to the citadel, and saved themselves in the citadel” (ll. 25–31). Charpin (1990b, 118f.) has shown that fiurnat probably belonged to Apum, and it can tentatively be suggested that fiurnat should be identified with Tell Qal’at al H⁄d‹ on the wadi Rumeilan southeast of Leilan (see I.1.2.6, s.v. Ewri; and analysis of the historical events in I.1.3.2).15 In the extant material Yak›n-AÍar appears as king of Apum on sealing fragments and in the sealed tablets dated to the limmu IÍme-El and its warki year, found exclusively in room 2. A man named Yak›n-AÍar occurs also, however, in the letters found in rooms 17/22: ❍ Sender of one letter to Mutiya, his “father”; ❍ Sender of three letters to Till-Abnû, his “brother”; ❍ Receiver of one letter from °alu-rabi; ❍ Mentioned as “brother” of addressee in a letter sent to b¤lum (here probably Till-Abnû); ❍ Also mentioned in letters sent from Sangara of Till⁄ to b¤lum. Finally, a single-entry administrative text, dated to the otherwise unattested limmu AÍÍur-kaÍid, mentions an issue to Kazikuk, lú-tur Yak›n-AÍar, lú Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ [L.87-1461] (dated 18 xii, from room 22). Again, granted the possibility of homonymy, we can assume that Yak›n-AÍar, prior to his accession to the Apum throne, was based in Il⁄n-‰ur⁄. Since Yak›n-AÍar may have retained a position as viceroy through the reign of Till-Abnû, the evidence for his activities and sphere of action is more extensive and provides some support for a location in Il⁄n-‰ur⁄. This important town cannot yet be located very accurately, but it was placed west of Leilan (see I.1.2.4). What emerges then is the theory that Mutiya had placed Till-Abnû and Yak›n-AÍar as viceroys in fiurnat and Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ respectively. It is important to note that these two towns marked major border points for the country of Apum. In the time of Zimri-Lim, Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ appears to have been an outpost for the territory controlled by Mari and areas in the eastern part of the Habur; in ARMT XXVI/2, 301 this is explicitly stated by the Mari envoy Yam‰ûm, who refers to the town as the ⁄l p⁄ˇi Ía b¤l‹ya. Similarly, fiurnat’s position may have been useful for protecting the southeastern border of Apum. Whether this geo-political reconstruction is strictly correct or not, we have so many corroborative pieces of evidence in the texts that the basic situation of the brothers Till-Abnû and Yak›n- AÍar supporting Mutiya hardly can be doubted. This, of course, raises the question of the exact relationship among the three men. °imdiya’s reign and control of Leilan beyond the last year of the Mari archives, 1761 B.C., are unknown, but presumably of short duration, and the year of the limmu °abil-k2nu, which may be the last regnal year of Mutiya, can be dated to ca. 1750 B.C. Conse- quently we need to fill a ca. ten-year gap in the history of Leilan.

15. ﬁurnat is not attested outside the Old Babylonian sources referred to here. If identical to Qal’at al H⁄d‹, the town may have changed its name, since there is evidence for later occupation on the site (see Meijer 1986, 19). THE LETTERS 9

No kings other than Mutiya are attested directly, but it seems possible that Dari-EpuÓ, the father of Till-Abnû and Yak›n-AÍar, once ruled Leilan. Some evidence to this effect can be found in [28], where Ea-malik states that Till-Abnû has ascended his “father’s” throne, and in [149], where Tak2 writes to his lord: “This is the advice that your father gave me: If you write to Till- Abnû, he shall come to you(r aid) like one man, and if he calls on you(r help), go to him at once!” Assuming that the “father” in question really was Dari-EpuÓ and that he once ruled Leilan, it might be thought that Mutiya was an outsider who had usurped the throne after the death of Dari-EpuÓ. In [28] Ea-malik says that Mutiya ascended “his” throne and Till-Abnû the throne of his “father,” but this difference is hardly of any consequence. It seems likely that Mutiya died a natural death (cf. [128]), but the circumstances of Till-Abnû’s accession are not revealed and it cannot be excluded that it involved some crisis. In [127] Abbutt⁄num, referring perhaps to the time of Till-Abnû’s accession, writes: “When the elders of [Apu]m went to KaÓat [to] my lord […],” a statement that could be interpreted to mean that Till- Abnû, having being deprived of his rights by Mutiya, had sought refuge in KaÓat. At the same time, we have a hint that Till-Abnû’s accession may have been disputed in certain quarters, since Hammurabi of °alab in [24] finds it necessary to affirm his kingship. However, the best theory that can be offered at present is perhaps that Till-Abnû and Yak›n- AÍar were nephews of Mutiya. It could also be suggested that some of the problems concerning the accession of Till-Abnû relate to a competition between Till-Abnû and Yak›n-AÍar for the succession, rather than any crisis between Till-Abnû and Mutiya. Although again there is no direct evidence for enmity between the two brothers (cf. [48]), the likely brevity of Till-Abnû’s reign makes it entirely possible that he could have been ousted by a malcontent brother. Finally, some questions concerning these three kings can be raised. Where did they come from? Did they have any connection to older rulers of Leilan? How did they come to power? We simply do not know. Dari-EpuÓ, Mutiya, and his father °alun-pî-(yu)mu are not known from other sources, and our texts reveal nothing about their origins (excluding the doubtful evidence from the names Mutu-AbiÓ and Till-Abnû). The same names occur in texts from Mari, but in contexts that render it unlikely that the same individuals are involved. The various low-status people carrying these names must, of course, be left out of consideration, but vaguely suggestive is the case of a certain Mutu-AbiÓ mentioned in ARM V, 2 (see Durand 1987c, 212–15; = DEPM II, no. 533). Here, YasmaÓ-Addu reports to IÍme-Dagan that he has defeated enemies who were preparing to attack Mari, and among the prominent individuals killed is a certain I‰‰ur-Dagan, brother of Mutu- AbiÓ. The letter cannot be dated precisely, but the events described suggest a connection to texts that concern YasmaÓ-Addu’s trouble with the Yaminu tribes, such as ARM I, 5, which can be dated to the year of the limmu Aw‹liya (= fiamÍ‹-Adad 30, ca. 1783 B.C.), for which the annotation in the Mari Eponym Chronicle mentions a victorious YasmaÓ-Addu campaign against the Yaminu tribes (Birot 1985, 232). ARM I, 5 should, in any case, date to one of the last years of fiamÍ‹-Adad’s reign and is, therefore, some thirty years earlier than our material. This time gap renders an identification with the Leilan king rather unlikely, but since there was a tendency to use the same names within noble or royal families, the two might still have been related. Although the evidence from ARM V, 2, is, most likely, irrelevant in this context, the possible connection between our kings and old enemies of fiamÍ‹-Adad at least has some historical probability. Both the family of Turum-natki (see I.1.1.1) and(?) that of Mutiya and Dari-EpuÓ could have been related to a dynasty that ruled around Leilan shortly before fiamÍ‹-Adad conquered Apum. For the Sinjar kingdom Andarig there is evidence for a brief pre-fiamÍ‹-Adad dynasty preserving local position, and subsequently regaining the ancestral throne during the reign of Zimri-Lim (cf. I.1.2.4, 10 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN s.v. Buriya), while from Kurd⁄ we have a pre-fiamÍ‹-Adad king, AÍtamar-Adad, matching the homonymous Kurd⁄ king in the texts published here (cf. I.1.2.5., s.v.). This shows clearly how fragmentary and ambiguous the present evidence is, and it can only be hoped that future discoveries will serve to fill in some of the serious documentary gaps and reveal a clearer pattern. Meanwhile we have presented the outlines for an operational understanding of the texts published here: three members possibly of the same family ruling Apum, with Mutiya as king assisted by his juniors, Till-Abnû and Yak›n-AÍar. Subsequently the triad dwindled when Mutiya died and was succeeded by Till-Abnû, who, in turn, was followed on the throne by Yak›n-AÍar.

1.1.4. The Leilan Limmus In order to date the reigns of the last Leilan kings more accurately we turn next to the twelve limmus identified in the dated administrative texts.16 A number of recent studies of the limmu eponyms from this period results in a sequence for the whole period, based primarily on the evidence from the Kültepe Eponym List (Veenhof 2003) and the Mari Eponym Chronicle (Birot 1985). Using these key sources, which list almost all limmus from ca. 1975 B.C. down probably to the death of ﬁamÍ‹-Adad, it is possible to isolate approximately forty eponyms later than this event, and belonging to the last part of the period related to level 1b at Kültepe/KaniÍ (ca. 1800–1725 B.C.; see Veenhof 1985, 1998, and 2003). A number of these late eponyms is still missing in extant sources, and it is not yet possible to establish a continuous sequence. The fact that only two of the eponyms related to sizeable portions of texts from the Lower Town Palace, viz., °abil-k2nu, IÍme- El, Amer-IÍtar, Nimer(or Niwer)-kubi, and Ipiq-IÍtar, are attested elsewhere in the North is hardly surprising, since the Leilan material probably is later than any other text group so far discovered (cf. Charpin 1988). Helpful for our material are the texts found at Leilan in 1991, which have provided four limmus belonging to the time when Qarni-Lim of Andarig controlled Leilan, i.e., the period ca. ZL 4'–9'. Three of these limmus, AÍÍur-takl⁄ku, Zabzabu, and AÓu-waqar, can be shown to have followed each other directly, whereas the fourth, Adad-bani, cannot be placed (see Van De Mieroop 1994). The table at the end of this section provides an overview of the limmu-dated texts found in 1987.17 °abd[u(?)-…] is associated with the seal of a servant of °imdiya. It should be noted that °abdu-IÍtar (limmu earlier reported from the Leilan Acropolis) has proved not to be an eponym (see Whiting 1990b, 573); °abil-k2nu texts are associated with seals of Mutiya or his servants; Amer-IÍtar texts are associated with seals of Till-Abnû or his servants. A single text from month iv, however, is sealed with the seal of a Mutiya servant, making it likely that this was the first regnal year of Till-Abnû; A single Ipiq-IÍtar text is sealed with the seal of a servant of Till-Abnû; IÍme-El/warki IÍme-El texts are associated with the seal of Yak›n-AÍar.

16. For this evidence, see also the editions by Vincente 1991 and Ismail 1991. 17. For the names and the sequence of months (so-called “ﬁamÍ‹-Adad calendar”), see Charpin 1985; and Cohen 1993, 255ff.. THE LETTERS 11

Most likely °abil-k2nu, Amer-IÍtar, and Ipiq-IÍtar provide a consecutive series beginning ca.1750 B.C., followed by a gap of unknown duration before the years IÍme-EL/warki IÍme-El, which must belong before 1728 B.C. The remaining limmus, not explicitly associated with particular kings, are best considered in direct conjunction with their texts, but some brief remarks can be offered. AÍÍur-takl⁄ku and Adad-bani are most reasonably identified with their namesakes in the 1991 texts from Leilan, and can, therefore, be dated to the reign of °⁄ya-abum. It must be noted, however, that both of these names are attested with at least two different eponyms. For AÍÍur-takl⁄ku (cf. Whiting 1990a, 216) we have (A) son of Ennam-AÍÍur from AÍÍur itself and from the Leilan Acropolis, and (B) son of Enlil-nada, attested in Kültepe Ib (in a group of texts that also have PilaÓ-Sîn and ‡⁄b-‰ill-AÍÍur; see Veenhof 1998, the limmu is no. 13 in his list). Eponyms AÍÍur-takl⁄ku without patronymics are found in the Mari Eponym Chronicle (D4) and in the Temple Stair texts from Rimah. Adad-bani presents the most difficult case, since two or three different limmus Adad-bani are attested elsewhere, and all are dated to the reign of fiamÍ‹-Adad. Adad-bani also has a single occurrence in room 5 (found in 1985), and Whiting (1990b, 572) opted to identify him with probably the latest eponym, Adad-bani son of Puzur-il‹, which can be dated to the third year before fiamÍ‹-Adad’s death. AÍÍur-kaÍid may be identical to the eponym attested in Kültepe, son of ZI-lá-mu (see Veenhof 1998, no. 8). The single text from Leilan is the one that mentions Yak›n-AÍar lú Il⁄n- ‰ur⁄ (cf. I.1.1.3). If this is the same individual as the later king of Leilan, the text should date before his accession to the throne in Apum. Azzubiya is probably identical to the limmu of this name attested in the Iltani archive from Rimah, and can be dated to the years ca. 1760–50, i.e., late in the reign of Hammurabi of Babylon. PilaÓ-Sîn, for which the single text provides no conclusive internal evidence, but its occurrence elsewhere supports a “late” date. Veenhof (1998) suggests a date ca. 1770 B.C., but this seems too early (the limmu is no. 34 in his list). Nimer-kubi is attested also in the tablet found at Qal’at al H⁄d‹ southeast of Leilan, and dated to warki Nimar-kubi (see below I.1.2.6, s.v. Ewri). Since it is best represented in the texts from room 2, it may be placed close in time to IÍme-El. A limmu fiu-B2l‹ is known from the Mari Eponym Chronicle (B7) for the year before fiamÍ‹- Adad’s accession, but this definitely seems too early for our limmu. The relevant text mentions the official Bayy⁄nu, who can be firmly associated with the reign of Till-Abnû. Although his activity may cover a long period, it can hardly be stretched back that far. It seems likely then that all these limmus belong within the time ca. 1760–28 B.C. Azzubiya clearly comes before °abil-k2nu, and the same may be true for AÍÍur-kaÍid, PilaÓ-Sîn, and fiu-B2l‹. If correct, we may, adding some eponyms from the Iltani archive at Rimah, have virtually all the limmus from the reign of Mutiya and his predecessor(s), °imdiya (and possibly Dari-EpuÓ), after the fall of Mari. Then, after Ipiq-IÍtar (which may be the last regnal year of Till-Abnû), there is a considerable gap, since, dating Ipiq-IÍtar to ca. 1748–45 B.C., we seem to have only the limmus from room 2 representing a total of four years to cover the period until 1728 B.C. Although it is likely that the texts from room 2 belong toward the end of this period and that warki IÍme-El may actually equal 1728 B.C., this cannot be proved. 12 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

DISTRIBUTION OF LIMMU-DATED TEXTS

limmu/month i ii iii iv v vi vii viii viiib ix x xi xii

°abd[u?-…] 1 1

°abil-k2nu 179 16 27 24 32 17 20 14 13 1

Amer-IÍtar 60 2 11 9 7 7 5 3 4 5 2 1

Ipiq-IÍtar 17 1 3 2 3 5 1 1 1

IÍme-El 51 1 2 1 1 11 8 3 8 9 2

warki IÍme-El 1 1

Adad-bani 2 1 1

AÍÍur-kaÍid 1 1

AÍÍur-takl⁄ku 2 1

Azzubiya 1 1

Nimer-kubi 11 1 3 6

PilaÓ-Sin 1 1

ﬁu-b2l‹ 1 1

The names of limmus are followed by the total number of texts, including tablets where the evidence for a month is lost. Month viiib, which is attested only for °abil-k2nu, is the intercalary Addarum. Figures in boldface include sealed tablet(s) with evidence of the royal name. All texts dated with AÍÍur-takl⁄ku, IÍme-El/warki IÍme-El come from room 2, where also ten of the tablets dated with Nimer-kubi were found. With the exception of a few texts from isolated contexts, all the other dated texts were found in rooms 17, 22, and 23. From the tablets found in 1985 can be added attestations for months ii, iv, and vi (two texts) in the year Nimer-Kubi, but not for additional months in other years.

1.1.5. Archival Context of the Tablets Having presented an overview of the chronological situation, we may briefly focus attention specifically on the archival context of the texts published here, which were virtually all found in room 22. The tablets from this room, together with the much smaller groups from the two adjacent rooms 17 and 23, form one group, as is evident from the fact that joins can be made with fragments between rooms, like the letter [9] and several of the treaties. It is apparent that this archive consists of several different “sub-archives.” On a synchronic level there is a mixture of letters and administrative texts similar to other smaller palace archives, such as the Iltani archive at Rimah and the Kuwari archive at Shemsh⁄ra. This can be explained by the kind of administrative texts involved at all three sites, THE LETTERS 13 i.e., documents pertaining to expensive items such as metals, garments, expensive food products (or, at Rimah, documents pertaining to the household of the archive owner),18 and requiring closer control by the archive “owner” or the top-level administrators, whose seals at Leilan were applied to many of the texts. Other administrative documents concerning agriculture and the circulation of agricultural products were kept elsewhere—as at Shemsh⁄ra (cf. Eidem 1992, 33ff.). Also, accounts for the circulation of wine and beer were kept completely separate, perhaps close to the actual cellars. Apart from such texts excavated in the Rimah palace, the small archive from Leilan found in room 2 of the palace is a good example (see Whiting 1990a; also Ismail 1991). Finally, the inclusion of treaty texts in royal archives is not surprising. On a diachronic level the archive represents several separate archives and we can, for present purposes, distinguish two main groups: A. Texts relating to Mutiya: 22 letters addressed to Mutiya (+ X letters sent to him as b¤lum) 179 administrative documents dated with limmu °abil-k2nu (= last regnal year) 1 political treaty B. Texts relating to Till-Abnû: 99 letters addressed to Till-Abnû (+ X letters sent to him as b¤lum) 60 administrative documents dated with limmu Amer-IÍtar (=1st regnal year) 17 administrative documents dated with limmu Ipiq-IÍtar (= 2nd regnal year) 3 political treaties These groups constitute the core of the archive and should provide a key to its composition. Turn- ing again to a comparison with the archives from Rimah (the Iltani archive and related texts) and Shemsh⁄ra, which, in contrast to our archive, cover only single administrations, we note that both have a roughly similar composition: letters covering a few years and administrative documents heavily concentrated in a single year. This distribution can be explained as a tendency to keep letters while periodically selecting older administrative texts that were summarized on larger tablets to be recycled or simply discarded. Charpin has recently discussed such procedures specifically for the Mari archives and introduced a significant distinction between “living” and “dead” archives, the latter type being exemplified by the groups of small administrative notes found as fill in benches in the Mari palace (Charpin 1985, 253ff.). Adding to Charpin’s typology, we might introduce an intermediate category, namely, that of an “inactive” archive—not discarded, but no longer a current working body of material.19 A good example of this category would be the letters found at Mari from the time of YasmaÓ-Addu—no longer part of an “active” archive, but still kept for reference. These observations have obvious relevance for the Leilan material. Knowing that Till-Abnû succeeded Mutiya, we can assume that the tablets in group A were regarded as an “inactive” archive during the reign of Till-Abnû. Since we also know that Yak›n-AÍar succeeded Till-Abnû and is hardly in evidence in the tablets from rooms 17/22/23, we may further assume that group B prior to 1728 B.C. (when presumably the reign of Yak›n-AÍar ended) also came to be regarded as an

18. The complete analysis of 189 administrative texts undertaken by C. Vincente shows three dominant groups: silver/metal: 36.5%; foodstuffs: 30.1%; garments etc.: 18.5% (Vincente 1991). 19. I owe this idea to MacGuire Gibson. 14 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

“inactive” archive. This means that the main “active” archive of Yak›n-AÍar, if preserved, is located elsewhere in the palace. Dealing with a composite “inactive” archive, however, leads to a complex situation, since perhaps several levels of selection must be reconstructed in order to clarify the composition of the extant material. The complexity involved is illustrated by the fact that, in contrast to the archives at Rimah and Shemsh⁄ra, where the administrative documents cluster in a single, presumably final year, we are here faced with the exact reverse, namely, a marked diachronic decrease in the number of administrative texts. Rather than review the whole range of possible reorganizations for the archival composition, we shall instead search for the most reasonable solution, suggesting two main stages in the formation of the archive. STAGE 1 On his accession Till-Abnû selected from the archives of Mutiya series of letters and administrative texts to be kept. The small number, the limited range of correspondents, and the narrowly circumscribed vista of subject matter in the letters sent to Mutiya make it unlikely that the corpus is complete. As will be shown below (I.1.3.2), the letters deal mainly with events that occurred shortly before Mutiya’s death, and the texts may have been kept as still relevant. The very compact and perhaps near complete series of administrative texts from months v–xii of the year °abil-k2nu clearly constitutes the result of a deliberate selection. Till-Abnû on his accession, which occurred at the end of this year or shortly into the next (Amer-IÍtar), may have wanted to keep a fairly complete set of accounts dating some months back for easy reference and checking. All these texts were presumably kept with the main archive of Till-Abnû through his reign, which may have lasted only the ca. 2 years for which we have explicit evidence.

STAGE 2 After Till-Abnû’s disappearance, Yak›n-AÍar “inherited” the archive of his predecessor and decided to deselect most of it while keeping selected letters and some administrative documents from the time of Till-Abnû in increasing numbers relative to a diachronic scheme. Placing these stages in a wider framework, we can posit three different groups of texts from the period of the last three Leilan kings: A. “Dead archives” (if still preserved, likely to be found in secondary deposits): Mutiya texts deselected by Mutiya and by Till-Abnû Till-Abnû texts deselected by Till-Abnû (primarily administrative texts); B. “Inactive archives” (texts found in rooms 17/22/23): Mutiya texts selected by Till-Abnû Till-Abnû texts deselected by Yak›n-AÍar; C. “Active archives” (texts yet to be found, if preserved): Till-Abnû texts selected by Yak›n-AÍar Yak›n-AÍar texts. THE LETTERS 15

It might be assumed that traces of the original arrangement of the many tablets found in rooms 17/ 22/23 are revealed by their spatial distribution. In theory, analysis of this problem is possible, since the debris containing the tablets was divided into a number of excavation units (lots), and all objects further given sequential numbers as excavation proceeded. Obviously the units defined archaeologically would hardly correspond exactly to possible archival units, but, despite overlaps, some clusters might still be visible. In particular, one could look for possible divisions according to genre, date, subject matter, or, in the case of the letters, according to receivers or senders. In order to illustrate the possibilities of such analysis, a few examples can be given. Area 8, lot 37, which contained 89 epigraphic objects, equals debris from a well-defined space in the northeastern corner of room 22. The tablets found include 30 letters, of which 9 are addressed to Till-Abnû, 5 to Mutiya, and 2 to b¤lum. The rest include 10 fragments, some specimens with partly broken address, and the single letter to Yak›n-AÍar from the archive. Among the 20 limmu-dated texts, 11 are dated to °abil-k2nu, 7 to Amer-IÍtar, and 2 to Ipiq-IÍtar. This example is not encouraging, since the material statistically seems to be a virtual microcosm of the entire archive. The letters addressed to Mutiya (by name) were found in five different excavation lots and in no apparent cluster. However, all four letters sent from Hammurabi of °alab came from a single excavation lot, namely no. 37. Turning to the series of letters sent to Till-Abnû from different correspondents, we find that the letters from Aya-abu were found in four different lots, those of Yam‰i-°atnû in seven lots, and those from Buriya in three lots. In provisional terms it seems unlikely that such analysis will significantly alter the conclusions drawn here concerning the archival composition of the tablets. Considering the “inactive” status of the archive, the collapse of the building, and subsequent disturbances, it is not surprising that the tablets have become so mixed that only smaller segments of an original archival arrangement have survived. The observations on the composition of the archive have implications for the analysis of the texts. We return to some of these issues below (cf. I.1.3.1).

1.2. Synchronic Survey 1.2.1. °alab and Babylon The state of YamÓad, centered in °alab (modern Aleppo) in northwest Syria,20 appears to have been the decisive political power in the northern Jezira at the time of the Leilan archives. Given the brevity of the period documented, the establishment of °alab’s position so far east cannot be reconstructed in detail, but can be surmised as a consequence of the power vacuum left in the region after the collapse of the Mari state and subsequently the diminished influence of Babylon at the end of Hammurabi’s reign.

20. For a recent survey of the evidence outside Leilan, see Klengel 1992, 44ff. Particularly relevant for our material is the letter from Samsu-iluna to Abban, AbB 7, 1, and the letter AbB 4, 24, which also concern relations between °alab and Babylon. The texts from AlalaÓ (level VII) generally cover a slightly later period than the Leilan material (see Zeeb 1991). 16 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Hammurabi of °alab ascended the throne in ZL 9', and was followed by his son Abban sometime into the reign of Samsu-iluna of Babylon. We know that Hammurabi was still king sometime into the reign of Till-Abnû, but as yet he is not attested in association with the reign of Yak›n- AÍar. All that can be said at present is that the reigns of Samsu-iluna and Abban overlapped, and more speculatively that the raid by Samsu-iluna deep into the Habur Plains in his 22nd regnal year (1728 B.C.), destroying a number of towns (Puˇra, ﬁuÍa (=Sus⁄), ZarÓ⁄num, and ﬁeÓn⁄) and probably deposing (and perhaps killing) Yak›n-AÍar, could have been prompted by the opportunities offered by the death of Hammurabi and a temporary weakening of YamÓad. The letters sent from Hammurabi to Mutiya [1]–[4] are unfortunately either short or badly preserved and yield almost no information. More revealing are the two letters sent to Till-Abnû [23]–[24], apparently dated shortly after his accession. In [23] Hammurabi recalls that earlier he had sent his special envoy and general Bin-Dammu to “you” (plural; a reference to the trio of “rulers” in Apum or simply to Till-Abnû and his allies and vassals). Hammurabi urges Till-Abnû to come to him along with Bin-Dammu, and also asks for the release of °alab servants detained in the Habur town Amursakkum. This letter would fit a time shortly after the reestablishment of good relations with °alab, after the war against Andarig and Razam⁄, during which there is evidence for a severe strain on mutual relations and perhaps an actual breach (see [8] and discussion of this war in I.1.3.2). [24] is poorly preserved, but the sender, who is almost certainly Hammurabi, states that: “[I heard that] you had entered your father’s [house] (i.e., ascended the throne), but I was busy [(and), therefore, have not written] to you until now…this town is your town and this country is your country!” This affirmation, apart from showing the real or putative political leadership exercised by °alab, also indicates some problems for Till-Abnû’s kingship. Also from Till-Abnû’s reign we have two letters from the ruler °alu-rabi, who is instrumental in securing a treaty between °alab and Till-Abnû [54]–[55]. Here, as in a number of other texts, the king of °alab is referred to simply as “the king” (lugal), another clear indication of °alab’s political importance.21 The °alab agent Bin-Dammu occurs repeatedly in the administrative texts, as shown by the charts supplied in I.1.3.3. His long stays at Leilan toward the end of the year °abil-k2nu relate to protracted negotiations involving other Habur and Sinjar kings, and marked the reestablishment of order after the war late in Mutiya’s reign. He is mentioned also in administrative texts dating to the years Amer-IÍtar and Ipiq-IÍtar and in letters, including those he himself sent to Till-Abnû [26]– [27]. Unfortunately, his activities are well charted only for the latter part of the limmu °abil-k2nu, but there can be little doubt about his role as chief envoy of °alab, touring the region, presumably accompanied by a military command; his title in administrative texts is given as sag-gal-mar-tu-meÍ, i.e., “chief general.” The figure of Bin-Dammu, in fact, provides a striking parallel to a Babylonian agent in this region, Mutu-°adkim, attested in the slightly earlier texts from Rimah.22

21. The king °alu-rabi would seem to have had particular ties with °alab at this time. The letter [20] sent to Mutiya from Ea-malik reports on a situation in which Bin-Dammu, °alu-rabi, and other “kings” are con- cluding an alliance in Zarh⁄num. But °alu-rabi later complains that Buriya slanders him to Hammurabi (because he has made a treaty with Apum?) [56]. The letter [125], which he sent to Yak›n-AÍar stating: “I have arrived in the midst of the armies and [seized?] the hand of Bin-Dammu for “your” (plural) sake!” should also be mentioned. A connection with the events in [20] seems likely. 22. Mutu-°adkim was originally a ﬁamÍ‹-Adad official, but later joined Babylonian service (Durand and Charpin 1986, 171). The texts from Rimah show that he had influence in a wide area of the north and could THE LETTERS 17

Another °alab agent in the region seems to have been the Í⁄piˇum Tak2 mentioned in [8], where the indignant AÍtamar-Adad suggests that he be dismissed in disgrace from Apum. Whether this happened is unknown, but, apart from his probable occurrence in [24], he seems to disappear from the record and all the extant letters sent from Tak2 seem to be from a different individual. Important, but unfortunately rather enigmatic, is the evidence in [41]. The deployment of 10,000 °alab troops for two years in Andarig shows more clearly than any other evidence the power and influence of Hammurabi in this region. The hint of a Babylonian campaign northward in the direction of Karkemish and a consequent danger for Andarig seem to be the background for this, but the poor preservation of the text renders a precise evaluation difficult. Since the letter mentions envoys from Andarig en route to °alab being turned away at KubÍum, it seems possible that the Upper Euphrates country, including the important kingdom of Karkemish,23 was trying to assert its independence from °alab. This theory would provide a logical explanation for a Babylo- nian campaign taking advantage of the situation. The deployment of °alab troops in Andarig, if meant to anticipate the Babylonian troops, suggests that the latter were expected to follow a route up the Tigris and across the Upper Jezira rather than the route along the Euphrates, which for any number of political or other reasons may have been impractical. Otherwise Babylon or Babylonians are rarely referred to in the Leilan texts. Administrative documents mention envoys and other people from there, but not in very revealing contexts. Such references increase for the year IÍme-El, i.e., during the reign of Yak›n-AÍar, but since we have as yet no further information for this period, which is documented only in the wine texts from room 2, it is premature to attempt an analysis of the events related to the campaign by Samsu-iluna in 1728 B.C.

1.2.2. Assur The evidence for the continuing Assyrian trade through the Habur Plains, with an important relay station at Leilan, has been discussed elsewhere in connection with the publication of L.T.-5 concluded between the city of Assur and Till-Abnû (Eidem 1991b); it need not be reiterated at length here. The Old Assyrian treaty, which in many ways echoes conditions prevailing in the earlier period contemporaneous with level II at Kültepe/KaniÍ, shows that the Assyrian traders may have enjoyed the same extraterritorial rights as previously, so that their activity would rarely be a subject for discussion in the royal correspondence. The presence of a k⁄rum at Leilan coupled with evidence from an administrative text [L.87-577] that refers to k⁄rum-establishments from Habur towns like ﬁun⁄, KaÓat, and Amursakkum in Leilan, shows that the Leilan k⁄rum was not exclusively Assyrian. Administrative texts further provide evidence for a high official with the title wakil k⁄r‹, “overseer of the merchant offices.” Thus we have for the first time documentation for the local trade networks in this region.24

transfer personnel from ﬁubat-Enlil (see OBTR 136) and dispose of war booty (OBTR 160). Cf. the remarks in Eidem 1989, 70 n. 15. 23. For a recent survey of the history of Karkemish, see Kupper 1992. 24. It should be noted that the title here translated “overseer of the merchant offices” is our interpretation of the sequence ugula kar-me-eÍ-ri found in [L.87-1291,5]. 18 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

As observed by Charpin (1988), our evidence belongs to the final phase of the Cappadocian trade. The most common limmu-eponyms in the Leilan texts, except °abil-k2nu, are not yet attested elsewhere, and we could, therefore, speculate that the absence of these limmus at Kültepe was indicative of a major change in the extension or direction of Assyrian activity. However, the reference to a merchant named Inn⁄ya arriving at Leilan from Mamm⁄ (in a text dated °abil-k2nu) effectively shows that the Anatolian area still was involved. The king of Assur in this period, although nowhere mentioned in our texts, may well have been the famous Puzur-Sîn, who alledgedly expelled the ﬁamÍ‹-Adad dynasty from the town (Gray- son 1985).

1.2.3. The Óabb⁄tum25 Repeatedly in these texts we meet large groups of so-called Óabb⁄tum. The texts form two groups. The first date to the time of the war between the two coalitions of Habur and Sinjar city-states, which occurred late in the reign of Mutiya (see I.1.3.2). Apparently Mutiya and his allies held the upper hand and are said to have looted the territory of their enemies [8]. Then the situation was reversed and the enemy penetrated their own territory. The explanation for this is given implicitly: the enemy kings secured the support of a large army of so-called Óabb⁄tum, variously said to number 6,000 or 10,000 men. An important piece of evidence is provided by a letter that reports that the Óabb⁄tum have returned from across a river to plunder the region of the Sinjar mountains. This probably means that these particular Óabb⁄tum arrived from the country east of the Tigris, from present-day northern Iraq [18]. Several letters portray the ensuing panic and fear of the Óabb⁄tum, who in one instance are reported to have looted a particular area and to have “eaten the land clean.” Unfortunately our evidence is not sufficient to reconstruct in detail what happened next, but it seems that the attack of the enemy and the supporting Óabb⁄tum was halted and we have a letter [126] reporting that Yak›n- AÍar won a victory over the enemy. The same letter then reports that the Óabb⁄tum who belong to the enemy sent a message to Yak›n-AÍar: “Either let us go free or take command of us and lead us where you please!” Thus it seems that at least some Óabb⁄tum were now enrolled on the side of Mutiya and his allies, and an allusion to this may be found in an administrative text [L.87-1361] that belongs to this time and records an issue to a Óabb⁄tum who is said to have “barred the enemy passage to the land.” The second group of references to the Óabb⁄tum is slightly later and dates to the reign of Till- Abnû, in which both his brother Yak›n-AÍar [60] and the king of KaÓat [62], [65] write to Till- Abnû about people who have been bought from the Óabb⁄tum, i.e., individuals whom the Óabb⁄tum captured during the recent hostilities and who subsequently were ransomed. Also probably from the reign of Till-Abnû comes a letter [93] sent to him by the king of ﬁun⁄, who writes: “It is said that the Óabb⁄tum soldiers have returned. If these soldiers have returned please send me 150 soldiers to help protect the town of ﬁun⁄.” These references show fairly clearly who the Óabb⁄tum were, and there can be little doubt that they must be regarded as professional mercenaries ready to offer their services to any king or state with enough silver to pay them. The Old Babylonian administrative tablet accidentally found on the surface of Tell Qal’at al H⁄d‹ southeast of Leilan, which can be dated to the time of the Leilan

25. The following section essentially reproduces the text of Eidem 1996b. THE LETTERS 19 archives, records division of nearly thirty kilos of silver into 3,500 pieces as payment to probably the same number of Óabb⁄tum, giving us direct evidence for the Óabb⁄tum acting as paid hands (cf. Eidem 1988). It is particularly interesting that the Óabb⁄tum seem to be a new phenomenon. From the slightly older texts found at Mari we have many examples of kings using foreign troops, but such troops were usually sent as auxiliaries by foreign allies. A significant exception are the smaller groups of soldiers labelled “Gutians” who apparently were kept as a kind of “Swiss guard” by many kings. The Óabb⁄tum, on the other hand, are apparently independent groups of professional soldiers, detached from any fixed political control. On two separate occasions they are said to return—in one case apparently from the country east of the river Tigris. This indicates that the arrival of the Óabb⁄tum in the Habur and Sinjar areas may have been seasonal and related to the conventional periods for conducting war. The new evidence from Leilan also helps to improve our understanding of some previous references to groups called Óabb⁄tum in texts from Syria and Iraq. First, we have evidence from AlalaÓ for Óabb⁄tum in northwestern Syria. A certain Muzun-Addu and his Óabb⁄tum assisted rebels against Abban of °alab, and a seal inscription refers to Muzun-Addu’s general TaÓe-Addu, who is also called a Óabb⁄tum (Dietrich and Loretz 1969). From Tell al-Rimah southeast of Leilan we have a list that mentions a section-leader of Óabb⁄tum (OBTR 267). This text is only slightly older than the Leilan evidence. Finally, from southern Mesopotamia we have evidence for Óabb⁄tum-soldiers in organized groups during the reign of Samsu-iluna.26 It can, therefore, be concluded that the Óabb⁄tum did not belong exclusively in northeastern Syria, but were found in the entire Mesopotamian area in this period. Further confirmation of this is now provided by an Old Assyrian text from KaneÍ (Level Ib), which refers to Óabb⁄tum in Anatolia (Dercksen and Donbaz 2001). The few personal names belonging to Óabb⁄tum that occur in all these texts show the same mixture of Akkadian, Amorite, and Hurrian that was current across northern Mesopotamia, and it seems certain that the Óabb⁄tum did not constitute a new or different ethno-linguistic group, but basically must have been made up of local Mesopotamians or Syrians.27 Why then do we in this particular period, i.e., around 1750 B.C., have the occurrence of large groups of professional mercenaries, fundamentally outside state control, and apparently able to

26. Cf. the letter AbB 7, 116 (ref. courtesy of K. Veenhof) written by Sîn-nadin-Íumi to the ugula Óa-ba-ti. The writer, who is identified with a governor of Sippar attested during the latter years of Samsu-iluna, has complained that his dunnum has been looted (Óab⁄tum) while his house staff was absent to fetch wood. The ugula Óab⁄tum has written back offering to replace the stolen goods; Sîn-nadin-Íumi now provides a list of these (clothes, tools, foodstuffs). In the words of F. R. Kraus: “Dieser bisher nicht belegte Titel eines Beam- ten beweist die Richtigkeit der Annahme einer irgendwie der geordneten altbabylonischen Gesellschaft ange- hörigen Gruppe, deren Mitglieder Óabb⁄tum hiessen” (AbB 7, p. 95 ad 116 a). In the slightly earlier texts from Mari we find only a few relevant references: ARMT XXVIII, 40, where the king of Talhayum fears Óabb⁄tum used by YamÓad and Karkemish; A.3552 [=DEPM II, no. 456], where lú Óa-ab-ba-tum are mentioned with lú ke-na-aÓ-núm-meÍ (Canaaneans) staying in RaÓi‰um in Western Syria; ARMT XXIII, 307 is a note of a sheep issued to the lú-meÍ Óa-ba-ti in Mari (Óabb⁄tum is here translated “bédouins-Óabb⁄tu”); finally ARMT XVIII, 55 (iii 5' and iv 1') listing clothes to Óab[b⁄tu?], and (iv) Lilimmar- eans. The relative dearth of such references can hardly be accidental in view of the massive Mari evidence already published (cf. Durand 1992, 106 w. n. 71), and it seems definitely that the Óabb⁄tum, at least under this name, take on major significance only in the second half of the eighteenth century. 27. Administrative texts from Leilan contain a small handful of such names. 20 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN influence political events in a fairly decisive manner? The answer to this question seems fairly simple. The immediately preceding period in the history of Mesopotamia, extremely well-documented by the Mari archives, was characterized by a pattern in which a number of strong city-states together with their respective following of smaller vassal states had struggled for power. The end of this period is marked by a severe reduction in the number of such major city-states. After the elim- ination of Larsa, EÍnunna, and Mari, Babylon was preeminent in the south, while YamÓad could reach out for the northern portion of a political vacuum left by eclipsed city-states. Viewed in this perspective the appearance of large groups of soldiers in the countryside is hardly surprising. The new international situation resulted not in a solid formation of two superpowers, Babylon and YamÓad, but in a much more fluid situation in which these two states remained as major powers with extended control and influence, but without the ability to occupy and integrate firmly the space around them. The origin and actual formation of the Óabb⁄tum mercenaries may have been a complex process involving a range of different developments of which we have as yet little knowledge. Similarly it remains difficult to determine exactly what impact the Óabb⁄tum would have made on contemporary Mesopotamian society. In the Habur and Sinjar regions we note how the Óabb⁄tum constituted a dangerously uncertain element that could be turned from side to side in the inter-state struggles, and, on a long-term basis, their existence must have constituted a destabilizing factor. One aspect of this may have been economic, since probably Óabb⁄tum were more expensive than normal auxiliary troops. Turning finally to the linguistic aspect, it can be concluded that a translation of Óabb⁄tum as “robber” or “bandit” is not correct in these texts. The noun Óabb⁄tum stems from a semantically complex root °BT, which can mean “move cross-country,” “hire/hire out,” or “rob/steal” (Kraus 1975). It is easy to see how these different meanings all in some way convey information about the Óabb⁄tum: highly mobile, employed as paid hands, and, of course, an unstable and unreliable social element. In other contexts the noun Óabb⁄tum is used as a designation for robbers or common outlaws, but at Leilan it covers a different notion for which the best translation seems to be “merce- nary.” Interestingly the verb Óab⁄tum with the meaning “rob” is used frequently in the Leilan texts, not about the Óabb⁄tum, but about common outlaws. When Óabb⁄tum are said to have plundered, the verb ‰ab⁄tum or leqûm is used, whereas the individual “robbers” connected with the verb Óab⁄tum are described as sarr⁄rum “outlaws” or with a special noun Ó⁄bit⁄num and its abstract Ó⁄bit⁄n›tum [78] 17.28 This latter nominal formation from the verb Óab⁄tum is not, to my knowledge, attested elsewhere and its use at Leilan shows that a special noun was needed to avoid confusion with the distinct category Óabb⁄tum. Evidently semantic analysis of social terms has to be closely related to a contextual analysis, since use of such terms easily underwent syn- and diachronic variation. This is again illustrated when considering another aspect concerning the Óabb⁄tum, namely their relationship to the much more famous Ó⁄bir›. In some text groups the Ó⁄bir› seem to play a similar role to the Óabb⁄tum, and there can be little doubt that the two terms could be virtually synonymous and describe phenomena of the same order. That this was not always the case, however, is neatly demonstrated by the Leilan

28. See the index for references to these words. The noun sarr⁄rum is translated “robber, criminal” by CAD S, 178, while Durand (1987b, 198; cf. also Durand 1991b, 64) has argued plausibly for a more precise understanding of these people as those not having sworn allegiance to the king and, hence, outside the administrative and political control of the city-states. This conclusion seems also valid for our texts. THE LETTERS 21 texts since they also include evidence for Ó⁄bir›, not organized groups like the Óabb⁄tum, but individuals functioning outside their original social context.29 In [43] the king of Andarig complains that a certain individual coming from Andarig, but now resident as a Ó⁄biru, i.e., an immigrant, in a town closer to Leilan has collected sarr⁄rum “outlaws” and started to “kidnap” (Óab⁄tum) men from Andarig in order to sell them as slaves. At the time of the Leilan archives the complexity of the social reality prompted a clearer distinction between Ó⁄biru and Óabb⁄tum (and Ó⁄bit⁄num), because Óabb⁄tum as organized groups of professional mercenaries were a new element. As in the slightly earlier texts from Mari, the Ó⁄bir› were people who, often for political reasons, had left their original home; they were emigrants and often acted as rebels against the authority they had escaped (see Durand 1991b, 24). Later in the second millennium B.C. the word Óabb⁄tum seems to disappear gradually again except as a term for common robbers, while Ó⁄bir›, of course, is well-attested in a number of text groups from Amarna, Ugarit, Nuzi, and Anatolia (see Bottéro 1971 and 1981). The Old Babylonian sources are fortunately numerous and highly informative, allowing a fair degree of precision when analyzing social labels that in other contexts may appear wholly opaque. Clearly many social labels are just ad hoc contextual designations that stress one particular aspect of individual or group behavior. The Óabb⁄tum, although fairly briefly, stand out as a more definite and clear occupational category that seems to have had considerable social and political impact.

1.2.4. A Note on Historical Geography The historical geography of the Habur Plains and adjacent areas is of crucial importance for an understanding of the information contained in the Leilan letters. The letters were sent from kings and officials in many different localities, as shown not only by the actual texts, but also by the many variations in tablet type (see Appendix 1). They concern events in wide areas within and beyond the land of Apum and its capital fieÓn⁄/fiubat-Enlil. Although the texts provide interesting new evidence for well-known toponyms as well as supplying a fair number of entirely new ones, a comprehensive or detailed discussion of the historical geography would be premature and beyond the scope of the present volume. To ease understanding of the evidence presented, however, and to state explicitly some assumptions underlying analysis of the material, some general remarks must be made. In this respect we may conveniently draw on the recent overview provided by Joannès (1996). According to this, the Habur Plains were basically divided into the western Ida-Mara‰ (i.e., “the land flanking the Mara‰” “the difficult” = the ‡›r ’Abd‹n) and the eastern Apum centered on Leilan. Within Ida-Mara‰ were a number of city-states, notably AÍlakk⁄, AÍnakkum, Il⁄n-‰ur⁄, KaÓat, Sus⁄, and fiun⁄. The area on the upper Habur was known as Yapˇur with the capital TalÓ⁄yum, while the area to the east of the Habur Plains was called Yass⁄n with Razam⁄ (distinct from a second, southern Razam⁄) as capital. To the south of the three major ranges of the Jebel Sinjar, from west to east named Murdi, Saggar, and Zara, were the areas known as NumÓa and Yamutbal, and more or less west-east were located the important city-states of Andarig, Kurd⁄, and Karan⁄/ Qaˇˇar⁄. The Mari texts show that the region between Jebel Sinjar and the Habur Plains, in modern times very sparsely populated, was more prosperous in the early second millennium B.C. The larger

29. This conclusion is the exact opposite of that reached in a detailed discussion of the Ó⁄biru/Óabb⁄tum (Bottéro 1981), in which the latter are seen as the individual brigands, but this, of course, seemed a reasonable view prior to the Leilan discoveries. 22 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN tells here, still poorly known archaeologically, are likely important ancient towns, such as Alil⁄num, AzuÓinnum, and ﬁuÓpad. Such is the general framework for the more detailed discussions that follow in the next chapters and in the notes to the texts in Part II. However, it must be stressed that our knowledge of the historical geography of the northern Jezira, when it comes to finer details, still is sketchy and is likely to remain so for some time. Despite much scattered information in the texts that aids the assignment of relative locations for many major settlements, the indications are generally too vague to allow precise identification. This is perhaps best illustrated by the fact that already in 1957 M. Falkner, working from a much smaller corpus of relevant sources, was able to present a comprehensive historical map of the region based on relative locations, but that her conclusions, with some notable exceptions, have not been drastically improved as the bulk of published sources has grown.30 The recent development in publication and analysis of the Mari archives has improved the situation. However, a number of claims for identifications are as yet unsubstantiated by published, and sometimes conflicting, evidence. Also, it seems that fresh evidence in some cases has added to the confusion rather than helped to narrow the margin of error for older, relative locations. Most recently, M. Wäfler (2001) has attempted to establish the identity of major sites by the aid of math- ematical distance and gravity calculations, but the results do not seem very convincing.31 Thus indications in the texts are too vague for placing the ancient settlements given the proximity of tells on the ground. Archaeological surface surveys have covered parts of the region, most intensively the eastern part of the Habur Plains (Meijer 1986 and 1990; Eidem and Warburton 1996), the Leilan hinterland (see Akkermans and Weiss 1990; Ristvet and Weiss 2005), the Sinjar Plain, and the area around Tell al-Hawa east of the Habur Plains (Wilkinson 1990). The survey to investigate major tells in the western Habur region may fill important gaps and provide an overview of settlement in the early second millennium B.C. (see Lyonnet 1996). Nevertheless, the combina- tion of fresh sources, comprehensive survey results, and excavations may eventually allow us to plot most major ancient settlements on a map with a fair degree of precision. The recent Mari evidence indicates that we may have misunderstood the organization of the geo-political landscape of the region. Several examples show that a wide network of affiliated towns and areas, intricately linked to several different kingdoms, may have existed beyond the various city-states and their walled capitals. Toponyms mentioned together in the texts may not have been adjacent as previously assumed. The study of Amaz (Joannès 1990) makes it clear that the search for precise identifications of the major sites in the region is of great importance for a better understanding of ancient economic, social, and political patterns. Some of the basic information on the geography of the Habur Plains may be summarized here. First, we have some certain or near certain identifications: ﬁubat-Enlil = Leilan, Nagar = Tell Brak, UrkiÍ = Mozan (Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1996), KaÓat = Tell Barri, T⁄dum = Tell Ham‹d‹ya (for the two latter identifications see Wäfler 1995).

30. This statement is, of course, intended not to slight the many valuable studies on north Jezira historical geography that have appeared since Falkner’s seminal work, such as the excellent répertoire by Groneberg 1980; and Kupper, ARMT XVI/1, or Hallo 1964 and Kessler 1980, but only to stress that the original obstacles remain. 31. Although some of the concrete identifications reached may prove correct, the basic scheme (like the compact cluster of all major Idamara‰ sites in the northeast corner of Syria, assumption of regular territorial units, and the identification of Nagar with Tell Arbid) seems questionable. THE LETTERS 23

Next, we have some “itineraries” listing stations across the Habur Plains: Across the Northern Part of the Habur (A) (Qaˇˇara [= Tell al-Rimah]→…→)Apum→Amaz→NaÓur (Old Assyrian “route”; see Nashef 1987); (B) fiubat-Enlil→fiun⁄→AÍnakkum (part of Old Babylonian “Road to Emar”; see Hallo 1964); (C) fieÓn⁄→fiun⁄→Amaz (march route for army in ARMT XXVI/2, 313). These three sequences describe a somewhat similar line, more or less due west from Leilan (Apum–fiubat-Enlil/fieÓn⁄) to a point perhaps near modern Darbessiye on the border between Syria and Turkey. We may supplement with some points on a route from Leilan to NaÓur found in the administrative list [L.87-461]: (D) (fiubat-Enlil-)TeÓÓi→fiuttannum→fiinaÓ→Yarbinazu→AÍnakkum and add to this: (E) fiinaÓ-UrkiÍ-fiun⁄ (route followed by Zimri-Lim in ARM X, 121). (D) probably does not describe a straight route; (E) seems to be a route west to east.

The Eastern Part of the Habur This is essentially the area known as the land of Apum. Charpin (1990b, 118ff.) has conveniently listed the towns attested: AzamÓul: tentatively identified with Tell Mohammed Diyab (southeast of Leilan) by the excavators; °idar: on Wadi Jarrah south of Leilan; Lazap⁄tum: the unpublished Mari text A.2503 gives the route of Hammurabi of Kurd⁄ as Kasap⁄→Lazap⁄tum→Kudimmar→fiubat-Enlil; hence Lazap⁄tum and Kudimmar must be sought south of Leilan; Kudimmar; KumulÓum: located between fiE and KaÓat, i.e., west of Leilan; NiÓru; x-wa-ar-du: no doubt identical to na-wa-ar-di in ARMT XXII, 15r II 3' (see Eidem, 1996a); SapÓum: located on border of Yass⁄n east of Leilan; fiurnat: tentatively identified here with Qal’at al-H⁄d‹ southeast of Leilan. For this region the administrative texts from Leilan provide much information (Vincente 1991). AzamÓul, NiÓru, and fiurnat occur in the letters and were probably major provincial centers. 24 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

The Central Habur The central Habur is a large and poorly defined area west of Leilan, where a number of important towns must be sought. There exists as yet no detailed survey of this region, and the difficulty of locating ancient towns emerges clearly from M. Mallowan’s remarks: “From the top of the mound [Tell Arbid] one can see along the horizon no less than 110 mounds, all of which represent ancient occupations of the Habur and remind us of the prosperity of the region in antiquity” (Mallowan 1937, 117). A central problem, very much relevant for both the Mari and the Leilan texts, is the location of Il⁄n-‰ur⁄, an important kingdom at the time of Zimri-Lim, and in our texts presumably the place of residence for Yak›n-AÍar prior to his accession to the Apum throne. J.-M. Durand has suggested that the town should be sought in the central part of the basin and has mentioned Chagar Bazar and Tell Arbid (ca. 10 km due east of Chagar Bazar) as likely candidates (Durand 1990a). A more recent proposal by Guichard (1994) to place Il⁄n- ‰ur⁄ at Tell Sharisi southwest of Leilan seems effectively ruled out by the archaeological evidence adduced by Wäfler (1995), who instead suggests Tell Farfara, located some 20 km southwest of Leilan. Let us now review the evidence in our material. Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ is mentioned only three times in the Leilan letters. The isolated reference in [141] is not helpful, but the two other references occur in connection with the troubles caused by the king °alu-rabi and his allies (see I.1.3.3). In [112] Sangara, probably based in Till⁄, writes to Till-Abnû and refers to the enmity of °alu-rabi directed at Ida-Mara‰ and Il⁄n-‰ur⁄. We find a similar report in [116] sent by Zimri-[…] to Till-Abnû: the sender is on a mission to Sabb⁄num and mentions news of °alu-rabi and Il⁄n-‰ur⁄. Sangara also sent [143] and [144], which pertain to the same situation. In [143] he states that °alu-rabi has reached Irbinazu (= Yarbinazu), and that he has received news from Ya‰‰ib-°atnû in UrkiÍ(?) to the effect that Yak›n-AÍar is trying to muster allies presumably near Irbinazu to meet °alu-rabi. In [144] Sangara relates how Yak›n-AÍar has sent for help to Ya‰‰ib-°atnû and the king of AÍnakkum(?). The action here clearly takes place somewhere south or southwest of UrkiÍ/Mozan (compare (D) and (E) above), and the threat to ﬁun⁄ also posed by °alu-rabi’s march (cf. I.1.3.3) points in the same direction. Sangara and Yak›n-AÍar were not necessarily in either Till⁄ or Il⁄n-‰ur⁄, their presumed bases, at this time, but, if °alu-rabi intended to reach Il⁄n- ‰ur⁄, we must conclude that this town should be sought farther west than suggested by either Guichard or Wäfler. Some further evidence to the same effect is found in [60], where Yak›n- AÍar himself writes on behalf of a man from Till-Íannim, a place that is, at the moment, the strongest candidate for the ancient name of Chagar Bazar. It is further worth noting that another candidate, Till⁄, easily could be a short form of Till-Íannim.32 The relative proximity of Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ and Till⁄ is fairly clear in the available evidence from Mari, as well as that from Leilan discussed here.

32. For Chagar Bazar, see Talon 1997, 4ff., where the ancient name of the site is discussed. Talon considers °aÍÍum of Membida and Till-Íannim the best candidates. For the latter name, he discusses its correct reading, for which see the note to letter [60]. The location of Till⁄ is complicated by the first-millennium references to a place Till2, which seems better located farther east. However, there is no proof that the two entities are the same; the generic name “Tell” could easily have been applied to different places through time. THE LETTERS 25

In sum, our evidence favors a location of Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ as suggested by Durand, in the central part of the Habur Plains, although some complications remain. As will appear from the following chapters and the notes to individual texts, quite a number of settlements are tentatively placed in the “central” Habur, which, in effect, only means that they should be sought within the plains to the west of Leilan. The ancient geography of the far-western portion of the Habur Plains is still poorly known. Occupation in the early second millennium B.C. was relatively sparse (Lyonnet 1996 and Wilkinson 2002), but more surveys and excavations are needed.

1.2.5. The Jezira Kings and Kingdoms This chapter lists alphabetically figures attested in the Leilan letters who may be assumed to have functioned as rulers of towns or city-states in the northern Jezira. The list includes all correspondents with Mutiya and Till-Abnû who identify themselves as “brothers” or “sons” on the assumption that these forms of address were used only by other rulers. A second, less certain category is correspondents who identify themselves as “servants” but otherwise seem likely to have been rulers. In keeping with the formal classification used also in the text edition, all “servants,” however, whether officials or kings, are discussed in the next chapter. A few individuals who are attested only from contextual evidence but appear to function in a leading political and military capacity are added, although some of them may not necessarily have had the status of “king.” It must be noted that the list cannot be exhaustive, since other individuals mentioned in the texts could also have been kings. Unfortunately, the evidence is often less specific than desired and the capitals of even quite important rulers like ﬁepallu and °alu-rabi cannot be identified at present. The administrative texts, moreover, are not particularly helpful. Many of the rulers attested in the letters are not mentioned in the administrative texts at all, and possible new rulers are difficult to identify because of the frequent use of the opaque lú GN “man of GN,” which may refer to rulers as well as other citizens. For the kings of Leilan, who are not included here, see I.1.1.3.

AÓuÍina He is the sender of [118] to Till-Abnû, probably as “brother” or “son,” but this part of the address is broken. The letter is the (negative) answer to a request from Till-Abnû about the capture of AÍki-Addu, and seems to have been issued from a figure with the status of a ruler. No namesakes are attested in the administrative texts.

Aya-abu of fiun⁄ Administrative texts dated with the limmu °abil-k2nu mention a delivery of wine from Aya-abu, the king of fiun⁄ (both texts, [L.87-453], where Aya-abu is called lugal, and [L.87-1412], where he is called lú, probably list the same shipment). This king is clearly identical to the “son” of Till-Abnû by this name, from whom we have ten letters [93]–[102]. A prominent visitor to Leilan named Aya-abu is attested in administrative texts that date to the reign of Yak›n-AÍar [L.87-295] and [L.87-217]. No title or GN is given, but it seems likely that Aya-abu of fiun⁄ is involved and that consequently his reign continued until the end of our documentation. The town of fiun⁄ must be located west of Leilan, probably on or near the upper course of the wadi Jaghjagh (see I.1.2.4). From the time of Zimri-Lim we have evidence for a king of fiun⁄ by 26 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN the name of Il‹-IÍtar who married a daughter of Zimri-Lim, TiÍp⁄tum (Lafont 1987). In general, the kingdom seems to have had little political importance. Aya-abu appears as a vassal of the king of Leilan, in our texts referring to him on apparently minor matters, and stating frankly that the town of fiun⁄ is “your town” [93]. In one instance Aya- abu co-authors a letter with a certain fiibila [101], who also is mentioned in an administrative text as fiibil⁄ni lú fiun⁄ [L.87-421] (dated °abil-k2nu), and presumably a high official (sukkallum?) of fiun⁄. [102] is co-authored too, this time with the “elders” (Í‹b›tum) of fiun⁄.

Aya-abu mar Yamutbalim This man, referred to by name in [42] and [45], is not identical to the king of ﬁun⁄, but an “emigrant” (Ó⁄birum) and an “outlaw” (sarr⁄rum) (cf. I.1.2.3). Aya-abu, who is characterized as a Yamutbalean, presumably came from the territory of Andarig or at least south of the Habur Plains. The town ﬁun⁄ was located in °anean territory, and a Mari text (ARMT XXVIII 95) shows that the inhabitants were associated with the clan Yabassum specifically.

AplaÓanda A man with this name writes once to Till-Abnû as “brother,” a short letter [35] with general offers of friendship. This evidence is not sufficient to identify AplaÓanda’s geo-political context. Very tentatively it could be suggested that he was king of Karkemish, where a king by the name of AplaÓanda is attested during a slightly earlier period. This AplaÓanda is known to have died in ZL 10', being replaced first by his son Yatar-ami and later, in ZL 12', by a certain YaÓdun-Lim (see ARMT XXVI/2, pp. 511f.; for the kings of Karkemish and their letters to Zimri-Lim see ARM XXVIII, pp. 23ff.). It is possible that the name was used again by later Karkemish kings, maybe by a grandson of the “old” AplaÓanda. The ap-la-Ó[a-an-da] mentioned in [48] may be the same individual.

Asdi-[…] Asdi-[…] is attested only as the sender of letter [12] to his “father” Mutiya. He reports that °azip- TeÍÍup of Razam⁄, with 10,000 Óabb⁄tum troops, has spent the night in the town fiurum (Íu-ri-im). It is, therefore, possible that Asdi-[…]’s place of residence should be sought not far from this locality. We shall not discuss other evidence for towns named fiura, fiur’u/i, etc. (cf. Kessler 1980, 57ff.), but just note that an administrative text from Leilan [L.87-732] (28 ix Amer-IÍtar) provides a relative location of a town Íu-ri near KaÓat. This means that our man may belong somewhere in the central part of the Habur Plains. The administrative text [L.87-461] records a certain Asdi-IÍtar lú AÍlakk⁄, but it is not clear whether this man was the ruler of AÍlakk⁄. The question of his possible identification with our Asdi-[…] must remain open.

AÍki-Addu In five different letters we find probably the same important figure, but the correct reading of his name poses problems. It is variously written Áfi-KI-e-dim, ÁÍ-KI-dim, and once AB-KI-e-dim (see index for references). The first form is found in [101] and [102] sent from fiun⁄, and the first sign is almost but not entirely certain to be Áfi, since its shape is unusual, and the sign does not occur otherwise in the same group in more secure sequence. In the last form the first sign is partly broken, but seems certain to be AB. THE LETTERS 27

The name does seem to be Semitic, and the -e is perhaps a sandhi writing for ... e+Addu = Eddu, but the first element is not clear, and seems unparalleled. One might consider a derivation from the verb Íaqûm “to pour water, libate,” or whatever verb is involved in a number of third- millennium PNs with an element iÍgi- (see Bonechi 1997, 493f.), but the form here seems to be first person singular, which hardly makes sense. In any case AfiKI-Addu was clearly an enemy of Apum. In [101] and [102] Aya-abu of fiun⁄ reports how he has taken command of troops deserted from °alu-rabi, and plunders a town called GurdabaÓÓum, while he has sent 1000 soldiers from EluÓut against Sabb⁄num. These events are related to the troubles on the northwestern “front,” near the vassal kingdom of fiun⁄, which are discussed in 1.1.3.3, but the exact role or status of AfiKI-Addu or the outcome of the situation described in the letters from Aya-abu is unknown. It can be seen, however, that Till-Abnû asked others to remove AfiKI-Addu [118], and that eventually an unknown writer reported that he had been successful in this respect [121].

AÍtamar-Adad of Kurd⁄ This king is attested as sender of letters [5]–[8] to Mutiya and [36]–[40] to Till-Abnû, both addressed as “brothers,” and the name is also frequently mentioned by other correspondents. Although he is not explicitly referred to as king of Kurd⁄, this identification emerges clearly from his association with the town itself, with Kasap⁄—another important town in this kingdom—and with its tribal designation NumÓum/NumaÓum (see index for references). AÍtamar-Adad appears to be a firm ally of Apum throughout the correspondence. He is allied with Mutiya and ﬁepallu against Andarig and Razam⁄, and his letters to Till-Abnû discuss the arrangements of a political treaty. The central area of Kurd⁄ must be sought south of the Jebel Sinjar, and the latest suggestion for a location of the capital itself is Balad Sinjar (Joannès, ARMT XXVI/2, p. 235). Evidence from Mari about Kurd⁄ and its kings mentions a pre-ﬁamÍ‹-Adad ruler AÍtamar-Adad, perhaps revealing a factual link between that dynasty and the king in our texts (see Lafont 1994, 214).

Buriya of Andarig Buriya is attested as sender of letters [41]–[50] to his “brother” Till-Abnû, and both cumulative and quite specific evidence, in, e.g., [41], make it certain that he was king of the important and powerful kingdom of Andarig, located in the region south of Jebel Sinjar. The history of Andarig and its kings has recently been discussed in some detail by F. Joannès (ARMT XXVI/2, pp. 244–49) and need only be briefly summarized here. In the time of Zimri- Lim the kingdom appears to be bi- or even tripartite. After the demise of Qarni-Lim in ZL 9', the well-known Atamrum, king of nearby AllaÓad, became also king of Andarig and gained control of ﬁubat-Enlil. When Atamrum died in ZL 11', his brother °ul⁄lum was installed as king of AllaÓad by the Babylonians, while °imdiya inherited the two other cities controlled by Atamrum. We cannot relate the king attested in our texts to any earlier kings, and the name of Buriya’s father remains unknown. If not belonging to an entirely new family Buriya could be associated with Qarni-Lim, who was the son of a certain Muti-Addu (cf. L.T.-1), with Atamrum, son of Warad- Sîn (the regional governor during the reign of ﬁamÍ‹-Adad, and possibly an original king of Anda- rig; see Joannès, ARMT XXVI/2, pp. 244–49; also Joannès 1991, 170), or with °imdiya, whose relationship with Atamrum is not yet clear. 28 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

°alu-rabi This important king is a central figure in the archive. He sends letters to his “brothers” Mutiya [9] and Till-Abnû [51]–[56], and as “neutral” to Yak›n-AÍar [125]; and he is mentioned in numerous other letters. Some caution is warranted since the name °alu-rabi is common and the possibility of homonymy is present. Thus an administrative text [L.87-1409] refers to a certain °alu-rabi and his two colleagues (tapp›Íu), which means that an official or envoy by this name was active in the region. In [2] Hammurabi (of °alab) mentions two envoys sent to Mutiya, and the name of the first should perhaps be read [Óa-l]u-ra-bi (l. 4). It is, therefore, possible that °alu-rabi in [L.87-1409] and in other instances should be identified with an envoy from °alab, and not with a Jezira ruler. All the “brother” letters from a man named °alu-rabi, however, may safely be assumed to have issued from the same local ruler, and a text [150] shows clearly that such a ruler existed. The paramount °alab agent in the region appears throughout to be Bin-Dammu, and, as far as preservation and context allow, the letters (except [2]) seem to refer exclusively to °alu-rabi, the ruler, and not to a °alab agent. In the time of Mutiya °alu-rabi writes and suggests a joint campaign [9], but the context of this event is not clear from the badly preserved letter. Otherwise, much of the evidence for °alu-rabi in the early part of Till-Abnû’s reign is below in I.1.3.3. Later, during the reign of Till-Abnû, °alu-rabi writes in very friendly terms, offering assistance in negotiations for a treaty with Hammurabi of °alab [54]–[55] and seeking Till-Abnû’s support when Buriya slanders him to Hammurabi [56]. °alu-rabi’s background is unfortunately never stated explicitly in our texts. The letter [112] reports that °alu-rabi will march against Ida-Mara‰, which suggests that he belongs outside the Habur Plains. Further, we learn in [150] that an army from °alab marching to Andarig via the straight “steppe” route (ka‰⁄mma), where the °aneans graze their sheep, sends envoys to °alu-rabi, KaÓat, and Apum. This suggests that °alu-rabi’s capital should be sought west or south of KaÓat. Finally, in [51] °alu-rabi asks Till-Abnû to send envoys for a meeting in ‡ab⁄tum, a town presumably to be identified as Tell ‡⁄b⁄n on the Habur River below modern Hassake. The only theory that can be offered at present is that this was °alu-rabi’s own seat of kingship. In fact, a glance at the Mari evidence for ‡ab⁄tum reveals some close parallels with °alu-rabi’s situation: a diviner is sent to ‡ab⁄tum to take omens about the °aneans and the border (ARMT XXVI/1, 141), and a route from ‡ab⁄tum across the steppe to Andarig via RapÍum is given in ARMT XXVII, 65. A further implication of the Mari evidence is, of course, that ‡ab⁄tum was controlled by the Mari kings and, therefore, played no independent political role in this earlier period.

°awur(ni)-atal of Nawali °awur-atal is attested as sender of [119] to Till-Abnû. The letter is not well preserved, but connects the writer with activity near fiun⁄ and KiduÓÓum. This neatly fits the second attestation of °awur- atal in [97], where Aya-abu of fiun⁄ complains to Till-Abnû that °awur-atal is recruiting troops from EluÓut and frightening the citizens of fiun⁄, while in [102] he reports that EluÓut troops have entered Nawali. It is, therefore, possible to identify °awur-atal securely with a certain °awurni- atal lú Nawali mentioned in several administrative texts. Thus it seems most likely that °awur-atal was ruler of Nawali, and a certain Ukku lú Nawali who sent a Í›bultum of wine to Leilan (cf. [L.87-1378] and [L.87-691]) probably was an official. THE LETTERS 29

Nawali is mentioned fairly often in the administrative texts and appears to have been an important religious center. In the letters Nawali is mentioned, apart from [102], in connection with the temple for Adad/TeÍÍup of Nawali [6] and as one of four towns where ﬁepallu is offered grazing for his sheep [10]. Recent work at Girnavaz, a large mound ca. 5 km north of Qamishli, has produced Neo-Assyrian tablets whose contents strengthen an earlier theory that the town Nawal⁄/u/Nabula, surely identical to our Nawali, should be located here (see Donbaz 1988, 5, and cf. below sub Yam‰i-°atnû). The remarks by Erkanal (1988, 139) about the modern religious importance of this place (“Heute gilt dieser Hügel für alle Religionen und ethnischen Gruppen in der Umgebung als Dämonencentrum”) are particularly interesting in view of the ancient evidence, which apart from the references noted above, includes mention of Adad/TeÍÍup of Nawali in god-lists in the treaties, evidently showing that Nawali was one of the major religious centers of the region in Old Babylo- nian times.

°azip-TeÍÍup of Razam⁄ A fragment belonging to L.T.-2 provides the explicit information that a king of Razam⁄ contemporaneous with Mutiya was named °azip-TeÍÍup. In spite of this treaty and the parallel evidence from administrative texts dated to °abil-k2nu (cf. II.1.3.1), °azip-TeÍÍup usually appears as an enemy of Apum in the letters, which also explains why we have no letters sent from him—with the possible exception of [57]. In [8] Mutiya and his allies are waging war on the lands Yass⁄n and Yamutbalum, often associated with (the northern) Razam⁄ (see, e.g., Lafont, ARMT XXVI/2, p. 477) and Anda- rig respectively. The text makes it clear that Mutiya’s opponents were, indeed, Buriya and °azip- TeÍÍup. Again, in [157] °azip-TeÍÍup is connected with the land of Yass⁄n (lú Yass⁄num) and with Razam⁄. It must be noted that administrative texts mention no less than two homonyms. The first is °azip-TeÍÍup lú °ur⁄‰⁄ in [L.87-658] (limmu °abil-k2nu), who may be identified with a probable namesake in [8], 20, where he occurs probably in the region of °ur⁄‰⁄ (see I.1.3.2) and where the king of Razam⁄ is elsewhere (cf. l. 28). The second is a °azip-TeÍÍup lú NilibÍinni in [L.87-698+ 718] (undated). Finally an envelope fragment is sealed with the seal of a certain [Óa-zi]-ip-te-Íu-up (Appendix 2, no. 4). For the possible location of Razam⁄ of Yass⁄n in the plain east of the Habur Plains, see Durand 1990a, 12. The few Old Babylonian tablets found at Tell al-Hawa unfortunately yield no conclusive evidence (see George 1990, 41f., and George 1992; Eidem 1993b).

Ila-°atnû Ila-°atnû is attested only as sender of [58] to his “brother” Till-Abnû. The letter discusses the case of some Apum citizens captured by Ila-°atnû’s troops while they were operating with troops of his “brother” Buriya, the king of Andarig. This may be a reference to the war between Apum and Andarig and Razam⁄, in which Ila-°atnû was an ally of Andarig. Since Ila-°atnû styles himself “brother” of both Till-Abnû and Buriya, he must have been a fairly powerful king. As for the name and location of his kingdom, present evidence allows no specific suggestions, but his alliance with, or at least assistance to, Andarig points in a direction south of Jebel Sinjar. 30 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Kanis⁄nu Kanis⁄nu is attested as sender of two letters to his “father” Mutiya [15]–[16], and of [178] to an unknown addressee. He is apparently a minor ruler, but the evidence about his background is not clear. [15] can be connected with the war against Andarig and Razam⁄. This context and the mention of a town AnamaÍ point to the central sector of the Habur Plains. [16] concerns a man called a “servant of this house,” a certain °azip-ﬁimegi, possibly identical to a namesake lú Puˇrimki mentioned in an administrative text [L.87-461] (month iv Ipiq-IÍtar). The mention of both Puˇrum and ﬁuttannum indicates again the central sector of the plains. ARMT XXVIII 111 documents a high-ranking official Kanis⁄nu in AÍlakk⁄ who may be the same person.

Kiriya This man is not attested as sender of any letters, but is mentioned by other correspondents. In [7] he is involved in military operations south of Jebel Sinjar (between Sanduw⁄tum and TupÓam; cf. notes to text), and in [147]–[148] the Apum general fiupram is apparently attached to him. In [147] fiupram quotes a warning from Kiriya, who says that fiupram’s lord (presumably Mutiya) should let the enemy reach his city gate, but not engage in open battle with him. It seems likely that these letters all refer to the same events and that they can be dated to the time of the war against Andarig and Razam⁄ late in Mutiya’s reign. On this evidence Kiriya would seem to belong in the region between the Habur Plains and Jebel Sinjar, and he could be identical to the Giriya lú Yass⁄n, who is preparing to assist °azip- TeÍÍup of Razam⁄ in [157].

Kuzzuri See above I.1.2.1 n. 14.

Masum-atal of Alil⁄num This king, a “son” of Till-Abnû, is attested as sender of two short and rather uninformative notes to Till-Abnû [103]–[104]. It seems likely that he is identical to a namesake known as a king of Alil⁄num from a few Mari texts, several of which concern a visit to Mari planned by ﬁarr⁄ya of Razam⁄, accompanied by two other kings, °azip-Ulme of AÍiÓum and Masum-atal of Alil⁄num (see Birot, ARMT XXVII, pp. 23f.). Since the three kingdoms of Razam⁄ (Ía Yass⁄n, cf. above s.v. °azip-TeÍÍup), AÍiÓum, and Alil⁄num thus would seem to have been closely connected, and both Razam⁄ and AÍiÓum (cf. ARMT XXVI/2, p. 258) can be placed in the region between the Habur and Sinjar Plains, Alil⁄num must be located here as well. This is supported by [138], where it is stated that Óabb⁄tum troops have entered Alil⁄num and are continuing toward Razam⁄.

MaÍum MaÍum is attested as sender of [18] to his “father” Mutiya, and of [77]–[81] to his “brother” Till- Abnû. Unfortunately his place of residence is not named, but a general location is provided by [18], where MaÍum states that his town is “your” (singular) town and that he is guarding the frontier of “your” (plural) land “from the crest of mount Saggar to the land of Yass⁄n.” This places MaÍum firmly south-southeast of Apum in the land of Yass⁄n(um), where a number of towns are known (see above s.v. Masum-atal and cf. also Joannès in ARMT XXVI/2, 235ff., where other towns in this area are discussed). THE LETTERS 31

The letters sent from MaÍum to Till-Abnû mainly concern routine affairs and are not easily datable. The only text with clear historical implications is [81], where MaÍum, who himself has made peace with Buriya, advises Till-Abnû to evacuate the countryside of his land. This would seem to fit late in the reign of Mutiya, and it is possible that this particular letter was sent to Till-Abnû prior to his accession, when he was stationed as viceroy at ﬁurnat. Since MaÍum consistently addresses Till-Abnû as “brother,” all his letters may belong to this period. Such a theory might be supported by the relative proximity between the capital of MaÍum and ﬁurnat, but this remains a theory.

MeÓilum MeÓilum is the sender of two letters to Till-Abnû, his r⁄’imum [105], and his “father” [106]. The former text is short and not very informative: KaÓat is mentioned and MeÓilum seems willing and able to provide auxiliaries. The change of address in [106] could reflect a difference before and after Till-Abnû’s accession. MeÓilum is staying with °alu-rabi, who is displeased with Till-Abnû, who does not pay him a visit and apparently is expected to provide troops. MeÓilum has interceded on Till-Abnû’s behalf and now urges him to do as desired. MeÓilum’s background is better established through other references. In [149] we hear of a MeÓili lú Yapˇur whose retainer, together with a dignitary (qaqqadum) of QirdaÓat, has been sent to Till-Abnû. The designation lú Yapˇur for MeÓili is attested also in an administrative text dated °abil-k2nu. The association of MeÓilum with QirdaÓat is likewise found in [128] from BaÓdi-Lim (probably a resident there, see I.1.2.6), reporting that MeÓilum has stayed five days in QirdaÓat without meeting envoys of b¤lum (Till-Abnû). What emerges is that MeÓilum was lord of the land Yapˇur and also had control over QirdaÓat, where he occasionally resided. According to Durand 1987b, 161, and Villard 1986, 389 (with map p. 395), QirdaÓat should be placed on the wadi Habur, west of modern Hassake, whereas Yapˇur is a designation for areas farther northwest (see Durand 1988). From Mari we have evidence for a certain ﬁubram, king of QirdaÓat (ARMT XXVII 20).

Muti-Addu This figure is attested only as the sender of [82], where he asks Till-Abnû for troops and states: “and since your route is near, I shall come up to a town, so that you and I can meet, and establish brotherhood between us.” This seems to place Muti-Addu’s town somewhere south in relation to a route of march planned by Till-Abnû, but no exact location can be given.

Niqmi-Adad Niqmi-Adad sends letter [19] as “son” to Mutiya, [83]–[84] as “neutral,” and [85]–[86] as “small brother” (aÓum ‰iÓrum)—all to Till-Abnû, in the two latter texts addressed as “big brother” (aÓ‹ya gal). This man, apparently of minor political importance, could, in view of the fairly rare style of address, have been a younger brother of Till-Abnû and Yak›n-AÍar, but this cannot be proved. His letters deal with routine affairs, such as sheep herding [85] and legal cases. The geographical information in the texts, which mention the towns Kuzzaya, AÓanda, Puˇrum, and NilibÍinnum, points to a location somewhere in the central part of the Habur Plains.

Sumu-°adû Sumu-°adû is attested only as the sender of [34], writing as “neutral” to Till-Abnû to establish friendly relations, apparently shortly after his succession to the Apum throne. The letter mentions a 32 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN certain ﬁamaÍ-na-‰[ir?] who is sent to Till-Abnû. Although homonymy may be involved, it should be noted that an administrative text (dated °abil-k2nu) refers to a merchant ﬁamaÍ-na‰ir from Amursakkum—the only possible clue to Sumu-°adû’s location.

fiepallu fiepallu is the sender of [10]–[11], to “brother” Mutiya, [87]–[88] to “brother” Till-Abnû, [166] to AÍtamar-Adad, and finally [175]–[176] to “brothers” whose names are not preserved, but most likely were Mutiya or Till-Abnû. fiepallu must have been an important king, since he was an ally of Apum and Kurd⁄ in the war against Andarig and Razam⁄ late in the reign of Mutiya (see I.1.3.2). Unfortunately, the evidence for his seat of kingship is not clear, but a location south of the Habur Plains may be deduced from the texts relating to the war against Andarig and Razam⁄, where towns like Zann⁄num and Sabum [11] and °ur⁄‰⁄ [137]–[138] seem to belong to his land, which was invaded by the enemy [139]. In [176] fiepallu invites probably Mutiya or Till-Abnû to come from fiubat-Enlil to a particular town whose name is almost completely broken. None of this is very conclusive, but since Zann⁄num and Sabum may be identical to towns located not too far from the Rimah area (cf. notes to [11]), one could suggest that fiepallu was king of Karan⁄/Qaˇˇar⁄, where we seem to lack a king. This important kingdom (cf. Charpin and Durand 1987 and Eidem 1989a) is not mentioned in the texts from 1987, but a single reference is found in L.85-490 dated in the limmu Adad-bani, which lists a certain Warad-fiamaÍ lú Karan⁄ (Whiting 1990b, 569); a man with this name is also mentioned as recipient of a garment in a text from 1987 dated in the limmu °abil- k2nu, who may well have been an envoy.

fiukrum-TeÍÍup of EluÓut This man, the king of EluÓut, sent letters to Till-Abnû [89]–[91]. From Mari we know of two different kings of EluÓut, the earlier fiarr⁄ya and the later fiukrum-TeÍÍup, who must be identical to our king and thus one of the very few surviving figures from the time covered by the Mari archives. The most informative of the letters sent from fiukrum-TeÍÍup [89], indicate that relations between Apum and EluÓut have been strained, but a meeting and the conclusion of a treaty is still anticipated. Apparently fiukrum-TeÍÍup wants a “house” (i.e., an estate) in fiubat-Enlil and he offers Till-Abnû not only a “house” in EluÓut, but a(ny) town he wishes (from EluÓut domain). EluÓut has not been located, but must be sought in the mountains across the Turkish frontier (cf. Nashef 1982, 104).

Yam‰i-°atnû and Ea-malik of KaÓat Yam‰i-°atnû can be securely identified as king of KaÓat, since he is so described in L.T.-3, which also provides the name of his father, a certain Asdi-NeÓim. The same treaty places Ea-malik, without title or filiation, as party to the proceedings together with the king. The treaty provides other interesting information on KaÓat. In several passages towns and citizens of KaÓat are described with the strange designations Íi–al-PI-ri and nu-Óa-Íi. The two terms must clearly designate main ethnic, social, or geographical components of the kingdom of KaÓat, but a more precise understanding does not seem possible.*Íi’alyeri seems likely to be a Hurrian term and is perhaps related to Hurrian Íi-ya-lo “(dis)poser, installer, mettre en pile” (see Catsanicos 1996, 282, for such forms as Íi-ya-le-e-ri “qui (dis)posa” etc.) and *nuÓa(Í)Íu could be Semitic (root N°ﬁ “prosper”?). While not having any direct historical connection, it seems likely to be the same word as the name of the land NuÓaÍÍe in western Syria known from the later second millennium (cf. THE LETTERS 33

Klengel 1992, passim). Since both towns and citizens could be so designated, the two terms would have served to describe a main geographical or social division in the land of KaÓat. Another problem is the definition of the territory of the kingdom as “from Nawar to Nawar” (iÍtu Nawar adi Nawarki) in several passages of the treaty. KaÓat itself is presumably to be located at Tell Barri on the wadi Jaghjagh, and one of the two points referred to as Nawar can be identified with Nagar (in the Mittani period spelled Nawar) to the south, surely identical to Tell Brak. Nagar, with its cult of the goddess B2let-Nagar, has recently been the subject of a series of studies by Guichard, who has published several pertinent texts from the Mari archives, among them a letter that shows that the statue or emblem of this deity was taken on ceremonial tours in the region. The ruler of °azzikannum, °uziri, writes to Zimri-Lim: “Here B2let-Nagar, who protects the life of my lord and grants my lord long life is passing through the lands. I will receive her in Iluna-aÓi, and °⁄ya-Sumu will receive her in MiÍkillum, and I will receive her (again) from °⁄ya-abum and perform her sacrifices in °azzakannim” (A.221, 5–14; Guichard 1994, 237ff.). A similar tour of the goddess is attested here in [28], and B2let-Nagar is also included in the god-list in L.T.-3. We have previously suggested that the second Nawar mentioned in the treaty could be another, northern Nawar, tentatively identified with Nawali (see Matthews and Eidem 1993, and cf. above sub °awur-atal). If correct, there seems to be a clear logic in defining the kingdom by these two outer points of the wadi, both important religious centers. Recently, however, Guichard (1997) has published a text that mentions dedication of a girl a-na dna-wa-ar i-na na-ga-arki, suggesting that Nawar was the local pronunciation versus the Semitic Nagar. In any case, the new text clearly lays to rest the doubts expressed (most recently by Wilhelm 1996, 178 n. 38) about the identification of Nagar with Nawar. Guichard in the same article suggests that the phrase in our treaty referred, not to two different localities, but to a “round-trip” Nagar→Nagar made by the goddess. This is an interesting idea, which may prove correct, but at present remains speculation. It should be noted that the treaty phrase consistently places the determinative only after the second Nawar and, although this may not have any real significance, it could also be thought that it was done to differ- entiate the compounded divine geographical entity Nawar (=Nagar) and a simple locality Nawar. The history of KaÓat in the time of the Mari archives has recently been summarized by Charpin (1990a). However, it should be mentioned that from this period we have evidence for three kings, Akin-Amar, Kabiya, and Asdi-Lim, none of whom can be related to Yam‰i-°atnû or Asdi-NeÓim on present evidence. Turning to the evidence from the Leilan texts, we note first that, although Yam‰i-°atnû is sender of no less than fifteen letters to Till-Abnû [62]–[76], he is never mentioned by other correspondents. Ea-malik, on the other hand, himself sender of four letters to Till-Abnû [28]–[32], is mentioned by several other correspondents. Ea-malik may have been a son or brother of the king, but, in any case, he appears more “executive” than the actual king. This distribution of the evidence is curious, as is also the fact that virtually all the letters from KaÓat concern routine affairs. The kingdom of KaÓat seems almost completely aloof to the dramatic events reflected in other parts of the documentation, although some of these occur very close to its territory. Tentatively it could be suggested that KaÓat, itself the center for a famous cult of Adad/ TeÍÍup (included in L.T.-3 as dim b¤l KaÓat; for the temple of this cult see Charpin 1982) and claiming nominal control over perhaps two other important cult-centers, had a special status among the Habur kingdoms. This would explain both the peculiar role of Ea-malik and the apparent low-level political and military activity. In fact, a similar “quiet” situation is reflected in the letters from Kabiya published in ARMT XXVIII (nos. 123–33). 34 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

YasmaÓ-Addu This man is attested exclusively as sender of [14] to his “father” Mutiya, whom he asks about the rumors of approaching Óabb⁄tum troops. Presumably a king of minor importance, the evidence allows no further conclusions about his background.

Yan‰i[b-…] Sender of [33] to Till-Abnû as “neutral.” The contents of the letter provide no background information about the writer. It mentions two men, Zimri-Addu and Tarim-ﬁakim, who are sent to ﬁeÓn⁄, but these names are not attested elsewhere. It seems likely, however, that Yan‰i[b-…] is identical to the next figure discussed.

Ya‰‰ib-°atnû of UrkiÍ (?) Ya‰‰ib-°atnû is mentioned in three letters to b¤lum: from Sangara [143] and [144], and from Tak2 [150]. The information in [143] is explicit as to Ya‰‰ib-°atnû’s background, since he is reported to have written: “I have evacuated (my territory) to Urgina.” In [144] it is further reported that a messenger has gone to Ya‰‰ib-°atnû and the king of AÍ-KA-kum to get help against °alu-rabi (for the historical context of these letters see I.1.3.3). On the assumption that the two towns here are identical to UrkiÍ and AÍnakkum respectively, this information would support the theory that Ya‰‰ib-°atnû was king or governor of UrkiÍ. ARMT XXVIII 69 documents an important official of UrkiÍ named Yan‰ib-°adnu, who might well be the same as our figure. In the time of the Mari archives UrkiÍ was under some order of control from AÍnakkum (see Durand 1990a, 10f.) and does not appear politically important. Recent excavations have made it virtually certain that UrkiÍ is identical to Tell Moz⁄n near modern Amouda (see Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 1996).

Zig¤ of Amaz Zig2 occurs only as the sender of [107] to his “father” Till-Abnû. The letter treats routine affairs and reveals no details about Zig2’s background. Most likely, he is identical to the Zig2 referred to as lú Amaz in several administrative texts. References in texts from Mari to namesakes (e.g., from Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ in ARM VII, 210, 11) are probably homonyms showing that the name was current in the Habur region. The town of Amaz is well-attested in older sources. In Old Assyrian texts it appears as an intermediate station between Apum (Leilan) and NaÓur, hence west of Leilan. ARMT XXVI/2, 313, which describes the route of an army from fiubat-Enlil to fiun⁄ to Amaz, allows us to place the town more specifically west of wadi Jaghjagh. Apart from a king Zambug(a) known from the early part of Zimri-Lim’s reign (see ARMT XXVI/2, p. 121 d), the most detailed information about Amaz is found in the series of letters from late in the reign of Zimri-Lim published and discussed by Joannès in ARMT XXVI/2 (conveniently summarized in Joannès 1990). It shows that Amaz was a typical, walled town with citadel and lower town, and that it was contested between various neighboring kingdoms, including Sus⁄, EluÓut, fiun⁄, and fiubat-Enlil (which was part of the kingdom of Atamrum of Andarig). Although Amaz had its own king, °i‰riya, it clearly did not belong to the more powerful Habur states. This information is well in accordance with our texts, where the ruler of Amaz appears to be subordinate to Leilan, and the town is near Sabb⁄num [116] and Yapˇur [130]. For the Apum(?) governor or general °ammi-EpuÓ stationed in Amaz, see the next section. THE LETTERS 35

CONCORDANCE Concordance between selected geographical and personal names. PNs in italics are firmly associated with the GN, whereas those in parentheses are only tentative. Alil⁄num Masum-atal Amaz Zig¤ Andarig Buriya AÍnakkum cf. Ya‰‰ib-°atnû EluÓut fiukrum-TeÍÍup °ur⁄‰⁄ cf. °azip-TeÍÍup KaÓat Yam‰i-°atnû Karan⁄/Qaˇˇar⁄ (fiepallu) Karkemish (AplaÓanda) Kurd⁄ AÍtamar-Adad Nawali °awurni-atal Nawar cf. Yam‰i-°atnû QirdaÓat cf. MeÓilum Razam⁄ °azip-TeÍÍup fiun⁄ Aya-abu ‡ab⁄tum (°alu-rabi) UrkiÍ Ya‰‰ib-°atnû Yapˇur MeÓilum

1.2.6. The Kingdom of Apum and Its “Servants” The kings of Apum have already been discussed, but a brief muster should be made of the most important “servants” occurring in the letters. It must be stressed, however, that this category probably includes “kings,” foreign officials, and officials of the kings of Apum, and that any precise distinction between these categories often is difficult to make without more explicit evidence. It may be assumed, for instance, that several towns, especially in Apum, had resident officials of the king as well as local “princes.” Examples could be ﬁurnat (cf. I.1.1.3 and below s.v. Ewri), Amaz (below s.v. °ammi-EpuÓ), and AzamÓul (below s.v. Inganum). The evidence is complex, and further evaluation should include the Leilan administrative texts. The officials relevant for the letters are most often those who permanently or occasionally functioned outside Leilan; for the officials having functions primarily in Leilan itself or in the Lower Town Palaces, the evidence from the administrative texts and the sealings is of primary importance, but will only be sporadically referred to here.

Abbutt⁄n(um) Abbutt⁄n is the sender of [127] to b¤lum (from internal criteria certainly Till-Abnû). Abbutt⁄nu is on a campaign and claims that he can conquer town(s?) and defeat(?) kings if he is promptly given reinforcements. The only other reference to Abbutt⁄nu (including in the administrative texts) is in [94], where Aya-abu writes: “Previously when I sent you letters from Abbutt⁄n, my ‘father’ wrote back in accordance with these letters. Now the son of Abbutt⁄n came to me.” In view of the rarity of this (Akkadian) name we may assume that both texts refer to the same individual. 36 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Perhaps the phrasing in [94] indicates that Abbutt⁄n was dead. If correct, this might explain why he is not mentioned more often, since he must have been an important figure. In the first part of [127] he seems to anticipate some backbiting from other officials and writes: “Let Tak2, Bayy⁄nu, and TiÍwen-atal stand before my lord and hear this letter of mine. They must not say anything against me who is (indeed) a servant of my lord Till-Abnû. (It is) I who made all the kings bend to my lord’s feet. When the elders of the country of Apum went to my lord to KaÓat, I held.” This is extremely interesting if somewhat obscure (cf. I.1.1.3), but underscores that Abbutt⁄nu was an important official who had supported Till-Abnû on his accession to the throne. Judging from [94], he may have functioned as a governor or agent west of Leilan, sending reports to the king that concerned affairs near ﬁun⁄.

AÓi-mara‰ AÓ‹-mara‰ is the sender of [126] to b¤lum, reporting on Yak›n-AÍar’s victory and subsequent developments concerning the Óabb⁄tum, and of [167] to Inganum (r⁄’imum), about a quarrel they will resolve when there is peace in the country. AÓ‹-mara‰ is further mentioned in [171] as being able on request to give Ewri further information about the Óabb⁄tum. All three references may well belong to the same historical context, namely the war against Andarig and Razam⁄ late in Mutiya’s reign, in which case all our evidence pertains to a single participation in a campaign lead by Yak›n-AÍar, but in a poorly defined capacity. The administrative texts furnish no firm evidence for this individual.

Bayy⁄nu This man was an important palace official. He is mentioned in at least four administrative texts, and sealing fragments with his seal were found in room 5 (legend: ba-a-ia-nu, dumu Óa-ka-mu, ìr ti-la-ab- nu [L.87-894]; see Parayre 1991b, 128 no. 11). He is mentioned in three letters and his high position is especially evident in [127]: “Let Tak2, Bayy⁄nu, and TiÍwen-atal stand before my lord and hear this letter of mine” (ll. 3–5). So far, Bayy⁄nu is not attested in texts relating to the reign of Mutiya, but this may, of course, be accidental.

BaÓdi-Lim BaÓdi-Lim is the sender of [128] to b¤lum, referring to the death of Mutiya and offering congratula- tions on b¤lum’s accession to the “golden throne.” BaÓdi-Lim is not mentioned elsewhere, but this one letter provides some clues to his background (see I.1.2.5, s.v. MeÓilum). It seems likely that he was stationed in QirdaÓat, but whether as an official or “king” is unclear.

Ewri Ewri is attested only as the sender of two letters sent simultaneously to Till-Abnû his lord [110] and Tak2 [171]. An important figure with this name is attested also in the Old Babylonian tablet, contemporaneous with the Leilan texts, found at Tell Qal’at al-H⁄d‹ southeast of Leilan (see Durand 1987a; Whiting 1990a, 216; Eidem 1988; and cf. I.1.1.4). Since the diachronic analysis of the letters in the next chapter shows that our Ewri was placed in this corner of the region, there can be little doubt that the two men are identical. Since Till-Abnû seems to have resided in fiurnat prior to his accession, and fiurnat is known as a town in or near Apum territory, it can be suggested that the ancient name of Qal’at al-H⁄d‹ was fiurnat. THE LETTERS 37

However, it is not easy to define Ewri’s position and it seems that he could have been either a local nobleman or an Apum official. Unfortunately the administrative texts provide no relevant information.

°ammi-EpuÓ °ammi-EpuÓ is the sender of [129]–[130] to his lord, and mentioned in [116]. All three references seem to concern the same series of events taking place in the northwest part of the Habur Plains (in the region of Sabb⁄num, Amaz, and Yapˇur) and with a connection to the troubles with °alu-rabi (see I.1.3.3). Administrative texts supply references to: ❍ °ammi-EpuÓ, a physician [L.87-691] (limmu HK); ❍ °ammu-EpuÓ lú Amaz [L.87-945] (limmu HK). There can be little doubt that our man is identical to the latter individual, whereas the former may be a homonym. Since Zig2 seems to have been the king of Amaz, °ammi-EpuÓ may be an Apum general or governor.

°awiliya °awiliya is the sender of [111], to his lord Till-Abnû, about the release of various people. The text implies that Till-Abnû is in ﬁubat-Enlil and that the writer resides elsewhere. The only other reference to °awiliya is in [145], where Sangara reports that “°awiliya sent me to Irpap⁄. After the arrival of my messenger I shall arrive in IbnaÓi.” Both of the toponyms in this passage are otherwise unattested and the context, therefore, is difficult to elucidate (cf. below sub Sangara).

Il‹-EpuÓ Il‹-EpuÓ is the sender of [131], where he writes to b¤lum about routine matters, implying that he was stationed elsewhere. A namesake is mentioned in [149], where he intercepts(?) a man who (secretly?) had carried information to Mutiya about Yapˇur and QirdaÓat. Unfortunately, the details of the affair are not clear, but this Il‹-EpuÓ would seem to be an official(?) of MeÓilum, the lord of Yapˇur.

Inganum Inganum is the sender of [132]–[135] to b¤lum, [169] to ﬁupram (Apum general), and receiver of [167] from AÓ‹-mara‰. The letters to b¤lum [133]–[135] concern troubles in Apum relating to the events discussed in I.1.3.3. In [133] it is reported that someone has “taken” NiÓru and Inganum sends off a relief force. In [134] auxiliaries of °alu-rabi have entered NiÓru, and Inganum adds: “The outlaws who enter this town have increased in number! My lord must not stay silent, but do all he can!” In [135] he reports that he gathered the “district” (Óal‰um) in AzamÓul at harvest time as ordered, posted guards, and is himself present there. Further he fears for the safety of the town ﬁatÓura. AzamÓul was an important town in Apum, possibly to be identified with Tell Mohammed Diyab southeast of Leilan (Charpin 1990b). It is possible that Inganum functioned as governor of this town or at least in this area of Apum, but administrative texts also refer more explicitly to a fairly prominent man Samsu-malik lú AzamÓul. He might also be an official stationed at Leilan, sending reports to the king in his absence. 38 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Kuzuzzu Kuzuzzu is attested only as the sender of [137]–[141] to his lord. [137], 10–16 implies that he was resident in fieÓn⁄, but [137]–[139] were written while he was on a diplomatic mission with fiepallu (during the reign of Mutiya; see I.1.3.2). In [140] he conveys complaints from auxiliaries under a certain fianigi’s command. Finally, the fragmentary [141] concerns a man from Il⁄n-‰ur⁄.

Qarr⁄du Qarr⁄du is the sender of [142] to b¤lum. The letter concerns the apprehension of a refugee reported to be in ﬁeÓn⁄. Probably Qarr⁄du resided outside ﬁeÓn⁄. He may be identical to Qarr⁄du lú NaDBim mentioned in several administrative texts. A town or country NaDBum is not known from any other source.

Sangara Sangara is attested only as the sender of letters to b¤lum, in [112] explicitly Till-Abnû, and in [143]– [144] from the context perhaps Mutiya. He is probably identical to the namesake Sangara lú Till⁄ mentioned in an undated administrative list of officials (and vassals?) [L.87-691]. For the location of Till⁄, see I.1.2.4. From the Mari archives we have the names of two different kings of the town, successively Takka and Samsi-EraÓ (Guichard 1994, 252).

Sîn-tukult‹ This man, attested as an official in administrative texts dating to the year °abil-k2nu, is no doubt the same as the sender of letter [165] (concerning garments) to the woman AÓatani.

Sumu-ditana Sender of [113] to his lord Till-Abnû reporting on a treaty concluded between the towns AÓanda and KiduÓÓum and AÍki-Addu, information that provides a link to the troubles with this latter figure (see I.1.3.3). The clay of the letter is very similar to the distinct type used for letters sent from ﬁun⁄ (see Appendix 1), which may indicate that the letter, which indeed concerns events in this region, was sent from this town or nearby.33

ﬁupram A man with this name is mentioned in administrative texts with the title “general” (gal-mar-tu). Very likely this is the same man sending letters to his lord [147]–[148] while on a military mission to Kiriya (see I.1.2.5, s.v.), and receiving letters from Inganum (governor in or near AzamÓul) with short greetings [169], and from his “brother” Samum (otherwise unattested) with requests for oil [170].

Tak¤ The evidence for this man is complicated and may involve at least one homonym. In [8] and possibly [24] a man named Tak2 who is a °alab “governor” (Í⁄piˇum) occurs, but he may have been dismissed by Mutiya (see [8]).

33. It is somewhat unexpected to find the rare name Sumu-ditana, also borne by a son of Hammurabi of Babylon (see Lion 1994) in this context. THE LETTERS 39

Letters to both Mutiya [6] and Till-Abnû [44] refer to a man Tak2 who seems to be a resident of Apum. He is called Till-Abnû’s “servant” [87], and seems to have been one of the highest officials [127]. A number of letters were sent by Tak2: [114] and [115] to his lord Till-Abnû, and [148]–[151] addressed to b¤lum. Tak2 himself received an important report on the movements of the Óabb⁄tum from Ewri [171]. The material evidence (cf. Appendix 1) shows that all the letters sent by Tak2 issued from the same man. Particularly interesting is the allusion to Till-Abnû’s father, who imposed a “contract” of reciprocal assistance between Tak2 and Till-Abnû [115], which shows that Tak2 must have had his own base outside Leilan. Also in [114] the impression is that he was stationed outside ﬁeÓn⁄. In both [150] and [151] he reports the arrival of important envoys, whom he sends on to his lord. However, is this because they had passed Tak2’s place of residence en route to Leilan or because Tak2 had received them in the capital when the king was absent? In view of the important status of this man, it seems strange that the administrative texts furnish virtually no evidence (a single text dated IÍme-El mentions a certain ta-ge visiting the king [L.87- 362]). Also, for this reason it seems doubtful that the Tak2 who sent the letters discussed above is identical to the °alab governor. The best solution may be to assume that he was a local nobleman in Apum who also functioned as a high official in the capital, and that the references except [8] (and [24]?) are to this individual.

TiÍwen-atal TiÍwen-atal is mentioned frequently in the administrative texts (especially those dated to the reign of Yak›n-AÍar from room 2) as a “general” (gal-mar-tu); he appears twice in the letters: in company with other high officials in [127], and as sender of the rather enigmatic [152], sent to his lord from KaÓat (and in KaÓat “style,” cf. Appendix 1).

Warad-[…] /Warad-IÍtar The evidence listed below is not clear, but it seems possible to distinguish at least two different individuals: Warad-[…], who sent [155] and who may have been a small-scale governor stationed outside Leilan, and a fairly important palace official named Warad-IÍtar:

Warad-[…] Warad-[…] is the sender of [155], where he reports that he is harassed by enemies “left and right” and asks his lord to send soldiers. This tablet is unique with very large writing. Receiver of [173] from a certain Yak›n-A[r-…], an otherwise unattested figure who lives in Kasap⁄ (in Kurd⁄), who needs furnishings for his house.

Warad-IÍtar Warad-IÍtar is the sender of [153] to b¤lum. The sender is apparently on a successful mission to an unnamed king to effect ransom of an unnamed person. In [164] Warad-IÍtar writes to AÓam-arÍi, giving instructions about issuing foodstuffs to Bayy⁄nu (a ﬁeÓn⁄ palace official). He is the sender of [168] to a certain ‡⁄b‹ya, attested as a palace official in administrative texts. This tablet, found in room 12, is of a distinctive type (shape, writing). The fragment [154] could have issued from the same man, but this cannot be definitively established. 40 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Warad-IÍtar is the receiver of [172] from his “brother” […-a]n-zali, about the release of certain women, and of [174] from Aw‹l-Amurrim and °i-[…], who, having disobeyed the king, ask Warad-IÍtar to intercede.

YaÍub-[…] YaÍub-[…] is the sender of [136] to b¤lum, but the short and badly preserved text provides no real information.

Zimri-[…] Zimri-[…] is the sender of [116], with clear connections to the “war” against °alu-rabi and to letters sent by °ammi-EpuÓ. The sender reports that he “went up” to Sabb⁄num and that some troops under °ammi-EpuÓ deserted in Amaz. He asks his lord to send fresh soldiers to guard “the palace and me.” Tentatively, this information indicates that Zimri-[…] resided south of Sabb⁄num and Amaz, towns located in the northwestern part of the Habur Plains. Names beginning with Zimri- are, of course, very common, and we can suggest no firm link between our figure and others attested in the texts, although geographical context could make someone like Zimri-Addu sent to Till-Abnû from Yan‰i[p-…] (cf. I.1.2.5, s.v.) a possible candidate.

[…]-a (?) The two letters [156] and [157], which deal with the same events, are of a very special physical type. Most likely they were sent from the same man, whose name has unfortunately not survived in either text. The contents are somewhat enigmatic. In [157] the sender quotes a letter from the brother of a certain Kabizzari lú […]urnim. This man appears to have encountered troops of °azip-TeÍÍup under the command of Giriya. Inquiring as to their destination, he receives the reply “We are going to Dîr!” However, this is apparently a lie and it is affirmed that they are really heading toward fiatÓuri. In [156] the writer quotes a report from a certain Il‹-asî who was asked by a sug⁄gum-official where he was going. At the answer “to °azip-TeÍÍup!” the sug⁄gum protests that this man is plot- ting evil. Five hundred men from NumÓa have joined him in the town Li-[…] so that his full force marching to Razam⁄ is now 1,500. It is reported that he intends to go to fiatÓuri. The writer (of [156]) is afraid that this will cause panic in the country and mentions security measures, such as fire signals, and the evacuation of the countryside. Leaving aside some unclear details of this situation, it can be concluded that the writer is giving his lord two different reports on the same matter: °azip-TeÍÍup, the king of Razam⁄, is gathering troops for an attack against the town fiatÓuri. This town, which is not attested outside the Leilan texts, occurs also in a letter sent from Inganum [135], where there is also fear for its safety. There can be little doubt that it is located somewhere on the southeastern borders of Apum.

1.3. Diachronic Patterns 1.3.1. Basic Premises Unfortunately, dated administrative texts provide few links to events mentioned in the letters, an important exception being the evidence for diplomatic activity and treaty-making found in texts from the limmu-year °abil-k2nu (see II.1.3.1). So attempts to place the evidence in diachronic perspective must rely on other observations, both external and internal. Given the various difficulties already outlined, such as the archival composition of the material and the briefness or very THE LETTERS 41 general nature of many texts, diachronic analyses must necessarily be tentative and sketchy for the time being. So we shall merely try to establish a basic historical framework for the evidence. An important premise for a diachronic scheme is provided by the theories about the archival composition of the texts presented above (I.1.1.5). If these are correct, it can be assumed that the letters are basically contemporaneous with the administrative texts, and most often date within the three consecutive limmu-years °abil-k2nu, Amer-IÍtar, and Ipiq-IÍtar. It can further be assumed that the number of administrative texts from each of these years within the archive should be roughly indicative of the number of letters from each year within the archive. This means that most of the letters should belong to the period late °abil-k2nu to mid-Amer-IÍtar. Evidently it is impossible to prove such a scheme for all individual texts, but it does seem to have some basic validity, and, despite the rather kaleidoscopic impression that the letters may give, there are so many obvious links between events and individuals mentioned that a limited time frame seems a necessary conclusion. Mere mechanical prosopographic observation shows three major groups of texts that concern three different political situations. The first is the war between two coalitions: Mutiya, AÍtamar- Adad of Kurd⁄, and ﬁepallu of Karan⁄(?) against Buriya of Andarig and °azip-TeÍÍup of Razam⁄. This must be at the end of Mutiya’s reign, but it also involves letters sent to Till-Abnû. The second situation is the transition between the two reigns of Mutiya and Till-Abnû, reflected in a number of letters that explicitly refer to the change of rule. Finally, a third group consists of the many texts that concern troubles on the marches of Apum caused by the king °alu-rabi or his allies. The latter series of events is mentioned in a few letters addressed to Mutiya by name, but more often in letters sent to Till-Abnû, apparently overlapping from one reign to the next. All the letters sent to Mutiya as named addressee must, of course, belong to a period before his death and the accession of Till-Abnû, which took place sometime in late °abil-k2nu or early Amer-IÍtar. For the letters addressed to an anonymous b¤lum “lord,” however, only internal evidence can show whether Mutiya or Till-Abnû—or someone else for that matter—was the addressee. A few of the letters sent to Till-Abnû clearly date to a time when Mutiya was still king, whereas most belong after his accession. Evidently these uncertainties cannot be entirely eliminated and must be kept in mind throughout, but it seems possible to make considerable progress with a correct division of the texts. Apart from explicit internal evidence in some of the letters, the address formulae can provide some indications. One such indication may be derived from the correspondents who address their letters to b¤lum, but add the name of Till-Abnû. Lafont (ARMT XXVI/2, 512; cf. also Charpin ARMT XXVI/2, p. 130 + n. 5) has suggested that this mode of address was used when writing to a “foreign” lord, whereas the plain ana b¤l‹ya was the current address used by officials to their “own” lord. This distinction indicates that the seven people who used the address ana b¤l‹ya PN to Till- Abnû were not his own officials or vassals, but considered either Mutiya or some third king their proper “lord.” Two of these, Sangara and Tak2, also employ the simpler form, and we may here have a criterion for separating some of the letters sent to Till-Abnû before and after his accession. [110] from Ewri to “my lord Till-Abnû” is one certain example of such a letter that predates the death of Mutiya. If the same applies to other letters with this mode of address, it is a crucial point, since information in some of these letters can be related to the troubles caused by °alu-rabi and his allies, which are not mentioned explicitly in letters addressed to Mutiya. The evidence from Mari shows how the same king could style Zimri-Lim both “father” and “brother” according to circumstances (cf. Lafont 1994). In our texts it can be noted that Yak›n- AÍar, MaÍum, and Niqmi-Adad all call Mutiya their “father,” but refer to Till-Abnû as “brother.” 42 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Since Yak›n-AÍar was actually a brother of Till-Abnû, his case is easy to explain, whereas for the others the date and political context of the letters may be the reason. The absence of any “status” marker (neutral) found in a number of letters probably should be viewed as a deliberate avoidance of the status issue. People like Bin-Dammu (a °alab general) and Ea-malik (a KaÓat “prince”) probably used this style, because they did not belong to any of the distinct status slots indicated by “brother” and “son.” In other cases it seems that writers may have skirted the issue pending establishment of regular relations with Till-Abnû. °alu-rabi, Niqmi-Adad, and ﬁukrum-TeÍÍup all write both as “neutral” and as “brother.” Perhaps the “neutral” letters are the earliest. In sum, the address formulae may assist us in the division of the material, but the evidence is fairly inconclusive and should be brought to bear only if it fits a coherent pattern. In our case it seems that the letters sent to Till-Abnû before his accession fit evidence from the archival composition admirably, and the bulk of the letters can be placed in the period between late °abil-k2nu and early Amer-IÍtar. How letters to Till-Abnû sent prior to his accession would have ended up at Leilan poses no real problem. The tablets may have been transferred at the accession. It is also possible that a transfer of Till-Abnû from ﬁurnat(?) happened before Mutiya died (cf. I.1.1.3). The location of the correspondents, however, must also be kept in mind, since the letters were not always sent from, or received at, the normal address of the correspondents. A more temporary location occasionally evolves from the contents of individual texts or the physical features of the tablets (cf. Appendix 1). From the administrative texts we know, for instance, that Till-Abnû, during the year Amer-IÍtar, went travelling on several occasions (cf. chart of this evidence in I.1.3.4). However, we have no evidence for Mutiya’s place or places of residence when receiving the letters addressed to him. Thus problems of geography, residence, and locations of individuals can give rise to considerable uncertainty.

1.3.2. The Reign of Mutiya: War against Andarig and Razam⁄ A total of twenty-two letters are addressed to Mutiya by name, but to these can be added some from the group addressed to b¤lum. The point of departure for a diachronic analysis must be the first category, which in turn may help to show which texts from the second category are involved. Several of the letters addressed to Mutiya are fragmentary or short or contain only references to general or isolated subjects and cannot at the moment be placed in diachronic context. As indicated above, however, archival considerations, not least the very small size of the group, leads to the suspicion that these letters may cover only a restricted period of time and, hence, that some coherence of subject matter may be detected. In the following we shall, therefore, attempt a systematic analysis of these texts. The letter yielding by far the most coherent information is [8], from AÍtamar-Adad of Kurd⁄. He relates that envoys of Mutiya, presumably en route to Leilan, have arrived from Hammurabi of °alab, who complains that Mutiya, AÍtamar-Adad, and fiepallu are “destroying” the lands of Yass⁄n and Yamutbalum with troops from Kakmum. As shown by the latter part of the text, the geo-political implication is that the alliance is against the city-states Andarig and Razam⁄ with their respective kings Buriya and °azip-TeÍÍup. Hammurabi complains that the conflict alienates these territories from his group of client kingdoms. There follows a less clear part, but apparently AÍtamar- Adad is angry and instructs Mutiya to dismiss the °alab “governor” (Í⁄piˇum) Tak2 in disgrace. He then states that Buriya is massing his army in °ubÍalum (close to Jebel Sinjar) and is awaiting the arrival of °azip-TeÍÍup, and that AÍtamar-Adad will not go “there” until “his intentions have been investigated.” AÍtamar-Adad further relates that fiepallu has arrived together with two named indi- THE LETTERS 43 viduals, a certain °azip-…, who cannot be securely identified, and °azip-TeÍÍup, who cannot be the king of Razam⁄, but probably is identical to a homonym “man of °ura‰⁄” (see I.1.2.5, s.v. °azip-TeÍÍup). AÍtamar-Adad will send these men to fetch reinforcements from the Kakmum troops, presumably mercenaries supplied by the kingdom of Kakmum. Proceeding from this situation, we note that AÍtamar-Adad and fiepallu also occur together in [139], where the sender, Kuzuzzu, reports to b¤lum that fiepallu has complained to him and °azipna-El that the allies have not arrived, while the enemy continues to ravage his country. Fortunately, [139] is the last text in a series of three consecutive letters sent from Kuzuzzu. The first is [137]: Kuzuzzu is on a mission accompanied by a beÓrum (elite) corps and affirms that he is sending only trusted messengers to his lord. He then states: “The troops of the enemy are confronting Till-Abni, [and the day I sent] this letter of mine to my lord AÍtamar-Adad will arrive in °ura‰⁄.” In a second letter [138] Kuzuzzu states that “we” left °ura‰⁄ and went to Ag⁄.34 [138] further contains a number of informative statements: ❍ A messenger arrived from Kurd⁄ reporting that Buriya is raiding the country toward Kurd⁄; ❍ Óabb⁄tum troops have entered Alil⁄num and will continue toward Razam⁄; ❍ AÍtamar-Adad has gone to Kasap⁄; ❍ It is rumored that Buriya will march to Razam⁄, leave his main force, and raid the interior of the land. Finally, in [139] Kuzuzzu reports that fiepallu complains about the missing help from his allies: “Why will my brothers not come? AÍtamar-Adad came, but left again. Now what is this? For… days the enemy is settled in the midst of my country. He carries away grain and destroys my towns!” … “Let them come here and I shall march out, and Till-Abni will know who is coming!” From these texts it can be established that fiepallu’s land has been invaded by the enemy; that Till-Abnû is in the same area with troops, and that also AÍtamar-Adad is present, but hastily leaves for his own country when it is reported that Buriya has attacked Kurd⁄. The initial situation may be echoed in [11], where fiepallu writes to Mutiya that he has attacked enemy troops laying siege to his own town Zann⁄num near Jebel Sinjar and asks for help. Letter [8] may have been written somewhat later, after Mutiya sent Till-Abnû to assist fiepallu and AÍtamar-Addu arrived. Together they stay in °ura‰⁄ and await the next move by the enemy. Subsequently the Óabb⁄tum arrived on the scene and were presumably recruited by the enemy. This event seems to be reported by MaÍum in [18], who states that the Óabb⁄tum “have returned from across the river” and that they are raiding in NumÓa. He asks for troops from Mutiya, AÍtamar-Adad, and fiepallu, and gives advice about guarding the sheep. From the Kuzuzzu letters we learn that the Óabb⁄tum moved into Alil⁄num (southeast of the Habur Plains) and that Buriya intended to march in the same direction and attack the interior of the land from Razam⁄. The ensuing panic in Apum is mirrored in two letters from Ewri. In [110] he reports to his lord Till-Abnû that Buriya with Óabb⁄tum troops is raiding in the country of NumÓum, a virtual echo of the information transmitted by Kuzuzzu in [138]. He states also that Till-Abnû can expect no help from his brother(s?) and asks whether, in view of this situation, the countryside should be evacu-

34. It must here be noted that both this tablet and that of [138] are completely different from the other Kuzuzzu tablets. It can be concluded with certainty that this is because Kuzuzzu had moved from °ur⁄‰⁄ and, obviously, was served by a different scribe (cf. Appendix 1)—an observation that confirms that the sequence in the series is correct. 44 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN ated. At the same time, Ewri also writes to Tak2 [171], giving the same information, but with more details. The number of Óabb⁄tum is given as 6,000, and they are staying in the otherwise unattested town fiuprum in NumÓum. He adds that AÍtamar-Adad has gone back to Kurd⁄ (cf. [138]) and discusses the evacuation of the countryside. Since we have evidence showing that Till-Abnû may have resided in the town fiurnat before his accession and evidence for a high official named Ewri placed at Qal’at al-H⁄d‹ southeast of Leilan, this site may be identified with ancient fiurnat. Ewri is writing for instructions from his immediate superior (see also I.1.2.6, s.v. Ewri). It seems reasonable that projected raids by Buriya from Razam⁄ southeast of Leilan into “the interior of the land” (cf. [138]) would create panic in this particular corner of Apum. Thus, with the arrival of the Óabb⁄tum, the action shifts from the land of fiepallu to the land of AÍtamar-Adad, which comes under attack, while another enemy pushes into the southeast of Apum. In [8] we hear that Buriya was waiting in °ubÍalum for °azip-TeÍÍup, who may have been the enemy raiding the land of fiepallu. However, next Buriya, having received support from an arriving army of 6,000 Óabb⁄tum, conducts a raid into Kurd⁄, thereby splitting the enemy forces. Subsequently, however, the action shifts once again. The next move is directed not at the southeast, but at the southwest corners of Apum. This seems clear from two letters sent from this region. The first is [12], sent by Asdi-[…] to his “father” Mutiya: “The same day I sent you this letter, °azip-TeÍÍup with 10,000 Óabb⁄tum has made halt for the night in fiurum. My father should devise his course of action.” The second text is [15] from Kanis⁄nu to his “father” Mutiya, reporting that °azip-TeÍÍup is staying the night in AnamaÍ. Since the geographical information in both letters can be associated with the central sector of the plains (cf. I.1.2.5, s.v. Asdi-[…]; and Kanis⁄nu), it may be concluded that °azip-TeÍÍup of Razam⁄, with a large force of Óabb⁄tum, is attacking the (south) central part of the plains. Particularly interesting in this connection is letter [147], sent from fiupram to b¤lum: “News of the Óabb⁄tum arrived, and Kiriya spoke to us like this: ‘Send words to your lord!’; we (said): ‘This is your decision, and you yourself must tell us (what to write)!’ He (said): ‘You should not give battle! Let them advance to your city gate, but do not give battle!’ Also, in my previous letter I wrote to my lord (about) 6,000 troops, (but) now (it is) 10,000 troops; my lord should not worry.” Our imperfect understanding of the historical geography makes it difficult to ascertain the details of the events that apparently occurred mainly in the intermediate zone between the Habur Plains and the Jebel Sinjar. This area, the wadi Radd, would allow quick moves and countermoves with quite large forces and rapid shifts in strategy with the military emphasis focused on the land of fiepallu, AÍtamar-Adad’s Kurd⁄, and finally the borders of Apum. The less populous, but certainly not deserted steppe basin, no doubt functioned as a buffer-zone between the Habur and Sinjar kingdoms, and both the Leilan texts and the Mari texts indicate that it was far more important than hitherto suspected. What happened next is somewhat harder to establish, but quite possibly letter [126], sent from AÓ‹-mara‰ to b¤lum (said to be brother of Yak›n-AÍar, hence probably Till-Abnû), provides a sequel. The writer reports that Yak›n-AÍar defeated an enemy and that the Óabb⁄tum subsequently gathered and sent him a message of submission: “Either let (us) go free, or take command of us and lead us where you please!” Thus, the threat against the interior of Apum may have ended. This might be connected with an administrative text dated 6 viii °abil-k2nu that lists an issue to a certain Óabb⁄tum who “barred the enemy passage to the land.” Here we suddenly find Óabb⁄tum on the side of Mutiya and his allies. However, this turn of events can be explained by the evidence in [126], in which the Óabb⁄tum are said to have offered their services to Yak›n-AÍar. Thus, it seems that the scenario envisaged in [147], namely, the Óabb⁄tum reaching the gates of fiubat-Enlil, never materialized. THE LETTERS 45

Instead, the hostilities seem to have ended and given way to a succession of diplomatic initia- tives. These are not documented in the letters and it is, therefore, necessary to turn to the administrative texts from the year °abil-k2nu. One text records that a sworn agreement was concluded between the king of Apum and °azip-TeÍÍup of Razam⁄. On 10 vii the king swears to envoys from Razam⁄, and ten days later the palace records silver received by Apum envoys in Razam⁄, presumably the envoys sent to receive the oath of °azip-TeÍÍup. This evidence may be connected with L.T.-2, which records a general agreement of peace and alliance to be sworn by °azip-TeÍÍup to Mutiya. It does not contain specific reference to the recent hostilities, but we may suppose that it was accompanied by an oral codicil concerning the conditions and logistics of the actual cease-fire. The next major diplomatic event took place during the intercalary month viiib, when the °alab “chief general” Bin-Dammu arrived and held a summit with the king of Apum and with Buriya of Andarig. This event should mark the final settlement of the hostilities and a reestablishment of the control exercised by °alab. The administrative texts do not reveal the name of the Apum king at this time, but it may be assumed that Mutiya was still alive, since two of the letters sent to Mutiya indicate that he was still reigning after the hostilities had ended. Both [19] from Niqmi-Adad and [22] from ﬁinurÓi refer retrospectively to an invasion of Óabb⁄tum, the first in the area of KaÓat and the second in “the midst of the country,” and this, of course, fits the final phase of the events discussed here quite well.

1.3.3. The Transition Mutiya – Till-Abnû Mutiya’s reign can be connected with only a single year named after the limmu °abil-k2nu. Although nearly two hundred administrative texts dated to that year have been found, archival reorganization has left us only texts from month v of the eponymy year onward. Some of the historical information provided by these texts is listed below diachronically:

YEAR °abil-k¤nu. Selected information from administrative texts v 10: silver brought from… when Lawila-Addu of fiupp⁄ became king [L.87-761] 17: shipment of wine in›ma elunnim [L.87-469] 19: shipment of wine from Till-Abnû lú fiurnat [L.87-625] vi 11: shipment of wine from Samsu-malik lú AzamÓul [L.87-1432] 15: shipment of wine from Aya-abu lugal fiun⁄ [L.87-453] vii 5: shipment of wine from fiibilani lú fiun⁄ [L.87-421] 10: issues to messengers of Bin-Dammu “when the king swore” [L.87-386] partly duplicated by [L.87-486], which also lists issues to retainers of °azip-TeÍÍup “when the king swore” 11: issue to man arriving from Babylon [L.87-723] 20: issue to messenger from Kakmum [L.87-599] 20: silver for men when they stayed in Razam⁄ [L.87-634] viii ?: issue when Bin-Dammu stayed [L.87-1491] 46 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

?: issues to retainers of Bin-Dammu and to Bin-Dammu sag-gal-mar-tu-meÍ when Bin- Dammu swore [L.87-765] 5: silver to messengers from Zir⁄num, NiÓriya, Anzawawa(?) [L.87-1413] 6: issue to Sumu-abi Óabb⁄tum, who barred enemy from land [L.87-1361] 7: issues to messenger of °alab [L.87-713] with duplicate [L.87-729] 8: item to Ea-malik messenger from KarkamiÍ [L.87-655] 25: item to Kuzzuri lú fiurnat, item to Sumu-Addu retainer of Bin-Dammu, who went to °alu-rabi [L.87-646] 25: shipment of wine from °awurni-atal lú Nawali [L.87-636] 25: shipment of wine from Kuzzuri lú fiurnat when he met with lugal [L.87-539] viiib 1: issue to retainer of Bin-Dammu [L.87-445] with duplicate [L.87-709] 2: presents for °alab court [L.87-653] 3: foodstuffs for Bin-Dammu in›ma nanmuru [L.87-474] 3: foodstuffs in›ma Buriya and Bin-Dammu met with lugal [L.87-429] 5: items to Bin-Dammu [L.87-977a] 6: issues to Bin-Dammu and his retainers etc. when he met the king [L.87-184] 7: list of wine shipments: from Nawali, from Kuzzuri lú fiurnat, from Aya-abu of fiuna [L.87-1412] 18: Í›bultum to MeÓÓili lú Yapˇur [L.87-398] 20: issue to retainers of KaÓat king [L.87-759] ix ?: item to Zig2 lú Amaz when he met with king [L.87-751] 4: issue to Idin-Kubi, retainer of °alu-rabi [L.87-657] 11: silver from Abdila-ila when itti Till-Abnû? … [L.87-665] 20+: issues to messengers when king swore; latest text sealed with royal seal of Mutiya [L.87- 642] 25: sheep: Yaqbiya and Till-Abnû mentioned [L.87-968] 29: ox delivered by Zig2 lú Amaz [L.87-935] x ?: 127 sheep from °ammu-EpuÓ of Amaz [L.87-945] 18–30: numerous texts attest to the presence of Bin-Dammu xi 1–24: numerous texts concern the issuing of oil for lú-diri-ga-meÍ and m⁄r› m⁄tim in›ma Bin- Dammu uÍbu xii 12: latest text from this year (and only one from this month) [L.87-256] The latest text sealed with the seal of Mutiya himself is dated 20 ix °abil-k2nu, whereas the treaty tablet L.T.-3, where Till-Abnû is king of Apum, is dated 1 iii Amer-IÍtar. It is within the interven- ing five months that we must place the death of Mutiya and the accession of Till-Abnû. That the years °abil-k2nu and Amer-IÍtar followed each other directly is supported by a text dated 6 iv Amer-IÍtar, sealed with the seal of a Mutiya “servant.” Since this specimen is isolated by numerous THE LETTERS 47 texts with Till-Abnû-related sealings, it must reflect use of a seal not yet brought au fait with the dynastic change. If we are correct in assuming that the diplomatic activity documented for months vii–ix °abil- k2nu marked the end of the hostilities discussed in I.1.3.2, the next question is: What happened in the months(?) preceding Mutiya’s demise? The various bits of information provided by the administrative texts unfortunately offer little help. Assuming, however, that some of the letters addressed to Till-Abnû as “my lord Till-Abnû,” like [110], clearly date before his accession, we may turn to [112] sent from Sangara, who reports that “[the campaign] of °alu-rabi against Ida-Mara‰ and Il⁄n- ‰ur is ordered for the end of this month.” The last very badly preserved part of the letter mentions Óabb⁄tum and Il⁄n-‰ur. This “campaign” of °alu-rabi is referred to in many other letters. Two of these were sent also from Sangara, but addressed to “my lord,” and, in contrast to [112], they have the introductory “May all be well for the town and district of my lord.” [143] Sangara reports that Yan‰ip-atnû in Urgina (=UrkiÍ?) has written to him. °alu-rabi has reached the town Irbinazu, and Yak›n-AÍar is trying to muster his allies. [144] Sangara writes: “Yesterday Z›ni went to Yan‰ib-atnû and the king of AÍnakkum: ‘Come here and I shall make a sortie with you; alone I cannot make a sortie!’ This message Yak›n-AÍar wrote to them, (and) my lord should know about it.” These letters must be later than [112] and sent at a time when °alu-rabi had started his “campaign” and approached the central part of the Habur Plains (cf. I.1.2.4). It may be that letter [20] belongs to this time. It was sent to Mutiya from a certain Ea-malik, who reports that Bin-Dammu, °alu-rabi, and “the kings” have met in Zar’⁄num, but the outcome of the meeting and their intentions are not clear. The sender of this letter may be identical to the homonym prince of KaÓat, but it should be noted that the shape and clay of the tablet and the writing is completely different from the letters issued from KaÓat (see Appendix 1). The style of the letter is very similar, however, to that of the only letter we have addressed to Yak›n-AÍar [125], from °alu-rabi, who writes: “I have reached the midst of the armies, and [seized] the hand of Bin- Dammu for your sake.” If these letters belong here, it would seem that °alu-rabi’s march, despite the apprehensions it provoked, was not a military campaign directed against Apum, but had some other purpose that unfortunately is not clear from the available evidence. The story can be followed through other letters that will be discussed below, but it should first be noted that this entire affair seems to take place between the reigns of Mutiya and Till-Abnû. Although it cannot be proved by present evidence, it seems fairly certain that the letters that relate to the aftermath of °alu-rabi’s march must belong to the reign of Till-Abnû. First, let us review a series of letters sent from Aya-abu, the king of fiun⁄, to Till-Abnû: [93] Aya-abu complains that some of the lances that Till-Abnû sent have been left in fiaÓana. Aya-abu has heard that the Óabb⁄tum have returned. If true, he wants Till- Abnû to send fifty soldiers to protect fiun⁄: “Is this town not your town?” [94] Aya-abu relates that a son of Abbutt⁄n arrived reporting that °alu-rabi has evil intentions toward Aya-abu, who now asks Till-Abnû for instructions: “Now if these people come here, shall I send them to you and my ‘father’ will answer them, and these people, when they arrive, shall I let them into the interior of the town or not?” 48 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[95] Aya-abu has received a letter from Till-Abnû, who asks for a trusted messenger who will be given a full briefing, and it is implied that Aya-abu by this letter supplies this. °alu-rabi is drawing near and Aya-abu asks whether he should go out (wa‰ûm) or not. [97] Aya-abu complains that °awur-atal (of Nawali) is collecting troops from EluÓut and is intimidating the people of fiun⁄. If Till-Abnû will not put an end to this, Aya-abu must take strong measures. When parting in fiaÓana, Till-Abnû tells Aya-abu to send a trusted envoy five days later, and Aya-abu now sends Aya-aÓam. [98] Aya-abu refers to Aya-aÓam, whom he sent to Till-Abnû. [101] Aya-abu and fiibila relate how diri-ga “auxiliaries” of °alu-rabi joined AÍki-Addu, who marched on GurdabaÓÓum, and sent 1,000 EluÓut soldiers against Sabb⁄num. They ask Till-Abnû to send 150 soldiers to protect fiun⁄ and the country of Apum. [102] Aya-abu and the elders report that the troops of AÍki-Addu (1,300 men) have entered the adaÍÍum (lower town) of GurdabaÓÓum. It is further reported that EluÓut troops have entered Nawali (cf. [97]). Aya-abu is clearly disturbed by three situations: ❍ °alu-rabi is threatening, but not evidently hostile, and Aya-abu is uncertain how to react. ❍ °awur-atal of Nawali recruits troops from EluÓut in the north and menaces fiun⁄. The exact position of °awur-atal is not very clear, however, since in [119] he states that some of his troops are in fiun⁄, and he asks Till-Abnû to send troops to Kuz⁄ya or KiduÓÓum. ❍ AÍki-Addu seems to act on his own initiative. Apart from fiun⁄ itself, there is a direct threat against GurdakeÓÓum and Sabb⁄num. In [113] Sumu-ditana reports on a treaty concluded between AÍki-Addu and the towns of AÓanda and KiduÓÓum. Unfortunately, the text is broken and difficult to interpret, but it seems that the main theme of the treaty concerns stipulations about allies or compatriots in a number of towns adjacent to AÓanda and KiduÓÓum. All the towns involved can be located not too far from fiun⁄ and this places the action somewhere in the central portion of the Habur. In conclusion, there can be little doubt that this letter pertains to the same events as those reported by Aya-abu of fiun⁄. A sequel to this affair is provided by [118] from AÓuÍina, who regrets to inform Till-Abnû that he cannot apprehend AÍki-Addu since he fears it will turn the entire country against him. In [121], however, a writer whose name is lost reports, presumably to Till-Abnû: “You wrote to me both once and twice about AÍki-Addu. This man is in my hand(s), and I will not depart from your instruction. Just like Mutiya and I had good relations, you and I, let us have good relations. Concerning this man [i.e., AÍki-Addu] your heart should rejoice!” Simultaneously reports from other writers refer to the same events. In [116] Zimri-d[…] reports to “his lord Till-Abnû,” that he “went up” to Sabb⁄num. He discusses an affair concerning some soldiers under the command of °ammi-EpuÓ who have run away to Óala‰ Yapˇur from Amaz. He asks his lord to send soldiers to protect “the palace and myself,” and in a broken passage refers to a report concerning “auxiliary” troops of °alu-rabi, to Il⁄n-‰ur⁄, and to Aya-abu, a clear link with the letters from Aya-abu and Sangara. °ammi-EpuÓ is, no doubt, identical to a certain lú Amaz mentioned in an administrative text (see I.1.2.5) and the man who sent the letters [129]–[130]. In [129] he asks his lord to watch out for his fire-signals since he expects trouble, and in [130] he refers to men who must be transferred from Sabb⁄num to Amaz. THE LETTERS 49

Last, we turn to the four letters from Inganum, perhaps governor of AzamÓul, sent to b¤lum. They are short, badly preserved, and generally not easy to understand, but one of them [134] clearly describes that mercenaries from ﬁimurrum, apparently dissatisfied with their service in °alu-rabi’s forces, have entered the town NiÓru. Two other letters seem closely connected with this text. In [133] it is stated that the town NiÓru “has been taken,” and in [135] Inganum reports that he has gathered the district in AzamÓul as instructed and that guards have been placed—a clear indication of a critical situation. What is particularly interesting here is the fact that troops of °alu-rabi are troubling the area of Apum itself, probably somewhere on its southwestern borders, where we tentatively place AzamÓul and NiÓru. As stated above, we can only guess at the original purpose of °alu-rabi. However, it seems that his strategy somehow collapsed and that regiments of auxiliaries from his army, dissatisfied with the whole affair, went off in different directions to start their own little wars. Some attached themselves to AÍki-Addu, who also had troops from EluÓut under his command, and attacked towns in the northern part of the Habur, while troops recruited from ﬁimurrum harassed towns in Apum itself. The result was a rather chaotic situation that caused a number of Apum governors, officials, and allied kings to write more or less agitated letters to Till-Abnû, who himself is not seen to have taken any action.

1.3.4. The Reign of Till-Abnû With the end of the troubles caused by °alu-rabi and his allies, we are probably already some months or so into the reign of Till-Abnû, possibly in the first month of Amer-IÍtar. In any case, it may be noted that dated administrative texts sealed with the seal of Till-Abnû or his servants are recorded for the period of 28 iii to month xii of the year Amer-IÍtar. The smaller text group from Ipiq-IÍtar covers, although unevenly, the whole year from 2 ii to 23 xii, and the single sealed text (from month vii) pertains to Till-Abnû. Thus, the reign of Till-Abnû should have ended at the earliest in month vii of Ipiq-IÍtar. A number of the letters sent to Till-Abnû have more or less direct references to his accession, occasionally combined with retrospective mention of his predecessor Mutiya: [24] Hammurabi of °alab mentions Till-Abnû’s accession and confirms his position; [28] Ea-malik of KaÓat refers to Mutiya’s relationship with the goddess B2let-Nagar and states: “Now it is you the goddess has touched with her finger and you have ascended the throne of your father’s house”; [34] Sumu-°adû writes: “Previously Mutiya had good relations with me, (but) now since Mutiya went to his fate, you have never sent your greetings to me!”; [87] ﬁepallu here probably refers retrospectively to Mutiya; [128] BaÓdi-Lim (writing to b¤lum, who must here be Till-Abnû) refers to the death of Mutiya, and states that his lord has been placed on the “golden throne” by the gods ﬁamaÍ and B2let-Apim. Other texts, such as [180], [149], and [121], also refer retrospectively to Mutiya, but without specific indication that the texts date to the time of Till-Abnû’s accession. 50 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

YEAR Amer-IÍtar. Selected historical information i ?: earliest texts from this year [L.87-455] [L.87-510] ii 9: issue to Bin-Dammu when he went to °uÍl⁄ [L.87-450] 13: issue to Qarr⁄du lú NaDBim [L.87-1348] 25: issue to Bin-Dammu [L.87-405] 30: shipment of wine and honey from Zig2 of Amaz [L.87-1292] iii 1: date of treaty between Till-Abnû and Yam‰i-°atnû of KaÓat [L.87-1362+]) 28: earliest text sealed with seal of Till-Abnû [L.87-694] 15/18: silver ring to envoy of Qarr⁄du lú NaDBim [L.87-629]/[L.87-661] 20: garment for °alab envoy released (wuÍÍurum) from Zurra [L.87-731] iv 2: (when) king met lú KaÓat (in region of KaÓat) [L.87-710] 3: (when) lugal went to Nawali [L.87-660] 6: isolated example of text sealed with seal of Mutiya “servant” [L.87-707] v 20+x: Kabi-Larim from Andarig and ﬁubir-nanu from KaÓat staying [L.87-940] vi 12: wine issued in KaÓat [L.87-722] ix 28: (when) lugal went to KaÓat [L.87-732] x 6: enemy reached gate of ﬁubat-Enlil [L.87-1453] 18: garments to Sillabi and °ubidam when they came for meeting [L.87-702] xi ?: latest text from this year sealed with seal of Till-Abnû [L.87-693] xii ?: latest text from this year

YEAR Ipiq-IÍtar. Selected historical information i 16: earliest text from this year; issue to envoy from °alab [L.87-253] iii 15: list of equipment added to the “expedition” (kaskal) to Kudimmar [L.87-607] 26: shipments from elders of UrkiÍ and Amursakkum [L.87-1375] THE LETTERS 51

iv ?: account for NaÓur “expedition” (kaskal) [L.87-461] ?: issues in NaÓur and °eÍÍum [L.87-589] vii 15: only sealed text from this year: seal of Till-Abnû “servant” [L.87-1290] 24: issue to envoy of °awurni-atal lú Nawali [L.87-696] ix 26: issue to NuÓumi-Addu lú QirdaÓat [L.87-817] xii 23: latest text from this year; issue of garments brought to lugal in Zabalum [L.87-243]

Unfortunately, the administrative texts provide very little information on events mentioned in the letters. The texts from the first months of Amer-IÍtar show Bin-Dammu still in evidence. Possibly the visit to KaÓat may be connected with the conclusion of L.T.-3 (see II.1.3.1). One notes the sudden emergence of enemies before the gates of ﬁubat-Enlil in month viii of Amer-IÍtar, but the foe is not named, and nothing more is heard of this. The most interesting events for the year Ipiq- IÍtar are the two journeys to Kudimmar and NaÓur. Kudimmar was a town in Apum, whereas NaÓur was an important cult center in the northwest (cf. I.1.2.4). Since the remainder of Till-Abnû’s letters contains no major themes that may bring letters from different correspondents together, we shall instead briefly review the evidence from the letters sent by the most important kings in the region.

AÍtamar-Adad Starting with the king of Kurd⁄, letter [36] is of particular interest: “Yesterday I had a meeting with Buriya and °azip-TeÍÍup, and we swore to brotherhood and an oath by the gods. Rejoice!” This, of course, signifies the end of the hostilities as far as Kurd⁄ is concerned, and the text may well belong to a time prior to Till-Abnû’s accession. The rest of the correspondence includes, apart from a letter of introduction [38] and an invitation to a festival [39], two texts that both may concern the conclusion of a treaty between the two kings and their countries and reflect two different stages in the proceedings: the overtures [37] and the transmission of divine statues or symbols for the actual ceremony of oath taking (direction Leilan-Kurd⁄) [40]. This treaty was but a renewal of the friendship between the two states documented for the reign of Mutiya, and its conclusion can be dated early in Till-Abnû’s reign. The treaty, perhaps in its preparatory phase, is referred to in a letter [46] from Buriya, who writes: “Your retainer told me himself that you have meetings with AÍtamar- Adad. May the god place his agreement between you!” AÍtamar-Adad is further mentioned in three other texts, but unfortunately in broken or very general contexts. In conclusion, it seems that these letters fit well into a period not too long after Till-Abnû’s accession, and that apparently nothing disturbed the continuing good relations between Kurd⁄ and Apum.

fiepallu fiepallu, the second major ally of Mutiya, seems to fade somewhat into the background. The two preserved letters he sent to Till-Abnû provide no chronological or historical information (the same 52 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN is true for the two letters from fiepallu where the name of the addressee is lost), and he is mentioned by other correspondents only a few times, never as taking an active part in major events. Of some interest is the letter he sent to AÍtamar-Adad [166], where the two kings seem to agree that Till- Abnû will be able to assert his power: “For now Till-Abnû is holding out, and in future he will steadily grow big.” Such a statement may fit a context shortly after Till-Abnû’s accession, and it seems possible that AÍtamar-Adad could have sent it on to Till-Abnû. On the whole, it tends to confirm the impression that peaceful, although perhaps not very close, relations with fiepallu continued into the reign of Till-Abnû.

MaÍum From another old ally, MaÍum, who wrote to Mutiya as “son,” we have five letters to Till-Abnû addressed as “brother.” One of these, [81], which was discussed above and could date prior to Till- Abnû’s accession, shows that he had made peace with Buriya before Till-Abnû(/Mutiya). The remaining texts concern routine matters and reveal nothing but regular friendly relations reflected, for instance, in the invitation to a festival [79]. The same MaÍum is not mentioned by other correspondents (a homonym is attested as official in the Leilan palace) and, with the possible exception of [81], we cannot date his letters with any precision.

Buriya Turning next to Mutiya’s old enemies, it has already been noted that peaceful relations with Buriya were (re)established in the year °abil-k2nu, and they seem to have continued as far as our evidence goes. Among the letters from Buriya to Till-Abnû are some of the longest and most interesting texts in the whole archive, occasionally providing information of wider significance. The best example is undoubtedly [41], where Buriya recalls that “we” sent envoys to °alab, and relates that Hammurabi has dispatched 10,000 troops commanded by a certain Abi-DabaÓ. These troops are to stay in Andarig for two years and assist Buriya and, although the text is broken, it would seem that the movement of troops is connected with an expected offensive from Babylon against Andarig and ultimately Karkemish. The letter can be linked securely with [150], sent from Tak2 to b¤lum. This evidence has already been discussed above (see I.1.2.1). Both [41] and [150] were probably sent to Till-Abnû, although his name is not preserved or mentioned in the addresses. Some of the other letters from Buriya, however, fit more easily into a diachronic scheme. In [43] Buriya writes: “You wrote to me that °azip-TeÍÍup came, and that you went out and met him, and that you talked to him about the towns that he holds, and that he said: On my return I will release them.” Buriya then warns Till-Abnû that °azip-TeÍÍup apparently is not as good as his word. Another subject raised in the same letter allows us to connect it with a number of other letters from Buriya: [42] Buriya relates how the Yamutbalean Aya-abu, staying as Ó⁄birum in Zurra, caught people from Yamutbalum after peace was established in the land. He was denied access to Zurra, but took his prisoners to KaÍpatum in Ida-Mara‰. Buriya wants this party intercepted, and has also written to KaÓat and to ﬁepallu. [43] “I wrote to you about the Yamutbalum people who were captured in the mountains, and you stood up before my retainer (swearing): ‘So help me Sin, the lord of Yamut- balum, and Nergal, the king of °ubalum, I shall return (them)!’ Since you have not seized these men and their captors, let the crime against these people rest with their captors; since they have long disappeared—what can we do to them?” THE LETTERS 53

[44] “I have written to you both once and twice about searching for the people who are kidnappers, but you do not seize these people. Now (still) there are people who kidnap citizens of Yamutbalum and sell them there for silver.” [45] “Concerning Aya-abum who previously stole eight people in the mountains: I sent Kabi-Larim and Uqadam to my brother about this man; now word has reached me that this man is staying there ...” The series, sent approximately in this order, cannot cover a very long period, and the statement in [42] places the beginning of this period not long after the establishment of peace between Buriya and Apum. The town Zurra should evidently be considered a border point between Apum and Andarig territory, and Buriya is complaining that the town functions as a base for raids into his realm, a problem echoed in, e.g., letters sent from Yam‰i-°atnû of KaÓat. The remaining letters from Buriya are of general content and cannot be placed in any diachronic scheme. Tentatively, the letter that mentions the army from °alab could be placed after the series just considered.

°azip-TeÍÍup The letter from Buriya [43] seems to show that relations between Apum and Razam⁄, despite the treaty concluded late in the reign of Mutiya, were not the best during the reign of Till-Abnû. Unfortunately, it is not clear what the exact context described in [43] was. Did °azip-TeÍÍup arrive in a peaceful manner to discuss a settlement or did he arrive with an army? The question is of some importance, since the latter possibility would allow a connection with the “enemy” reaching the gates of Leilan in month viii Amer-IÍtar. The phrasing of the text suggests that °azip-TeÍÍup did not arrive as a friend being allowed into the town, wined and dined, since Till-Abnû leaves Leilan (wa‰ûm) and meets him outside, a situation known from numerous other instances in this period. Since [43] can be placed early in the series of Buriya letters, beginning not long after peace was established, we may here have an important synchronism. It could be suggested that °azip-TeÍÍup had not fulfilled the obligations attached to his treaty with Mutiya, and still occupied towns in Apum that he had originally promised Mutiya to evacuate. In any case, it seems clear that °azip-TeÍÍup did not develop very cordial relations with Till- Abnû, and the two letters [156]–[157], which both concern unfriendly activity by °azip-TeÍÍup, may well belong to the reign of Till-Abnû (see for these texts I.1.2.6, s.v. …-a(?)). Only a single letter is preserved that °azip-TeÍÍup may have sent to Till-Abnû. This is [57], sent by the “brother” °a-zi-i[p-…], who refers to a legal case, but also invites his “brother” to a festival for Adad. Since the sender must be a king of status equal to Till-Abnû’s, he can be fairly safely identified as °azip-TeÍÍup of Razam⁄.

1.4. Summary and Perspectives Recent research on the letter archives from Mari, Rimah, and Shemsh⁄ra has shown the importance of diachronic analysis,35 and demonstrated that neglect of this aspect may result in very misleading conclusions. Evidently, the means for such analysis may not be available in a particular

35. For the vast evidence from Mari, the publication of MARI 4 marks an important turning point in this respect, not least through the articles there by Birot, Charpin, and Charpin and Durand (all 1985). The material from Tell Shemsh⁄ra is, of course, exceptionally well suited to such analysis, which has yielded results in excess of the modest sample of texts found (Eidem and Læssøe 2001). 54 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN group of material; it must be admitted that the letters published in this volume do not place us in a very favorable position. The relative lack of corroborative evidence from elsewhere and the cursive nature of the letters themselves constitute severe obstacles, while the rapid succession of the Apum kings and the related structures of archival composition provide some basic help to establish the outlines of a diachronic sequence for the material. The basic division is, of course, between the reigns of Mutiya and Till-Abnû, and the evidence is clearly focused on the transition between these two kings. The final phase of Mutiya’s reign witnessed a major military confrontation between Mutiya and his allies, and Andarig and Razam⁄ to the south and east of Apum. Peace was reestablished, but new troubles soon clouded the political horizon in the shape of problems with °alu-rabi and his auxiliaries in the west. It was presumably during this period that Mutiya died and was succeeded by Till-Abnû. The new king does not seem to have enjoyed a long reign, but circumstances surrounding his disappearance do not evolve clearly from the evidence. This is, no doubt, due to archival reorganization that removed the latest and most important texts from Till-Abnû’s reign from the archive found in rooms 17/22/23. Some of the reconstructions presented above may certainly seem rather bold. The succession of the three kings Mutiya, Till-Abnû, and Yak›n-AÍar is considered certain, but otherwise the relationship among these three figures is not clear. The theory that Till-Abnû and Yak›n-AÍar acted as “junior-kings” placed in fiurnat and Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ respectively is built on very slim evidence, which may be due to homonymy. The potential problem of homonymy may obviously also apply in other cases, and information on some namesakes may have been erroneously conflated. Yet another problem is to establish the status, title, and function of many important individuals mentioned in the texts, since this information often is not obvious from the evidence. Finally, it is evident that a diachronic reconstruction is open to critique. Although it is certain that the main group of texts represents a composite “archive” with large gaps, our theory of the archival formation of the group may not be correct. This is a serious problem, since it could be argued, for instance, that many of the letters sent to Till-Abnû could date considerably later, and the total represents bits and pieces from his correspondence over a number of years. Although this remains possible, we believe that the individual series of letters sent from the same writers, the relative coherence in subject matters, and the fact that so many texts refer back to the time of Mutiya are fairly decisive arguments against such a theory. We hope that further work at Leilan will one day reveal the presumably substantial archives of Yak›n-AÍar, which may solve many of the problems in our texts and perhaps provide more information on the later year(s) of his brother Till-Abnû, on his own reign, and on the international events leading up to the Babylonian raid in 1728 B.C. Meanwhile, with this interpretation of the evidence, we may turn to a few observations on how it fits the wider perspective of north Syrian history in the early second millennium B.C. A first impression of our material is that very little seems to have changed since the slightly earlier period documented in the Mari archives. We find the same city-states competing for power and political control in patterns similar to those recorded earlier. We find the same major cult centers still re- vered, and the Old Assyrian trade in Anatolia still in operation. A complete analysis of the onomas- tic material in the Leilan texts is not yet available, but will probably not show noticeable differences from the image of ethno-linguistic patterns in the region already provided by the evidence from Chagar Bazar and Mari. But the later date and the local perspective of our texts provide some new items. Examples include the possible occurrence of the fairly powerful king °alu-rabi in ‡ab⁄tum(?) on the upper reaches of the Lower Habur River, in an area that previously formed an integral part of the Mari THE LETTERS 55 realm. Next is the rather surprising dearth of references in the Mari texts to the important town and cult-center Nawali, probably a function of the difference in perspective rather than any change. Another overt difference is, of course, that, except for fiukrum-TeÍÍup and Masum-atal of Alil⁄num, none of the kings in the region attested in the Mari archives survived into the years documented in our texts. Leilan itself seems once again to have been the capital of a fairly important city-state at this time, in contrast to the situation in evidence from the Mari archives in which Leilan was controlled by neighboring city-states such as Andarig. The international situation, of course, changed considerably during the eighteenth century B.C. In the time of fiamÍ‹-Adad an attempt was made to unite the whole Habur region and adjacent areas under a single administration, a system seen in operation in the tablets from Chagar Bazar. Later, during the period contemporaneous with the reign of Zimri-Lim, more complicated strategies were employed to gain control over the region. Finally, with the disappearance of Mari from the political scene, Babylon and later, during the time of the Leilan archives, °alab came to control the Habur Plains in a looser manner with a series of vassal treaties and a system of resident agents and army commanders. The long-term effect of these and earlier phases of outside interference and control eventually may have served to break down the local structures. In the Leilan texts the apparently new phenomenon of the Óabb⁄tum may be one important factor in this development. As viewed from the Leilan archives, however, Jezira society still seems to exhibit a good deal of resilience and adherence to heterogeneous traditions. An important part of these traditions, no doubt, was a complicated system of balance between the interests of many local city-states and population groups with different languages and modes of subsistence, which must have been a basic factor in the region back to the early third millennium B.C. As mentioned above (I.1.2.4), the major Jezira kingdoms of the early second millennium B.C. must be viewed in several dimensions. First is the walled capital within a core territorial unit, constituting ultimately a legacy of a previous period, as evidenced by the fact that some important cities found in mid- to late-third-millennium texts recur in our period. Second is a complicated network of affiliated lesser towns and territories, not necessarily in proximity to the capital. In the Leilan texts this is demonstrated several times. Mutiya and later Till-Abnû apparently controlled a good number of places astride the kingdom of KaÓat in the central Habur, probably Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ and Till⁄, and further away we find agents or governors resident in perhaps QirdaÓat (see I.1.2.6 s.v. BaÓdi-Lim), and close to Sabb⁄num and Amaz (see I.1.2.6, s.v. °ammi-EpuÓ and Zimri-…). In [28] it seems that the goddess B2let-Nagar claims a town (Al⁄) within Apum territory, while in [89] fiukrum-TeÍÍup of EluÓut offers Till-Abnû one of his towns. A similar pattern is found in the slightly earlier texts from Mari. We have already referred to the interesting example of Amaz (I.1.2.4) and may, in passing, note a text such as ARM II, 62 (DEPM I, no. 307) in which °⁄ya- Sumu of Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ lays claim to NaÓur, far away from his own capital.36 Numerous other examples from the Mari archives could be produced, but since each example must be evaluated in proper geographical and chronological context, we shall leave this for future study. The main point is,

36. The text concerns a dispute over NaÓur and other towns between the sender, AÍkur-Addu, and Atam- rum, kings from different corners of the region. Recently it has been claimed that AÍkur-Addu originally was king of ﬁuruzum before he became king of Karan⁄, because he is mentioned in connection with the former town in several texts (see Charpin, ARMT XXVI/2, p. 127 note a). However, is this just another example of political control transcending the principle of geographical proximity? Cf. also the extremely complicated situation in ARMT XXVI/2, 357, in which a large number of different kingdoms fight over control with a particular town. 56 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN however, that many of the disputes over towns in the Habur are not border disputes, but simply competition for control over domains well outside the core areas of the city-states. Another important issue concerns the different nature of the various city-states, which may have had long-standing individual traditions. Some of the towns in the region appear as preeminent cult centers, foremost Nagar, NaÓur, and Nawali, and such status must have rested on already ancient traditions. On the other hand, our evidence shows how several of these towns had changed status politically. Tell Brak, for instance, was the capital for a region called m⁄t Nagar, “the land of Nagar,” in the late third millennium (cf. Matthews and Eidem 1993), but in the early second millennium it was presumably under the control of KaÓat. As new evidence is retrieved and published, it should eventually be possible to write real individual histories of some of these Habur city-states. The French Mari scholars have already supplied some preliminary “portraits” of northern towns like KaÓat (Charpin 1990a), TalÓ⁄yum (Durand 1988), Qaˇˇara (Charpin and Durand 1987), and °azzikkannum (Guichard 1994), and we may expect many new details to appear as more texts from Mari are published. One of the important tasks for future research must be to study these problems more closely, and investigate the peculiar balance that could, after all, be achieved among so many divergent interests in a fairly small region with few natural borders. In general, our texts reflect a remarkably well-ordered society and it is important to stress this, since the strong scholarly interest in references to nomads and tribes in this period easily confuses the issue. Indeed, a superficial, “conflated” view of the texts presented here might well give the impression that the region was in a state of almost permanent anarchy. A very large number of texts could be cited in support of such a perspective, since a recurrent theme is the havoc caused by the large numbers of Óabb⁄tum “robbers” roaming the region, the constant complaints and litigations over people being “stolen,” “taken,” “detained,” and sold as slaves or held for ransom. The analysis in the foregoing chapters, however, shows not a region in a state of anarchy, but a relatively well-ordered world, occasionally disrupted by the ever- present disintegrating forces in complex, pre-modern society. The movements, if not the composition or origin, of the notorious Óabb⁄tum mercenaries can be fairly accurately plotted on political- military maps and calendars. The phases of readjustment encompassing ransom and extradition of captives, border regulations, and treaty-making succeeding major sequences of hostilities are all elements of a highly integrated, if intricate and heterogeneous pattern. The large number of letters exchanged between the local kings concerned with the settlement of small individual disputes is indeed remarkable and evolves naturally from the traditional role of the king as the “shepherd” of his people and the “fountain of justice” in the land. A letter from Mari quoting popular feeling about Zimri-Lim in NaÓur states the ideal very clearly: “Finally we have a strong shepherd, and finally we can begin to pursue our private business!” (ARMT XXVI/2, 346; quoted below ad [59]). This urge for stability obviously went deep. The peaceful, prosperous pursuit of business was sought by most elements of society: the kings claiming control and exploitation of lands crisscross- ing the core territories of the city-states, the merchants operating in or through the k⁄rum “harbors” attached to major towns, the people doing business in the maÓ‹rum “markets” of even moderately sized towns, the farmers, the shepherds, from paid hand to full-scale nomad. Even the Óabb⁄tum, on the eve of defeat, immediately sought new employment [126]. In this perspective the contents of the Leilan treaties, edited in part II of this volume, with their normative rules of international conduct, but fairly paranoid fear of treachery and treason, match the world reflected in the epistolary and other evidence quite well. 2. THE TEXTS

2.1. Introductory Remarks The edition of the 1987 Leilan letters presented here is complete. It includes all letters or fragments of letters found in the Lower Town Palace in 1987 with the single exception of [L.87-887], sent to °imdiya (cf. I.1.1.1 n. 7). Apart from this specimen, all the extant epistolary material seems to stem from the same general time range as outlined in the introduction, and, although it cannot be proved in all cases, there is no evidence that contradicts this. The classification and consequent order of presentation of the texts is a compromise between formal and contextual considerations. The ordering in the appended list will be largely self-explan- atory, but it should be noted that the texts basically have been classified according to a hierarchical alphabetical listing of: ❍ addressee; ❍ status of sender—as reflected in the introductory address formulae in the texts: “father,” “neutral” (i.e., no kin or other status marker used), “friend” (Akk. r⁄imum; rarely used to the principal addressees, the kings), “brother,” “son”; ❍ name of sender. Furthermore: ❍ The letters sent to the kings of Leilan (groups I–III) have been placed first and the relevant groups arranged according to the order of the royal succession; ❍ The letters addressed to “my lord” (b¤lum) (group IV), who from the context in many cases can be identified as either Mutiya or Till-Abnû, are all listed together according to the name of the sender, while further contextual classification is discussed in the introduction and details provided in comments to the individual texts; ❍ The acephalous texts and fragments (groups VI–VII) have been arranged also in a strictly formal manner, although contextual criteria occasionally suggest more precise classification; ❍ Within the various groups and sub-groups the sequence of texts again constitutes a compromise: letters that from contextual criteria clearly were sent successively are so ordered, while otherwise the sequence follows the order of the L(eilan 19)87 field numbers. It is important to note that the ordering of the texts does not take into account that some letters sent to Till-Abnû antedate his succession to the Apum throne and thus are contemporaneous with texts from the time of Mutiya (cf. I.1.3.1). The fact that all the primary work on the tablets was done in Syria has inevitably resulted in certain constraints of time and expense. One of the consequences of this is that about only three-quarters of the texts in this volume are presented in handcopy (the specimens not copied are noted separately in the edition). No consistent criteria guiding which texts not to copy have been followed, but in general these include:

57 58 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

❍ Tablets or fragments completely illegible or with only isolated signs and traces preserved; ❍ Many fragments—and a few nearly complete tablets—for which a transliteration can be presented and where a copy would be of little additional value. To the extent that the state of preservation renders this meaningful, each text is given in full transliteration and translation, with a short resumé of contents. The commentary to individual texts has usually been kept to a minimum. This in consequence of the following considerations: ❍ The writing, language, and grammar of the texts are very close to those in other corpora of Old Babylonian letters from the north (as at Mari, Rimah, and Shemsh⁄ra). Many individual features are well documented there and references are easily found in the standard dictionaries and grammars, or the indices to the series ARM(T) and the journals MARI and NABU. Clearly unusual or unique items, however, are noted in the commentary, and a select vocabulary to the texts, which may also, to some extent, serve as a guide to their contents, is supplied with the indices at the end of the edition; ❍ A comparative linguistic analysis cannot be undertaken here without the material or the analyses that should serve as a base for comparison yet available. The letters from Mari are generally a generation or so older, most of them being written either completely outside the Habur region or by people who did not belong there. A better parallel to our material is the Iltani archive from Rimah, which is closer in time and in many cases of local origin. On the other hand, they are letters sent to a woman and of a somewhat different type from the predominantly royal correspondence from Leilan; ❍ The personal names found in the texts in many cases have parallels in the archives from Mari or Rimah. Given the surprisingly few cases in which the identity of a person can be established, such as the kings Masum-atal and ﬁukrum-TeÍÍup, the parallels should largely be accounted for by simple homonymy and are, therefore, noted and discussed only in a very selective fashion; ❍ The details of historical geography of the Habur Plains and adjacent areas, especially the region to the south and east of the wadis Radd and Rumeilan, and beyond Jebel Sinjar, although often important for an understanding of the texts, are generally beyond the scope of this volume. For some general information, readers are referred to I.1.2.4; ❍ For the problems of diachronic analysis, it should be noted that the commentary provides some detailed observations or suggestions either briefly alluded to or not included in the introduction, but that no attempt at a complete classification has been made. Finally, it should be pointed out, to anticipate further use of words like “uncertain,” “unclear,” “tentative”—already generously distributed in the edition—that reading and interpretation of many passages are indeed tentative. Absence of such cautionary statements does not necessarily indicate that passages are without problems or could not be interpreted differently. Sadly, many of the tablets are broken or damaged, often laterally so that a consecutive text is difficult to establish. I have, in general, attempted to maintain a fairly cautious approach to reconstructions of broken passages, but, no doubt, the right balance has not always been achieved. THE LETTERS 59

2.2. Classification I. Letttttterrrs ttto Mutttiiiya

A. Sender abum 1. Hammurabi (1–4)

B. Sender aÓum 1. AÍtamar-Adad (5–8) — 2. °alu-rabi (9) — 3. ﬁepallu (10–11)

C. Sender m⁄rum 1. Asdi-[…] (12) — 2. Yak›n-AÍar (13) — 3. YasmaÓ-Addu (14) — 4. Kanis⁄nu (15–16) — 5. Kuzzuri(?) (17) — 6. MaÍum (18) — 7. Niqmi-Adad (19)

D. Sender wardum 1. Ea-malik (20) — 2. […]-tim (21)

E. Unclassified 1. ﬁinurÓi (22)

II. Letttttterrrs ttto Tiiillllll-Abnû

A. Sender abum 1. Hammurabi (23–24)

B. Sender “neutral” 1. Attabn⁄ya (25) — 2. Bin-Dammu (26–27) — 3. Ea-malik (28–32) — 4. Yan‰i-[…] (33) — 5. Sumu-°adû (34)

C. Sender aÓum 1. AplaÓanda (35) — 2. AÍtamar-Adad (36–40) — 3. Buriya (41–50) — 4. °alu-rabi A. as “neutral” (51–53) B. as aÓum (54–56) — 5. °azip-[TeÍÍup?] (57) — 6. Ila-°atnû (58) — 7. Yak›n-AÍar (59–61) — 8. Yam‰i-°atnû (62–76) — 9. MaÍum (77–81) — 10. Muti-Addu (82) — 11. Niqmi-Adad A. as “neutral” (83–84) B. as aÓum ‰iÓrum (85–86) — 12. ﬁepallu (87–88) — 13. ﬁukrum-TeÍÍup A. as “neutral” (89–90) B. as aÓum (91) — 14. Ta-[…] (92)

D. Sender m⁄rum 1a. Aya-Abu (93–100) — 1b. with ﬁibila (101) — 1c. with Íib›tum (102) — 2. Masum-Atal (103–104) — 3. MeÓilum A. as r⁄’imum (105) B. as m⁄rum (106) — 4. Zig2 (107) — 5. […] (108–109)

E. Sender wardum 1. Ewri (110) — 2. °awiliya (111) — 3. Sangara (112) — 4. Sumu-ditana (113) — 5. Tak2 (114–115) — 6. Zimri-[…] (116) — 7. […-di]m (117) 60 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

F. Unclassified 1. AÓuÍina (118) — 2. °awur-atal (119) — 3. ﬁinurÓi (120)

G. […] (121–124)

III. Letttttterrr ttto Yak›n-AÍarrr

A. Sender “neutral” 1. °alu-rabi (125)

IV. Letttttterrrs ttto b¤lllum

A. Address preserved 1. AÓ‹-mara‰ (126) — 2. Abbutt⁄nu (127) — 3. BaÓdi-Lim (128) — 4. °ammi-EpuÓ (129–130) — 5. Il‹-EpuÓ (131) — 6. Inganum (132–135) — 7. YaÍub-[…] (136) — 8. Kuzuzzu (137–141) — 9. Qarr⁄du (142) — 10. Sangara (143–146) — 11. ﬁupram (147–148) — 12. Tak2 (149–151) — 13. TiÍwen-atal (152) — 14. Warad-IÍtar (153–154) — 15. Warad-[…] (155) — 16. […] (156–157) — 17. […] (158–159)

B. Fragments from letters to b¤lum (160–163)

V. Miiiscccellllllaneous llletttttterrrs

1. AÓam-arÍi from Warad-IÍtar (164) — 2. AÓatani from Sîn-tukult‹ (165) — 3. AÍtamar-Adad from ﬁepallu (166) — 4. Inganum from AÓ‹-mara‰ (167) — 5. ‡⁄biya from Warad-IÍtar (168) — 6. ﬁupram from Inganum (169) from Samum (170) — 7. Tak2 from Ewri (171) — 8. Warad-IÍtar from […]-zali (172) from Yak›n-a[r-…] (173) from […] (174)

VI. Letttttterrrs iiin whiiiccch name offf addrrresssee iiis lllosttt

A. Sender aÓum 1. ﬁepallu (175–176) — 2. ﬁinurÓi (177)

B. Unclassified 1. Kanis⁄nu (178)

VII. Letttttterrrs/fffrrragmenttts wiiittth bottth names iiin addrrress lllosttt

A. Tablets/fragments with substantial information preserved (179–188)

B. Tablets/fragments with little information preserved (189–219) THE LETTERS 61

I. LETTERS TO MUTIYA

A. Sender abum 1. Hammurabi (of °alab) 1 [L.87-1309] The broken state of this text renders an interpretation difficult. It concerns a land Purattum(?) apparently ready to give allegiance to Hammurabi, who now urges Mutiya to send someone (a king?) from this land to °alab(?). obv. ‚a-na mu-tiŸ-i[a] ‚qíŸ-bí-ma ‚um-maŸ Ó[a-am-mu-ra-bi] ‚aŸ-bu-k[a-a-ma] 5‚iÍŸ-tu(-)ma(-)a[t?...... ] [Í]a [t]a-aÍ-‚puŸ-r[a-am (...)] lo.e. ‚xŸ[...... ] ‚xŸ[...... ] rev. [a]-na ‚xŸ[...... ] 10 ˇú-ur-d[a-aÍ-Íu] ‚ma-aŸ-at pu-r[a-tim(ki)] ‚it-taŸ-ba-al-k[a-tam] ˇú-‚urŸ-da-aÍ-Íu-[ma] ‰i-bu-‚usŸ-s[ú] 15 lu-pu-[ú]Í

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) H[ammurabi], your father: Since [...... ] that you wrote [to me .... 2 lines broken ....] (rev.) Send [him] to [...... ]. The land of Pur[attum(?)] has turned [to follow me]. Send him to me, [and] I shall fulfill his wish!

(11) If the proposed restoration is correct, one thinks immediately of the name for the river Euphrates. This, however, is usually connected not with m⁄tum, but with aÓum (or rarely kiÍ⁄dum), and possibly our passage should be coupled with the occurrence of a town Purattum in NumÓum in ARMT XXVI/2, 415, 6 (cf. also the town Puratt⁄ya in a Neo-Assyrian text; see Kessler 1980, 158). 62 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

2 [L.87-1278] Hammurabi has sent two envoys to inform Mutiya about a situation that apparently requires him to march off with troops to assist Hammurabi. obv. a-na mu-ti-[i]a q[í-b]í-m[a] ‚um-maŸ Óa-am-mu-ra-b[i a-bu-ka-a-ma] a-nu-u[m-m]a I[Óa-l]u-ra-bi 5 ù I‚ia-ás-siŸ-a-du ì[r-di-ia] ˇe4-[ma]-am ga-am-ra-am ú-w[a-e-ra-Íu-nu-ti-ma] aˇ-ˇ[ar]-dam a-na ˇe4-mi-Íu-n[u qú-ul] ‚‰i-buŸ-tam an-ni-ki-a-[am i-Íu-ú(?)] l.e. [i]t-t[i] ‰a-bi-k[a ...... ] 10 [a-n]a pa-a[n...... ] [x x]‚x xŸ[...... ] On the reverse (not copied) the surface is almost completely broken away, but note that lines from the obverse probably continued onto the reverse.

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) Hammurabi, [your father]: Hereby I have given °alu(?)-rabi and Yassi(?)-Adu, my servants, full instructions and sent them off. [Pay attention] to their message. [I have] a need here! With your troops [...... ] to meet [.... break ....].

(4f.) The reading of the names of the two envoys is quite uncertain. They cannot on present evidence be identified with °alab envoys mentioned elsewhere in the Leilan texts.

3 [L.87-1302] (not copied) Fragment with little except address preserved. obv. a-na mu-t[i]-ia qí-bí-ma [u]m-ma Óa-a[m]-m[u-ra-bi] a-bu-k[a]-‚aŸ-[ma] 5[aÍ-Í]um [...... ] (break) rev. [la-a t]u-ud-da-ab-b[a-ab] (break) (lower rev. vacant)

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) Hammurabi, your father: Concerning [.... break ....] (rev.) ... you must not give cause for complaint [.... break ....] THE LETTERS 63

4 [L.87-1355] (not copied) Body of tablet with only the address preserved in a legible condition. obv. [a-na] mu-ti-ia [qí-bí-ma] [um-ma] Óa-am-‚muŸ-r[a-bi a-bu-ka-a-ma] (rest illegible)

This tablet is inscribed with a fairly small, neat writing, and would originally have contained quite a long letter, but unfortunately only isolated traces of signs remain where the surface is preserved.

B. Sender aÓum 1. AÍtamar-Adad (of Kurd⁄) 5 [L.87-538] AÍtamar-Adad thanks Mutiya for the share of offerings from the elunnum-festival of B2let-Apim that he has sent him. obv. a-na mu-ti-ia qí-bí-m[a] um-ma aÍ-ta-mar-‚dŸ[im] a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 ki-ma e-lu-u[n-n]am Ía be-el-ti-/a-pí-im Ía na-pí-iÍ7-ta-ka lo.e. i-na-a‰-‰a-ru te-pu-Íu-ma rev. [z]i-it-ti tu-‚ÍeŸ-bi-lu 10 i-na zi-it-ti-ia Ía tu-Íe-bi-lu a-ku-ul ù ib-bi-ia ma-di-iÍ i-ˇí-ib

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) AÍtamar-Adad, your brother: Since you celebrated the elunnum-festival of B2lti-Apim, who protects your life, and sent me my portion, I have eaten of my portion that you sent me, and it pleased my heart much.

(5) The mention of a recent elunnum-festival may allow a correlation with administrative texts (limmu °abil-k2nu) that attest such a festival for the middle of Mammitum (month v; see chart in I.I.3.3). B2lti-Apim is otherwise spelled B2let-Apim (cf. IÍtar b¤lti Qaˇˇar⁄ in OBTR 154, 4). (8) The connection between the elunnum-festival and a zittum “share” of foodstuff being sent to a foreign, but closely allied, king should be noted. The proceedings of the elunnum are not well- known, but administrative texts from Leilan now add considerably to previous evidence (see 64 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

forthcoming editions), and e.g., [L.87-269], a list of wine issues, shows that they included royal banquets inside the palace chapels of the gods, and the zittum, normally denoting a partition/ share in legal sense, here refers to portions of the sacred dishes consumed on such occasions. Such portions could evidently be sent to important individuals who did not themselves attend the festival (cf. the invitations to festivals extended in [39], [57], and [79]), and a close parallel to our example is found in the Rimah letter OBTR 113 (see Eidem 1991d). New examples of the zittum “portion” from the elunnum-festival being sent to foreign kings d are found in ARMT XXVIII 169 (Qarni-Lim to Zimri-Lim: e-lu-na-a[m], Ía eÍ4-tár an-da-r[i- igki], [Í]a na-pí-iÍ-ta-ka, ù na-pí-iÍ-ti, i-na-‰a-ru [u]Í-te-[p]í-[iÍ], a-nu-um-ma uzu zi-it-‚tiŸ, [a]-Ói-[ia] d ki uÍ-ta-bi-la[m]) and 174 (Asqur-Addu to Zimri-Lim: e-lu-na-am Ía eÍ4-tár, qa-ˇà-ra-a , e-pu-úÍ, a- nu-um-ma zi-ta-ka).

6 [L.87-614] Tak2, a high ﬁeÓn⁄ official, has mistaken men who are from NumÓum (area around Kurd⁄, AÍtamar-Adad’s capital) for Yamutbaleans, and AÍtamar-Adad requests that their “brothers” (relatives or associates) be allowed to collect them in the temple of Adad/TeÍÍup of Nawali. The difference between Yamutbalum and NumÓum here can be related to the historical context of an opposition Andarig (hostile kingdom) and Kurd⁄ (allied kingdom), as shown by other evidence (see I.1.3.2). obv. a-na mu-ti-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma aÍ-ta-mar-dim a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 aÓ-Ói lú-meÍ Ía wa-bi-il ˇup-pí-ia / an-ni-im Ita-ke-e i-na la i-du-ú a-na ia-mu-ut-b[a-lim]‚kiŸ i‰-ba-as-s[ú-nu-ti] lo.e. i-na-an-na ‚aŸ-[nu-u]m-ma 10 aÓ-Ói-Íu-nu a-n[a ‰e-ri-ka] rev. aˇ-ˇar-da-‚asŸ-s[ú-nu-ti] ki-ma lú-meÍ Íu-n[u] dumu-meÍ nu-um-Ói-im[ki] aÓ-Óu-Íu-nu i-na é dim ‚na-wa-liŸ 15 li-iÍ7-du-du-Íu-nu-ti

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) AÍtamar-Adad, your brother: Unwittingly Tak2 took “brothers” of the bearers of this letter for Yamutbaleans. Now I have sent their “brothers” to you. Since these men are from NumÓum, let their “brothers” collect them in the temple of Adad (of) Nawali.

(14) For Adad/TeÍÍup of Nawali, see I.1.2.5, s.v. °awur-atal. (15) The verb Íad⁄dum is used here in a sense similar to examples quoted in CAD ﬁ/1, p. 26 sub 3.a. For another example of Íad⁄dum but in a military context (“mobilize, deploy”), see [143], 17. THE LETTERS 65

7 [L.87-772] AÍtamar-Adad quotes a message he has received from Kiriya, who complains that while in Sanduw⁄-tum none of his allies reacted to his requests for help. obv. a-na mu-ti-ia qí-bí-ma um-m[a] aÍ-ta-mar-dim a-Ó[u]-ka-a-ma 5 I[ki-r]i-ia a-na ‰e-ri-ia ki-a-am iÍ-pu-ra-am [um-m]a-mi iÍ-tu u4-3-kam i-na uru sa-an-du-wa-a-timki pí-i ep-te-né-et-te-ma 10 i-na bi-ri-ku-nu iÍ-te-en a-na pa!-ni-ia lo.e. ú-ul i-il-la-‚kamŸ rev. a-na uru tu-up-Óa-amki a-na at-lu-ki-im pa-ni-ia 15 aÍ-ku-un-ma ‚re-eÍ15Ÿ-ku-nu Íe-pí-ia i‰-ba-tu an-ni-tam Iki-ri-ia iÍ-pu-ra-am i-na-an-na a-wa-[t]um i-‚taŸ-na-aÍ-Ía-aÍ 20 ki-ma ˇup-pí an-ni-a-am a-Ói i-Íe-em-mu-ú ar-Ói-iÍ a-la-kam li-pu-Ía-am

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) AÍtamar-Adad, your brother: Kiriya wrote this to me: “Since the third (day of month) I have kept shouting out in Sanduw⁄tum, but not one of you comes to me. I decided to march off to TupÓam, and your “head” seized my “feet.” This Kiriya wrote to me. Now the matter is extremely worrying. As soon as my brother hears this letter of mine he should quickly march off.

(8,13) The two towns mentioned in this text must be sought near the Jebel Sinjar. Sanduw⁄tum was located ca. 50 km northwest of Assur (see Lafont, ARMT XXVI/2, p. 477), and TupÓam, associated with AzuÓinnum (so clearly in ARMT XXVI/2, 437), is to be found farther north (see I.1.2.5, s.v. MaÍum), and a more precise location in area of Tell Rimah seems possible. Very likely the town hides behind the traces in OBTR no. 244, iii 11' (read p. 176 as tu-x-x-x[ki], but in index p. 266 listed as tu-ur-Óa-am 244:III.7'): tu-u[p-Ó]a-a[mki], in a list of personnel from smaller towns presumably in the vicinity of Rimah. Interesting for the association with AzuÓinnum, the Old Assyrian texts indicate some intermediate points between Rimah and Leilan (see Nashef 1987, 61f.): Qaˇˇar⁄ (Rimah) Razam⁄ Taragum Apum (Leilan) Qaˇˇar⁄ Taragum Apum UzuÓinum Taragum 66 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

In view of this schema and the fact that UzuÓinum (AzuÓinnum) was not very far from Rimah (cf. OBTR 145) and the king of AzuÓinnum in the Mari period was a vassal of Razam⁄, we may conclude that AzuÓinnum probably was located not far north of Rimah (across the Sinjar) and was an alternative station to Razam⁄ on the route to Taraqum presumably on the eastern outskirts of the Habur Plains. (16) The traces at the beginning of the line seem clear, but the exact meaning of the sentence is not readily apparent. To “seize the feet” of someone is usually to submit oneself, or to implore, but the best solution here is probably to assume an idiomatic phrase in which the sense is something like “your vanguard just missed my rearguard!”

8 [L.87-929+944] Two of Mutiya’s retainers en route from Hammurabi of °alab have met AÍtamar-Adad. Hammu- rabi complains that AÍtamar-Adad, Mutiya, and ﬁepallu attacked the countries Yass⁄n and Yamut- balum (i.e., the area around the towns Razam⁄ and Andarig), removing them from his control. This leads the sender to suggest that Mutiya should dismiss the °alab resident (Í⁄piˇum) Tak2. Buriya (of Andarig) is massing his army in °ubÍil(=°ubÍalum), waiting for his ally °azip-TeÍÍup (of Razam⁄). AÍtamar-Adad wants to investigate the situation before making a move. obv. ‚a-naŸ mu-ti-ia qí-bí-ma [u]m-ma aÍ-ta-mar-d‚imŸ a-‚Óu-kaŸ-[a-ma] u4-um ˇup-pí an-ni-a-am ú-Ía-bi-la-ak-kum 2 lú-tur-meÍ-ka iÍ-tu uru Óa-‚la-abŸki il-li-ku-‚nimŸ-ma I 5 ˇe4-em Óa-am-mu-ra-bi id-bu-bu-nim um-ma-a-mi IÓa-am-mu-ra-bi-ma am-mi-nim IaÍ-ta-mar-dim Imu-ti-ia ù Íe-pa-a[l-l]u pa-an érin-meÍ ka-ak-mi-‚iŸ-[im] i‰-ba-tu-ma ma-at i[a-á]s-sa-an ù ma-at ia-mu-ut-ba-lim ‚úŸ-Óe-ep-pu-ú 10 ù ma-a-tam i-na qa-ti-ia ú-Íe-e‰-‰ú-ú ‚ki-iŸ id-‚bu-bu-nimŸ ‚wa-arŸ-ki ‰ú-Óa-ri-e-ia [a-n]u-um-ma-tam an-ni-i[Í] [a-n]a li-ib-bi ma-tim [i]ˇ-ˇà-ar-‚dam i-na-anŸ-[na] ‚u4Ÿ-u[m ˇup-p]í ‚anŸ-ni-e-em [t]e-Íe-em-mu-ú Ita-ke-‚eŸ Ía-pí-‚iˇ-súŸ lo.e.15 gú-è-a Íu-‚ur-riŸ-iˇ-‚maŸ ‚giÍŸilluru Íu-up-‚Íi-irŸ rev. a-na qa-ti-Íu i-di-‚inŸ-ma a-na [‰]e-ri-ia ˇú-ur-da-aÍ-Íu [ù a]n-na-nu-um IÓa-‚zi-ip-‚x-xŸ [( )] 20 [ù IÓa-z]i-i[p-t]e-eÍ-Íu-up i[l-li-ku-nim] Íe-pa-al-lu i[t]-ti-Íu-‚nuŸ lu-[u]Í-ta-a‰-bi-is-sú-nu-ti-ma 1 [li-i]m ka!?-ak-mi-i-im li-il-[q]ú-ma [diri]-ga-meÍ Ía-a-tu li-ib-[l]u aÍ-tap-ra-ak-kum 25 [wa-a]r-ki-ma ar-Ói-iÍ ˇú-ur-dam ù [I]bu-ri-ia qa-d[u]-um érin-meÍ-Íu i-na [u]ru Óu-ub-Íi-ilki pa-Ói-ir THE LETTERS 67

‚ùŸ [I]Óa-zi-ip-te-eÍ-Íu-up ú-qa-‚aŸ a-di wa-ar-ka-as-sú-nu 30 a-pa-‚arŸ-r[a]-sú a-Ía-‚riŸ-iÍ ‚úŸ-ul ‚aŸ-al-‚la-/kamŸ

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) AÍtamar-Adad, your brother: The day I sent you this letter of mine, two of your retainers arrived here from °alab, and conveyed to me Hammurabi’s opinion. Hammurabi said this: “Why have AÍtamar-Adad, Mutiya, and ﬁepallu taken command of Kakmum troops and destroyed land Yass⁄n and land Yamutbalum, and brought the land out of my grip?” This is what they told me. After my own retainers (left?) he has sent this (message?) hither to the interior of the land. Now the day you hear this letter of mine—Tak2 his governor— make (him) tear up a coat, and take apart a composite bow—turn (these things) over to him, and send him to me! [Further] here °azip-... [and] °azip-TeÍÍup [arrived]. ﬁepallu is with them; I shall muster them and they shall take 1000 Kakmians and march off these auxiliaries. I have written to you [and accordingly] you must send (them?) quickly to me! Further Buriya is massing with his troops in °ubÍil, and awaits °azip-TeÍÍup. Until I have investigated their intentions, I will not go there!

(6) For another example of the construction ummami PN-ma, cf. [89], 29 and ARMT XXVI/1, nos. 215 and 219. (7) The evidence for Kakmum was discussed in detail in Eidem and Læssøe 2001, 23f. (“a location in the valleys between Chemchem⁄l and Suleim⁄n‹ye seems the best solution on present evidence”). For a town Kakmum in third-millennium texts from Ebla, not identical to Old Baby- lonian Kakmum but located in western Syria, see Archi et alii 1993, 326. (12) For anummatam (acc.), compare anummitim (gen.) in [58], 40. Both forms must derive from a pronoun *anummatum declined with vowel harmony. In meaning both examples seem close to anummûm (fem. anumm‹tum) “this, the aforementioned” used in texts from this period (see CAD A/2, p. 149) and our forms may be based on a variant *anummum. (14) For this figure, see I.1.2.1. (15ff.) The “tearing” of clothes as a sign of protest is attested in ARMT XXVI/2, 323 and 370, in both cases about despairing diplomats. The “decomposition” (paÍ⁄rum) of the giÍilluru(RU) = tilp⁄num (see Groneberg 1987), on the other hand, seems unparalleled, but clearly served a similar purpose. The tilp⁄num bow was used at Mari as a diplomatic present and the verb paÍ⁄rum seems particularly apt to describe destruction of this object described as a “composite bow.” (19ff.) The construction in these lines is not entirely clear. The reading of the PN at the end of line 19 is also uncertain; in view of the historical context (see I.3.A), one could expect Óa-‰i-ip-na-an who is mentioned in [139] together with Kuzuzzu, but the traces do not fully support this. °azip-TeÍÍup in line 20 is the governor(?) of °ur⁄‰⁄, and not the homonym king of Razam⁄ (l. 28). (27) °ubÍil is the town otherwise known as °ubÍalum (the form °ubÍil is found also in L.T.-5), famous for its cult of Nergal/Amum (see below sub [43]). It was located in the territory of Andarig near the Jebel Sinjar (see Charpin 1987b). 68 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

2. °alu-rabi 9 [L.87-1287+1446b] The lower part of this tablet [L.87-1446b] was found in room 17 and is the only letter (fragment) among the tablets from that room. The join with [L.87-1287] from room 22 provides clear proof that tablets from rooms 17 and 22 formed a single group. °alu-rabi urges Mutiya to join him probably for a military campaign. obv. a-na mu-ti-[ia] qí-bí-m[a] um-ma Óa-lu-ra-bi a-Óu-k[a-a-ma] [ˇup-pa-k]a ‚Ía tuŸ-Ía-bi-lam eÍ-me 5 [x x] ‚xŸ-a ‚ÍaŸ [t]a-aÍ-pu-r[a-a]m [...... ]‚xŸ ìr [...... ] (break) lo.e. [...... ]-ak-k[um] rev. [ù i-na a-w]a-tim li-i[b-bi ga-am-ri-im] [aÍ?-t]a-[n]a-ap-pa-[a(...)] [qa-du-um érin]-meÍ-ni5 i ni-ta-l[a-ak] 5' [ˇup-p]í an-ni-e-em i-na Í[e-me-em] ‚a-la xŸ[x]‚x xŸ[...... ] [da-aw]-da-am Ía ‚aŸ-[ia-bi-ni5 i ni-du-uk] [Ía a-l]a-ki-im i ni-[pu-úÍ-ma] [qa-d]u-um érin-meÍ-ni a-n[a GN] 10' ‚aŸ-la-kam [i ni-pu-úÍ]

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) °alu-rabi, your brother: I have heard the [letter] you sent me [...... ] that you wrote to me about [.... break ....] (l.e.) to you, and [I?] keep writing in [faithful] terms. Let us march off [with] our troops. When you hear this [letter] of mine—where [...... ] let us defeat [our enemy]. Let us [prepare for a campaign; let us] march with our troops to [GN].

3. fiepallu 10 [L.87-492] Mutiya has offered fiepallu grazing for 4000 sheep in four of his towns. This letter seems to have been dispatched when the sheep were sent off to the territory of Apum. fiepallu anticipates possible trouble for the sheep and their shepherds. obv. a-na mu-ti-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma Íe-pa-a[l-l]u a-Óu-ka-a-ma an-na-nu-um Íu-ul-mu-um aÍ-ra-nu-um 5 a-na a-Ói-ia lu Íu-ul-mu-um THE LETTERS 69

i-na pa-ni-tim a-Ói ki-a-am iÍ-pu-ra-am um-ma-a-mi 4 li-mi udu-Óá ˇú-ur-dam-ma a-na 4 uruki-meÍ Íu-na-a<>ki 10 na-wa-liki a-za-am-Óu-u[lki] lo.e. ù úr-pa-‚ankiŸ lu-zu-u[z-zi-na-ti] rev. udu-Óá Íi-‚na-ti aŸ-n[a ‰e-er] a-Ói-ia aˇ-ˇar-da-am ‚aŸ-[na uruki-meÍ] 15 a-Ói li-iÍ-pu-ur-ma udu-Óá Íi-na-ti i-na ri-tim la-a ú-sà-ak-ka-/pu ù lú-sipa-meÍ la-a ú-sa-aÓ-Óa-lu ki-i-ma udu-Óá ma-ti-ka-a-ma pu-Óu-ur li-ik-ta-ab-sa 20 Ía-a li-ib-ba-Íu i-na úr-pa-anki ù Ía-a li-ib-ba-Íu ul-li-iÍ<> li-Íe-ti-iq

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) ﬁepallu, your brother: All is well here; may all be well for my brother there! Previously my brother wrote to me as follows: “Send me 4000 sheep and I will divide them among the four towns ﬁun⁄, Nawali, AzamÓul, and Urpan.” I sent these sheep to my brother; will my brother please write to [the towns], that they must not drive away these sheep from grazing and not trouble the shepherds. Just like the sheep of your own country let them move around together. (Let) him who wishes (stay) in Urpan, and let him who wishes drive (his sheep) through beyond.

The letter deals with a well-attested practice in this period of city-states extending grazing rights to each other (cf., e.g., the correspondence between YasmaÓ-Addu and IÍÓi-Addu of Qatna published in ARM V). The four towns mentioned must all be within the area controlled by Leilan: ﬁun⁄ should be located west of Leilan, and AzamÓul has been tentatively identified with Tell Mohammed Diyab southeast of Leilan (see I.1.2.4). Nawali should be located northwest of Leilan (see I.1.2.5, s.v. °awur-atal). Urpan is not attested elsewhere (for a town (°)urb⁄n in SuÓûm south of Mari, see Charpin 1997, 352). (7) The end of this line is written over erased (um-ma) Íu-ú-ma. (17) saÓ⁄lum, also in the D-stem, has the basic meaning “pierce, prick,” but is used also metaphori- cally “to trouble” (cf. ARMT XXVI/2, p. 349 h). (19) The verb kab⁄sum used here about sheep is employed in the sense “roam, move freely” (cf. CAD, K, p. 8a). (21) In spite of AHw, 1409b, ulliÍ is employed also in the sense “besides, beyond,” and not exclusively as a temporal adverb. In the letters of Kibri-Dagan published in ARM(T) 3 the word is used several times in a sense equivalent to Ían‹tam (17, 25'; 31, 14), and in a letter from Shemsh⁄ra (SH 920, 40; Laessøe 1959, 77ff. = Eidem and Læssøe 2001, no. 11) the sense of ulliÍ is clearly “beyond.” 70 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

11 [L.87-651] (published in Eidem 1991c, 131–34) ﬁepallu has led a successful raid on an unnamed enemy near the town Sabum and urges Mutiya to come quickly with troops. obv. a-na mu-ti-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma Íe-pa-al-lu a-Óu-ka-ma iÍ-tu u4-3-kam lú-kúr i-na uru za-an!-na!-nimki wa-Íi-ib 5 am-Ía-li sa-al-Óa-am a-na li-ib-bi ma-tim ú-wa-aÍ-Íe-er-ma lo.e. i-na anÍe-kur-ra ar-ka-ab-ma i-na 60 lú-meÍ rev. a-di uru sa-bi-imki 10 a-na pa-an sa-al-Ói-Íu al-lik 60 pa-‚agŸ-ra-am ad-di 50 a-si-ra-am e-si-ir a-di ba-ab ka-ra-Íi-Íu ú-ka-aÍ-Íi-is-sú 15 ù sag-du-dam uÍ-ta-bi-lam u.e. a-Ói lu-ú Óa-de-‚etŸ pa-an érin-meÍ ‰a-ab-tam-ma a-la-kam ep-Ía-am l.e. la tu-la-ap-pa-tam

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) ﬁepallu, your brother: Since three days ago the enemy is staying in Zann⁄num. Yesterday he released the salÓum in open country, and I mounted a horse, and with 60 men I went to the town Sabum to his salÓum. I slew 60 men and took 50 prisoners; I chased him (right) to the gate of his fieldcamp, and carried away one (of the) leader(s). My brother should rejoice! Muster the troops and march off to me. Do not hesitate!

For the term salÓum, see the discussion in Eidem 1991c, 133f. SalÓum denotes the flocks (and their shepherds/guards) belonging to fixed “urban-type” units, be they larger towns or army camps. When towns were besieged, both the salÓum of the town itself and that of the enemy kar⁄Íum would have been in a confined position and fairly quickly lacked adequate grazing and water. The best parallel to the situation in our letter is found in ARMT XXVI/2, 405: Yasim- El is with Atamrum, who is besieging AÍiÓum, and they are staying in two different kar⁄Íum outside the town. Then ‰⁄bum together with the bazaÓ⁄tum are leaving toward another town with the salÓum (ana sal⁄Óim) and Yasim-El joins them, but the whole group is attacked by the enemy and hurries back. Geography: The scene is set in the kingdom of ﬁepallu in an area close to the Jebel Sinjar. Zann⁄num is not attested elsewhere, but should be a variant writing of the town Zunn⁄num, located in the Jebel Sinjar (see ARM XIV, 109 [=DEPM I, 353]; cf. below ad [42], 4). Quite likely za-an-n[a-…] in ARM VII, 219 refers to the same place (see Eidem 1996a). Sabum then is probably identical to a town mentioned in OBTR 305, 7, where a large enemy force is reported to be in Sabum and feared to “descend” on Rimah. THE LETTERS 71

Horse-riding: Although describing a small-scale skirmish, trivial in this period and area, the text contains a surprising and unique piece of information, since it documents an unequivocal inci- dence of horse-riding in connection with warfare centuries before regular cavalry came into general use in Mesopotamia and Syria. It is unfortunate, therefore, that the text supplies so few details. Evidently the use of riding here is explained by the need for a quick surprise raid, but it is not clear whether only fiepallu is mounted, or his men as well. In view of the modest size of fiepallu’s detachment and the need for speed, the latter possibility, at least, cannot be ruled out. Similarly, the text is not explicit as to whether fiepallu (and his men?) also fought mounted— again something that from the context seems possible. Otherwise riding is sporadically referred to in texts from this period. For a recent survey of horse-riding in early Mesopotamia and further literature, see Owen 1991 and cf. Littauer and Crouwel (1979, 65–68) on horse-riding in the early second millennium B.C. A famous letter from Mari shows that riding a horse as opposed to a chariot was the proper way of an Amorite king (ARM VI, 76; cf. Charpin and Durand 1986, 143f.), and a text from Rimah documents a mounted express messenger (OBTR 85). See finally the r⁄kib im¤ri references listed in ARMT XXVI/2, p. 567 s.v.

C. Sender m⁄rum 1. Asdi-... 12 [L.87-240] (published in Eidem 1991c, 124) The sender reports that °azip-TeÍÍup (the king of Razam⁄), with 10,000 Óabb⁄tum troops, spent the night in the town of ﬁurum. obv. [a-na a-b]i-[i]a mu-ti-[ia] [qí]-bí-[ma] um-ma ás-di-[...... ] ma-ru-[k]a-a-ma 5 u4-um ˇup-pí an-ni-e-em ú-Ía-bi-la-kum lo.e. IÓa-zi-ip-te-Íu-up qa-du-um rev. 10 li-mi Óa-ab-b[a-tim] 10 i-na uru Íu-ri-im[ki] i-bi-it a-bi ‰í-bi-‚itŸ [ˇe4-mi-i]m li-ir-Íi (break)

Say to my father Mutiya: Thus (says) Asdi-[....], your son: The same day I sent you this letter, °azip-TeÍÍup with 10.000 Óabb⁄tum troops has made halt for the night in the town ﬁurum. My father should devise a course of action [(...... )].

(10) *ﬁurum is probably identical to Íu-ri mentioned in [L.87-732] (limmu Amer-IÍtar), which indicates a location near the territory of KaÓat. It may well also be identical to *ﬁur’um known from Mari and Chagar Bazar, apparently located in the central part of the Habur Plains (see Durand 1987c, 231). (12) There is little, if anything, missing at the end. 72 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

2. Yak›n-AÍar 13 [L.87-610] The sender requests the release of two men from Ka’umi who were detained in ﬁurnat when on a business trip to Apum. obv. a-na a-bi-ia mu-ti-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma ia-[k]u-[u]n-a-Íar dumu-ka-a-ma 2 dumu-meÍ ka-ú-miki 5 aÍ-ra-nu-‚umŸ ‚aŸ[-na] ‚‰i-buŸ-[ti]-Íu-nu il-li-ku 1 lú e-li ke-el-lu-ga-a-ia lú Íu-ur-na-atki lo.e. 3 gín kù-babbar i-Íu 10 ‚ùŸ Ía-nu-um lú rev. kù-babbar ter-Óa-at mí aÍ-Ía-‚ti-ÍuŸ a-na iz-zu-un-ni lú na-gi-ra-nimki a-na na-da-nim na-Íi 15 lú-meÍ i-na Íu-ur-na-‚atŸki ik-Íu-du-ma ik-ta-lu-Íu-nu-ti i-na-an-na wa-ar-ka-at lú-meÍ Íu-nu-ti pu-ru-ús-ma u.e. wu-úÍ-Íe-er-Íu-nu-ti 20 la-a ta-ka-al-la-/am [d]umu-meÍ ka-ú-‚mikiŸ la-a iÓ-Óa-ab-ba-lu

Say to my father Mutiya: Thus (says) Yak›n-AÍar, your son: Two men of Ka’umi went there on private business. The first man was owed 3 shekels of silver by Kellug⁄ya of ﬁurnat, and the second man was carrying silver for his wife’s brideprice to give it to Izzunni of Nagir⁄num. The men arrived in ﬁurnat, and they were detained (there). You must investigate the case of these men and have them set free. Do not detain (them); let not the men from Ka’umi be ill-treated.

Geography: A town Ka’umi is not attested elsewhere, but if Yak›n-AÍar at this time was stationed in Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ (see I.1.1.3), it may be placed near this town. For ﬁurnat, perhaps identical to Tell Qal’at al-H⁄d‹ located southeast of Leilan, cf. likewise I.1.1.3. Finally Nagir⁄num, not attested elsewhere, must have been located beyond ﬁurnat when arriving from Ka’umi. THE LETTERS 73

3. YasmaÓ-Addu 14 [L.87-1365] The sender is worried by rumors of approaching Óabb⁄tum troops and requests definite information from Mutiya. obv. a-na a-bi-ia mu-t[i-ia] qí-bí-ma um-ma ia-ás-ma!-aÓ-dim dumu-ka-a-ma 5 an-na-nu-um Íu-ul-mu aÍ-ra-nu-um ma-Óa-ar a-bi-ia lu Íu-ul-mu tu-uk-ki ‰a-bi-im lú Óa-ab-ba-ti[m] lo.e. im-ta-na-qú-tam 10 um-ma-a-mi ‰a-bu-um lú Óa-ab-ba-tum rev. iq-te-er-ba-am a-wa-tum Íi-i ki-na-a-at sà-ar-ra-at 15 an-ni-tam la an-ni-tam a-bi li-iÍ-pu-ra-am

Say to my father, Mutiya: Thus (says) YasmaÓ-Addu, your son: All is well here; may all be well there before my father. Rumors about the Óabb⁄tum troops reach me regularly as follows: “The Óabb⁄tum troops have drawn near!” This matter—is it true or false? Please will my father write to me whether it is one or the other!

4. Kanis⁄nu 15 [L.87-480] The sender reports that °azip-TeÍÍup (of Razam⁄) has taken command of Óabb⁄tum troops. They have just spent the night in AnamaÍ. obv. a-na mu-ti-ia qí-bí-ma [um-m]a ka-ni-sa-n[u] [ma]-ru-ka-a-[ma] 5 aÍ-‚ÍumŸ ˇe4-e-em é[rin-meÍ Óa-ba-tim] lo.e. pa-ni-Íu IÓa-zi-[ip-te-Íu-up] ‰a-bi-[it] ‚u4Ÿ-um ˇup-p[í an-ni-im] rev. ú-Ía-bi-la-a[k-kum] 74 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

10 i-na uru a-na-ma-aÍ[ki] i-bi-it! mi-im-ma ‚‰ú-Óa-ri-ÍuŸ ú-ul an-nam-ma-ar i-na-an-na a-nu-um-ma lú-tur-ri u.e. Ía aÍ-pu-ra-ak-kum 15 a-na a-wa-a-ti-Íu ma-di-iÍ qú-ú-ul

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) Kanis⁄nu, your son: Concerning news of the [Óabb⁄tum] troops: °azi[p-TeÍÍup] has taken command of them. The day I sent you [this] letter of mine they stayed the night in AnamaÍ. I will not meet with any of his retainers(?). Now hereby I have sent my retainer to you—pay close attention to his message!

(10) J.-M. Durand, ARMT XXVI/1, p. 292 n. 19, without giving specific references, mentions that the Ida-Mara‰ king Limi-Addu, otherwise known from a small number of Mari texts, ruled a town called AnamaÍ. The same toponym is perhaps attested in [L.87-461] (limmu Amer-IÍtar) in the context of towns in the central portion of the Habur Plains. See now ARM XXVIII 104 and 113, and further DEPM II, p. 470. (11) The first word read thus in parallel with [12], 11.

16 [L.87-498] The sender urges Mutiya to investigate the case of Aya-aÓu, who has forced a refugee from Kanis⁄nu’s land to pay ransom in ﬁeÓn⁄. obv. [a-na] mu-ti-ia [qí]-bí-ma [um-ma] ka-ni-sa-nu [ma-r]u-ka-a-ma 5lú-lum IÓa-zi-ip-Íi-mi-‚giŸ ìr é an-ni-i-im i-nu-ma Iza-za-ri i‰-ba-‚tuŸ lo.e. lú Íu-ú ip-la-aÓ-ma a-na uru Íu-ut-ta-an-nimki 10 it-ta-la-ak rev. Ia-ia-a-Óu i-na uru Íe-eÓ-na-aki i-mu-ur-Íu-ma kù-babbar ip-[ˇ]e4-ri-Íu ú-Ía-aÍ-qí-il-Íu Ia-ia-a-Óa-am a-na giÍgu-za an-ni-i[m] 15 [an-n]a-nu-um ès-si-Íu-ma [Íu-ú] ‚ùŸ ˇup-pá-Íu aÍ-ra-nu-um-ma [at-ta w]a-ar-ka-as-sú pu-ru-ús [ù kù-babbar ip-ˇe4-r]i Ía il-qú-ú u.e. [li-di-in ú]-la-Íu-ma 20 [lú Ía-a-ti a]-‰a-ab-ba-at THE LETTERS 75

Say to my father Mutiya: Thus (says) Kanis⁄nu, your son: The gentleman °azip-fiimigi is a servant of this house; when he raised claim against Zazari this man became frightened and went away to fiuttannum. Aya-aÓu saw him in fieÓn⁄ and had him pay silver for his ransom. Aya-aÓu I called to this throne here, [but he] and his tablet (are) there. [You] must investigate his case, [and let him give (back) the silver for ransom] he took. If not I shall arrest [this man].

(5) This “gentleman” could well be identical to a namesake mentioned in [L.87-461] as lú pu-uˇ-ri- imki. Namesakes also occur in [L.87-717+], and [L.87-572] (lú Birundi), but identity with these is less likely. (9) ﬁuttannum is not attested outside the Leilan texts; in [L.87-461] it is listed between Amursak- kum and AÍnakkum (see I.1.2.4), and a location west of Leilan is certain.

5. Kuzzuri 17 [L.87-385] (not copied; upper part of tablet has very worn and encrusted surface) obv. a-na a-bi-ia ‚mu-tiŸ-i[a] qí-[bí]-ma um-[m]a ku?-‚uz?Ÿ-zu-ri dumu-ru-ka-a-ma The rest of the fragment is completely illegible except for the remains of 2 lines on the left edge: l.e. [a-n]a a-ma-ázki Óal-[...... ] ‚iŸ-ir-[ru-ub...... ]

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) Kuzzuri(?), your son: [...... ] (on l.e.) the Óal-[...... ] entered Amaz [...... ]

(1') For Amaz, located in the northwestern sector of the Habur Plains, see I.1.2.5, s.v. Zig2. (2'') The word at the end should be either Óal‰um or Óallatum.

6. MaÍum 18 [L.87-228] (lines 25–31 quoted in Eidem 1996b, p. 83f. n. 6) MaÍum reports on the situation behind the (Sinjar) mountains as related to him by a refugee from AllaÓad: the Óabb⁄tum have returned from across the river and have captured the townspeople, both NumÓeans and others. MaÍum stresses that his town and district, located between the wadis Radd/ Rumeilan and the Jebel Sinjar, have strategic importance for the interests of Mutiya and his allies. He requests auxiliaries from Mutiya, AÍtamar-Adad, and ﬁepallu. The badly preserved last section of the letter seems to refer to the illness/wounds of a particular individual. 76 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN obv. [a-na a-bi-ia mu-t]i-ia [qí-bí]-ma ‚um-maŸ [m]a-[(a)-Í]um dumu-ka-a-ma an-na-n[u-um] Í[u]-ul-mu-um 5 aÍ-ra-nu-um lu-ú Íu-ul-mu i-na ma-at egir kur-i dumu-meÍ uru-‚ÓáŸ-meÍ lu-ú nu-ma-Óu-um lu-ú ma-am-ma-an Ía wa-aÍ-bu ka-la-ma ir-ˇú-pu ‰ú-ub-bu-tam 1 lú al-la-Óa-da-a-yuki 10 iÍ-tu aÍ-ra-nu-um in-na-bi-tam ù ki-a-am iq-bé-em um-ma-mi [lú-me]Í Óa-ab-ba-tum iÍ-tu e-bi-ir-tim [i-t]u-ra-am-ma i-na ma-at i[a-ás-sa-an(?)] [a-z]u-Ói-in-niki i-mi-d[a-am] 15 ˇe4-em erín-meÍ Ía-a-ti wa-ar-ke-em ú-[k]a-an-nam-ma a-na a-bi-ia a-Ía-ap-pa-ra-am lo.e. mi-nu-um 1 me érin-meÍ an-ni-ki-a-am ‚a-naŸ wa-Ía-bi-im Ía it-ti a-bi-/i[a] 20 [e-r]i-Íu Íum-ma-an at-ta [aÍ-ta-ma]r-dim ù Íe-pa-al-‚luŸ rev. [erín-meÍ Ía ˇà]-ra-di-im ta-aˇ-ru-da-‚nim-maŸ [a-ni-k]i-a!-am <> i-na pu-ut ma-ti-ku-nu [i-na Ó]al-‰í-im ú-Íi-ib 25 [a-n]a-ku an-na-nu-um i-‚na aŸ-Íà Óe-ˇí-im d ki-a-am a-di i-ir-ti kur-i saggar2 ù an-ni-iÍ a-di ma-at ia-ás-sa-an [k]a-a-an-tam a-ta-Íu-úÍ [a-lu]m!ki an-nu-um ú-ul a-al-ka-a 30 [ú-u]l a-al pa-ˇí-im Óal-‰ú-um Í[a p]u-ut ma-ti-ku-nu-ú ú-ka-al i-‚naŸ-an-na 1 me erín-meÍ a-bi li-iˇ-ru-dam-ma an-na-nu-um i-na Óal-‰í-im lu-ú wa-aÍ-bu aÍ-Íum udu-Óá nu-uÓ-Ói-da-ma 35 udu-Óá a-Íar iÍ7-te-en la-a na-di-e i-na a-la-ni-e dan-na!-tim a-Óu-ni-e lu-ú na-di-e ù a-na-ku an-na-nu-um am-mi-nim ke-èÍ-re-ku erín-meÍ-ku-nu a-‚ÍarŸ iÍ7-te-en li-ip-Óu-ur-ma 40 a-na-ku lu-ul-li-kam-ma it-ti erín an-ni-‚imŸ u.e. [lu-u]t-ta-al-la-ak ù Íe-ep e[rín-meÍ] [lu-u]k-‚‰úŸ-ur Ía-ni-tam [...... -n]a ‚x ta?Ÿ-du-ú [...... ]-ma ‚ipŸ-ta-‚xŸ[...... ] l.e. 45 [...... Íi-i]m-ma-Íu ik-‰ú-ur [ki-‰í-ir-Íu] ip-te-Íu-ma THE LETTERS 77

[x]‚a-na ÍiŸ-im-mi-Íu iÍ-pu-uk ‚ùŸ iÓ-ta-aÍ i-na-an-na lú-meÍ aÓ-Ói-Íu ˇú-ur-dam-/ma 50 a-Ía-r[i-iÍ...... ]‚xŸ-Íu (break; ca. 4 lines lost)

[Say to my father Mut]iya: Thus (says) MaÍum, your son: All is well here; may all be well there! In the land behind the mountains they have begun to seize the townspeople, NumÓeans or anyone living there. A man from AllaÓad fled from there and said this to me: “The Óabb⁄tum have returned from across the river and in the land of Ya[ss⁄n(?)] joined [Az]uÓinnum.” I shall ascertain further news of these troops and write to my father. What about the 100 soldiers for deployment here that I asked of my father? If you, AÍtamar-Adad or ﬁepallu had sent [the troops] that should be sent, they would have stayed here on the border of your land—in the district. I here am constantly concerned with guarding the land—thus from the crest of Mount Saggar all the way hither to land Yass⁄n. Is this town not your town? Is it not a border town—a district that protects the front of your own land? Now will my father please send me 100 soldiers, and they shall indeed stay here in the district! You must sound alert about the sheep, and the sheep must not be left in one place, but should be left in the fortified towns individually, and I here how can I be successful? Let your troops gather in one place, and I will come, and depart with these troops, and I shall organize the route of the troops. Another matter:[.... break ....] he bandaged his wound. He opened [his bandage], and poured [....] on his wound, and he became ill. Now send his brothers to me, and there [.... break ....].

(7f.) NumaÓum is understood as nominativus pendens on the assumption that it is the townspeople who are being “seized” (abducted). For raˇ⁄pum + inf. with meaning “start (some activity),” see the detailed analysis by Kraus 1985, and the note by J.-M. Durand in ARMT XXVI/1, p. 91 ad 6 i. (13f.) Yass⁄n was the region east-southeast of the Habur Plains (see I.1.2.4); for AzuÓinnum, see ad [7]. (26) For mount Saggar, the central ranges in the Jebel Sinjar, see Soubeyran 1984. (42f.) The last part of the letter seems to concern an entirely different matter, that of an unknown person whose Íimmum (=simmum) is worsened by the application of something that is poured (Íap⁄kum) on to it. The word simmum has been discussed by Durand, ARMT XXVI/1, p. 552ff.; it often denotes various kinds of skin/surface complaints. 78 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

7. Niqmi-Adad 19 [L.87-532] (upper half of tablet) Niqmi-Adad refers to an earlier situation in which the Óabb⁄tum were in Zuzumara and had dealings with KaÓat. On the reverse, a particular case-story is discussed, but the poor preservation of the tablet precludes a clear understanding. obv. a-na a-bi-ia mu-ti-‚iaŸ qí-bí-ma [u]m-ma ni-iq-mi-dim [dumu]-ka-a-ma 5 [i-nu-m]a ‰a-bu lú [Ó]a-ab-ba-t[um] [i-na ur]u zu-zu-‚maŸ-raki úÍ-b[u] [x x]‚xŸ a-na uru ka-Óa-[a]tki [....] [...... ]‚xŸ dé-a-[m]a-li[k...... ] [...... ] ‰a-bu Óa-a[b-ba-tum...... ] (break) rev. [i]m-Óu-‚ur-maŸ n[a-pí-iÍ7-tam] ‚e-liŸ-ia id-di um-ma [Íu-ú-ma] lú-‚turŸ ‚ÍaŸ it-ti lú-tur-ri-k[a il-li-ku] [a]m-m[i]-nim iÓ-‚taŸ-li-iq ‚xŸ[.....] 5' ‚ùŸ lú-‚turŸ-ka ‚Íu-úŸ wa-‚arŸ-k[a-nu-um] [n]a-pí-iÍ7-[ta]m e-li-ia id-du-‚úŸ [aÍ-Í]um lú-tur [...... ]‚xŸ ra nu ‚xŸ[...... ] Íum-ma a-b[i x x x m]a-‚ruŸ-ti-ia Óa-Í[e-eÓ] a-bi li-i[Í7-pu-ur-ma...... ]‚x xŸ-tim 10' ‚liŸ-Ía-l[i-mu-Íu-ma a-na ‰e-ri]-ia u.e. li-wa-aÍ-Íe-[ru-nim...... ] pa-ag-r[i-...... ] lú-tur-Íu ú-lu-m[a x m]a-na kù-babbar it-‚ti-niŸ BI-[x x x i-r]i-is-sú 15' la i-ka-al-la-aÍ-Íu l.e. Ía-ni-ta[m...... ] it-ti [...... ] ki-a-am id-[bu-...... ] [lú] um-ma-nu-[um...... ] 20' an-ni-ta[m] i-pu-la-a[n-ni...... ]

Say to my father Mutiya: Thus (says) Niqmi-Adad, your [son]: When the Óabb⁄tum troops stayed in Zuzumara [...... ] to KaÓat [...... ] Ea-malik [...... ] the Óabb⁄tum troops [.... break ....] (rev.) .... he received, and brought capital charges against me saying: “The retainer who [went] with your retainer—why was he lost? [...... ]; and this retainer of yours afterward(?) brought capital charges against me!” Concerning the retainer [...... ] if my THE LETTERS 79

father wishes that I remain his son, my father should write that [...... ] he should be conducted safely and released [to me...... ] BI-.... has requested his retainer or x mina silver from us. Do not detain him. Another matter: [...... ] with [...... ] he spoke thus: “The work crew [...... ].” This is the reply he gave me [...... ].

(6) A town Zuzumara is not attested elsewhere, but should be a settlement close to KaÓat (collation excludes an emendation to zu<>-‚úrŸ-ra). (11'–13') The edge of the tablet has suffered slight damage in modern baking, and the few signs not in the copy, which was made subsequently, have been added from my initial transliteration of the text.

D. Sender wardum 1. Ea-malik 20 [L.87-936] Ea-malik reports that Bin-Dammu has met with °alu-rabi and “the kings” in Zar’⁄num. Presum- ably they have decided on a campaign route, but Ea-malik has not been able to ascertain any details. He has gone to some of “our” troops who have arrived with provisions. obv. [a-na mu-t]i-ia ‚qíŸ-bí-ma um-ma é-a-‚ma-likŸ ìr-ka-a-ma 5 lú-tur-ri iÍ-tu uru za-ar-a-[ni]mki ‚il-li-kamŸ [I] bi-‚in4-dam-muŸ [I]Óa-lu-ra-bi ù ‚lugalŸ-meÍ ‚in-ne-me-ruŸ lo.e.10 ‚iŸ-n[a za-a]r-‚aŸ-nimki ‚sagŸ-du [u]Í-t[i]-mi-du rev. ‚IŸia-am-‰í-[x]‚xŸ-Óu ‚ùŸ dumu-[m]eÍ za-a[r-a-ni]mki ‚iq-taŸ-lu a-Í[ar pa-ni-Íu-nu] 15 Ía-ak-nu ú-ul ‚iŸ-[di] a-na ‰a-bi-ni Ía i-n[a ...... ] wa-aÍ-bu [a-l]ik-ma ar-Ói-i[Í] u.e. [i]l-l[i-ku-ni]m 20 [...... ]‚x xŸ [it-ti] ‰í-di-tim ‚ilŸ-l[i-k]u-nim-m[a] [i-ru-b]u-‚nimŸ 80 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Say to [Mut]iya: Thus (says) Ea-malik, your servant: My retainer came to me from Zar’⁄num. Bin-Dammu, °alu-rabi, and the kings met; they have made a coalition in Zar’⁄num. Yam‰i-[....]-Óu and the inhabitants of Zar’⁄num will say nothing, (and) I don’t know where they will go. I went to our troops that are staying in [GN], and they came quickly [...... ] they came here [with] provisions, and entered.

(5, 13) Zar’⁄num is identical to the town ZarÓ⁄num mentioned in the year-formula Samsu-iluna 23 together with fieÓn⁄, fiuÍ⁄ (=Sus⁄), and Puˇra. It is mentioned also in a letter from Yam‰ûm, ARMT XXVI/2, 323, and Charpin (ARMT XXVI/2, p. 92) has suggested a location “non loin de fieÓn⁄” on the evidence from Samsu-iluna 23 (cf. Joannès, ARMT XXVI/2, p. 341, who argues on similar grounds that Sus⁄ also was “close” to Leilan). The town is attested also in an Old Akkadian tablet from Brak (F.1159, 20: za-ar-É-numki), showing that its history extends back into the late third millennium. (9) The traces in this line are faint and the restoration very tentative. (12) The reading of this PN is not clear to me.

2. ...-tim 21 [L.87-170] (not copied; fragment with part of address preserved; found in room 12) obv. [a-na m]u-ti-[ia] [qí-b]í-m[a] [um-ma....]-tim ìr-ka-a-m[a] ? [x x x x]‚xŸ aÍ-Íum g[u4 ...... ] (break)

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) [....]-tim, your servant: [...... ] concerning the ox(en)(?) [.... break ....].

E. Unclassified 1. ﬁinurÓi 22 [L.87-548] ﬁinurÓi refers to an earlier attack by Óabb⁄tum and his attempt to oppose it. Unfortunately the very poor condition of the tablet prevents detailed understanding of events. obv. a-na mu-ti-ia ‚qí-bí-maŸ [um-ma] Íi-nu-ur-Ói […]-ka-a-ma 5‚iŸ-n[a pa-n]i-tim ‰a-bu-[um Ó]a-ab-ba-tum THE LETTERS 81

‚ùŸ[x]‚xŸ Ía ‚x xŸ[...... ] a-n[a li]-ib-bi [ma-tim...... ] ‚i-ti-iqŸ-ma a-na-ku ‚x xŸ[x]‚x x xŸ a-na pa-ni ‰a-bi-im Í[a...... ] 10 ‚anŸ-Óa-ri-ir-ma ‰a-ba-a[m] Ó[a-ab-ba-tim] [i-n]a li-ib-bi ma-tim ‚xŸ[...... ] lo.e. [ni-Í]i-ni ‚ad?-ki xŸ[...... ] ‚ù aŸ-na ‚ku-nuŸ-Íi-i[m(-ma)] [aÍ-p]u-‚ra-ak-ku-nuŸ-Í[i-im-ma] 15 [ú]-ul ta-‚anŸ-Óa-ri-‚ra-nimŸ rev. (mostly illegible)

Say to Mutiya: Thus (says) ﬁinurÓi, your [....]: Previously the Óabb⁄tum troops and the [...... ] of [...... ] entered(?) the interior of (the) land [(.....)], and I went in relief to the troops of [...... ], and [...... ] the Óabb⁄tum troops in the interior of the land [were ...... ] (12) our people(?) I called up(?) [...... ] for your own sake(?) I wrote to you, but you did not come in relief.

The text on the reverse obviously concerns the same subject matter: the phrase ana libbi m⁄tim “to the interior of the land” occurs twice, and in line 23 mention is made of no less than 30,000—probably sheep! (udu-Óá). 82 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

II. LETTERS TO TILL-ABNÛ

A. Sender abum 1. Hammurabi (of °alab) 23 [L.87-472] (published in Eidem 1991a, 114 + n. 23, copy p. 126) Hammurabi refers to the previous deployment of his political-military agent Bin-Dammu and urges Till-Abnû to cooperate. Till-Abnû is to consult with Bin-Dammu and come to Hammurabi, who also requests the release of his servants detained in Amursakkum. obv. a-na ti-il-la-a-[ia] qí-bí-ma um-ma Óa-am-mu-ra-bi ‚a-bu-kaŸ-a-ma 5[pa-na-n]u-[u]m bi-in4-dam-mu ìr-di [aÍ-pu-r]a-ak-ku-nu-Íi-im-ma [ù ˇe4-e]m-ku-nu te-pu-Ía [erín-meÍ-Í]u i-na m[a-ti-ku-nu] lo.e. [tu-wa]-a[Í-Í]e-[ra-ma] 10 [ku-nu-Í]i-im e-l[i Ía pa-na] rev. [i-t]a-ap-pa-[lu] [ìr] a-bi-ka dam-q[í-iÍ a-pu-ul] [qa]-du bi-in4-dam-mu ìr-d[i-ia] [ˇe4-em-ka] ‰a-ab-tam-m[a] 15 [a-la-kam a-na ‰]e-ri-ia ep-Ía-a[m] [Ía-ni-tam aÍ-Íum l]ú-meÍ ìr-di-ia [Í]a ‚iŸ-n[a (uru)a-mu]-ur-sà-ak-kiki [‰a]-ab-tu ‚ÍuŸ-pu-ur-ma u.e. [ì]r-di-ia li-wa[-aÍ-Í]e-ru 20 [w]a-ar-ka-a[s]-sú-nu u.obv. pu-ru-ús

Say to Till⁄ya: Thus (says) Hammurabi, your father: Previously I sent Bin-dammu, my servant, to you, and you designed your [course of action]. You deployed his [troops(?)] in your country, and they were of more service to you [than before]. You must [do good service to the servant of] your father; settle [your plan] with my servant Bin-dammu, and make [a journey] to me. [Second, about] men who are my servants who have been detained in Amursakkum; send words and have my servants released; settle their case!

(17) Amursakkum is mentioned in several Mari letters from the time of ﬁamÍ‹-Adad. It is the town where large numbers of Turukkeans from the east, in part deported and settled by ﬁamÍ‹-Adad, were besieged (see discussion of these texts in Eidem 1992, 19ff., and cf. DEPM II, p. 80ff.). Present evidence from Mari (cf. A.863, quoted in Charpin 1990a, 75f. n. 29, where Turukkeans THE LETTERS 83

are reported to leave Amursakkum and prepare an ambush near Till⁄ on the road to KaÓat), and Leilan favors a location west of Leilan, and, therefore, supports an equation with Middle Assyr- ian Amasakku, which is associated with towns like KaÓat and Ta’idu (see Nashef 1982, 28f.).

24 [L.87-1383] (fragment from lower right corner of tablet) Both the clay and shape of the tablet, as well as the writing, are similar to that of letters from Ham- murabi of °alab, and since the letter was sent by an abum, the identity of the sender is certain. This is further supported by another fragment (same field number) from the same tablet. This piece has almost no surface preserved, but a line on what was part of the upper obverse has: [x x]—space— ‚xŸ[...... ]; hence this line probably contained the name of the sender; the ‚xŸ represents the lower parts of two adjacent vertical wedges and can only be A, ZA, or °A. The letter was sent probably to Till-Abnû just after his accession to the throne of Apum, and it is Hammurabi who affirms that ﬁeÓn⁄ is his town and Apum his land.

(break) obv. [ki-ma at-ta a-na é] a-bi-ka te-ru-b[u] [eÍ-me-ma] ù sé-Óe-ku [aÍ-Íum ki-a-am] a-di i-na-an-na [ú-ul aÍ-pu-ra-a]k-kum 5' [...... Í]a a-wa-tim la dam-‚qaŸ-t[im] [...... ]‚x xŸ-ti [...... ]‚xŸ[x] uruki an-nu-um ‚uruŸki-k[a] [ù] ‚ma-tumŸ an-ni-tum ma-[(a-)at-ka] lo.e. a-nu-um-ma Ita-k[e-e...... ] 10' ‚xŸ l[ú-meÍ Í]u-g[i...... ] [x-Í]a-al ki-l[a x]‚x xŸ[...... ] rev. [...... a-n]a ‰e-ri-[x] [x]‚x xŸ[...... i]d-bu-ub [...... ]‚xŸ-ra-a[m?] (break)

[...... I heard that] you had entered your father’s [house] (i.e., ascended the throne), but I was busy, [(and), therefore, have not written] to you until now [...... ] who (is up) to bad things [...... ] (7') [...... ] this town is your town and this country is your country! Hereby Tak2 [.... rest too broken for translation ....]

(2') seÓûm in the stative “be busy/preoccupied” is also used in [203], 6, another letter from Hammu- rabi. As pointed out by Sasson (1987), the expression at Mari is so far attested only in ARM IV, 20 and 23. (9') This man may be identical to ta-ke-e in [8], 14. 84 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

B. Sender Neutral 1. Attabn⁄ya 25 [L.87-1419] (fragment from upper part of tablet) No consecutive text except address preserved. obv. ‚aŸ-na t[i-la-a]b-nu-ú [qí]-bí-m[a] [um-ma a]t-ta-ab-na-a-ia [dx ù dnin-a]-pí-im aÍ-Íu-mi-ia 5 (traces) (break) rev. [...... -a]k-kum [...... ]‚x x xŸ u.e. [...... ]‚xŸ-aB-‚xŸ [( )]‚ù? ÍaŸ-ni-tam a-na m[u-.....] ‚x xŸ[x]‚x xŸ id-di-n[am]

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Attabn⁄ya: [May divine ... and] B2let-Apim for my sake [grant you long life .... (break) ....] [rest too broken for translation].

(3) Cf. the woman at-ta-ab-na-a-ia in OBTR 144, 16.

2. Bin-Dammu 26 [L.87-391] (fragment from obverse of tablet) Bin-Dammu urges Till-Abnû to join him with his army. obv. [a-na ti-la-a]b-nu-ú [qí]-‚bíŸ-ma um-ma bi-in4-dam-‚muŸ-ma [ˇ]up-pí an-né-e[m] Íi-me-ma 5 qa-du-um ‰a-bi ka<-bi>-it-ti-k[a] a-na ‰e-ri-ia Óa-mu-uˇ-ˇám a[l-kam(-ma)] lo.e. lugal-‚meÍŸ an-nu-ut-tim (break) THE LETTERS 85

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Bin-Dammu: Listen to this letter of mine, and come quickly to me with your main force, (and) these kings [.... (break) ....]

(5) This emendation seems required. For the categories ‰⁄bum kabittum/qallatum, see Durand 1987d.

27 [L.87-690] (not copied; fragmentary tablet) Bin-Dammu conveys orders from the king (of °alab) that women of a certain B2l‹-l‹ter are to be taken to the king. obv. [a-n]a ti-i[l-la-a-ia(?)] [qí]-bí-[ma] um-[ma] bi-in4-d[a-am-mu-ma] aÍ-Íum [...... ] (break; ca. 2 lines) [ˇ]up-pí lugal [i]k-Íu-[dam] um-ma lugal-ma mí ni-Íi-Íu meÍ Ía be-lí-li-‚terŸ ˇú-ur-dam i-na-an-na lo.e. 5' ˇup-pí an-né-em Íi-me-ma mí ni-Íi-Íu meÍ [Ía be-lí-li-ter] a-na ‰e-ri-ia [...... ]-ma rev. ù a-na ‰e-er lu[gal...... ] Ía-ni-tam ba-‚aŸ-i[a-nu...... ] (break)

Say to Tillaya(?): Thus (says) Bin-Dammu: Concerning [.... break ....] (1') a royal letter arrived saying: “Send me the women of B2l‹-l‹ter!” Now listen to this letter and [send] the women [of B2l‹-l‹ter] to me, and [I shall send them] to the king. Another matter: Bayy⁄nu [.... break ....].

(3') B2l‹-l‹ter is not attested elsewhere in the Leilan texts. 86 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

3. Ea-malik 28 [L.87-1317] (cited in extenso in Eidem 2000, 259f.; also Eidem 1991c, 125, and Matthews and Eidem 1993, 204; discussed in detail in Sasson 1997) Ea-malik reminds Till-Abnû that the late Mutiya did not keep his vows to the goddess B2let-Nagar. He sends the Íangû-priest of the goddess to Till-Abnû and urges him to make proper donations to secure her blessing. obv. ‚aŸ-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma dé-a-ma-lik-ma pa-na-nu-um Imu-ti-ia la-ma a-na giÍgu-za-Íu i-ir-ru-bu ki-a-am ik-ta-ar-ra-ab 5 um-ma Íu-ma Íum-ma a-na giÍgu-za-ia e-te-ru-ub kù-babbar kù-sig17 ka-sa-at kù-babbar ka-sa-at kù-sig17 ù mí-tur-meÍ it-p[u-Ía-tim] a-na dnin-na-ga-ar be-el-ti-ia l[u-ud-di-in] an-ni-tam ik-ta-ar-ra-ab 10 ki-ma lú Íu-ú a-na giÍgu-za-Íu i-ru-b[u] da-Óa-at dil-tim ú-ul i-Ía-al ù pa-an dil-tim a-ma-ru-um-ma ú-ul i-mu-ur lo.e. i-na-an-na ka-ta di[l]-/t[um] 15 ‚iŸ-na ú-ba-nim il-pu-ut-ma rev. a-na giÍgu-za é a-bi-ka te-ru-ub iÍ-tu u4-mi-im an-ni-im a-na u4-14-kam dil-tum iÍ-tu é-Ía u‰-‰e-em-ma pu-ul-lu-uk-ka-tum iÍ-Ía-ak-ka-na 20 ù pa-an dil-tim a-na uru a-la-aki iÍ-Ía-ak-ka-na Ói-Íe-eÓ-ti di[l]-tim i-di-in la ta-ka-al-la as-sú-ur-ri te-qí-tam ta-ra-[aÍ-Íi] um-ma-a-mi ‰a-bu-um ú-ba-az-z[i]/-Óa-an-né-t[i] 25 Íu-ul-pu-ta-nu an-ni-tam la ta-‚qa-abŸ-bi i-na Ía i-ba-aÍ-Íu-ma dil-tam Íu-ul-li-im-ma dil-tum Íi-i li-ba-al-li-iˇ-ka u.e. a-nu-um-ma lú Ía-an-ga 30 [Í]a dnin-na-ga-ar be-el-ti-ka l.e. [a]ˇ-ˇar-da-ak-kum an-ni-tam la an-ni-tam [ˇ]e4-em-ka ga-am-ra-am Íu-uk-na-aÍ-Íu-ma ˇú-ur-da-aÍ-Íu THE LETTERS 87

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Ea-malik: Previously Mutiya, before he ascended his throne, several times made the following vow: “If I were allowed to ascend my throne I would donate silver, gold, cups of silver, cups of gold, and clever maids to B2let-Nagar, my Lady!” This vow he made several times, (but) when this man ascended his throne, he did not send greetings to the goddess, and he never even saw the face of the Goddess. Now it is you the Goddess has touched with a finger, and you have ascended the throne of your father’s house. From this day—14 days hence—the goddess will leave her house and the boundary markers will be (re)arranged. And the face of the goddess will be set toward the town Al⁄. You must grant the goddess her wish—do not withhold (it). And don’t you make objections like: “People are putting much pressure on us and we are ruined.” Do not say this! Make the goddess happy with whatever there is, and this Goddess will keep you alive. Hereby I send to you the Íangû-priest of B2let-Nagar, your Lady. Put your detailed plan whether this or that to him, and send him to me.

(4, 9) kar⁄bum here denotes praying to the god(dess) while promising specific offerings, votive gifts, etc. in return for favors asked. (8) B2let-Nagar was one of the main deities of the Habur region and is mentioned in the oldest known Hurrian document, the inscription of TiÍ-atal of UrkiÍ (Parrot and Nougayrol 1948). For Nagar, see I.1.2.5 ad Yam‰i-°atnû. (11ff.) The implication is clearly that Mutiya neither sent presents nor presented himself (with presents) to the goddess. (15) The expression ina ub⁄nim lap⁄tum “touch with a finger” is attested in, e.g., ARMT XIV, 89, and AbB 1, 139, in both instances in the negative sense “do not touch (even) with a finger(tip)” (i.e., keep hands off completely). In the present context the meaning is clearly that Till-Abnû has been favored (selected or appointed) by the goddess (for verbal imagery of divine selection of kings, cf. Seux 1967, 19). (18ff.) The goddess—or rather her symbol—leaves the temple for a ceremonial procession through the region, a phenomenon attested also in a letter from Mari (see I.1.2.5 ad Yam‰i-°atnû). The implications of the next sentences are intriguing, but not quite clear. Is it implied that the journey of the goddess entailed settlement of border disputes (for pulukkum—“Grenzfahl, Grenze,” see AHw, 879a) or is it primarily the estate of the goddess that is involved? In any case, one is reminded of a letter from Mari (A.1121+; see Lafont 1984; = DEPM III, no. 984) where Adad of Kallassu, claiming credit for Zimri-Lim’s accession to the throne, demands the town AlaÓtum as his niÓlatum (“possession, domaine”). Al⁄, which is not attested elsewhere, could be regarded as a town or village near the borders of KaÓat and Apum and the object of the goddess’ ÓiÍeÓtum “desire” (l. 21). (23) For t¤q‹tum, see Dalley, OBTR, p. 49, with further literature. For constructions with assurri, see Wasserman 1994. (25) For lap⁄tum ﬁ-stem with this meaning, see AHw, 536b (“ruinieren, brandschatzen”), and compare especially ARM X, 80:19. The implication is that Apum had suffered a crisis just prior to Till-Abnû’s accession. 88 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

29 [L.87-775] Ea-malik has taken action with regard to a legal matter as requested by Till-Abnû. He further agrees to meet Till-Abnû and invites him to KaÓat. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma dé-a-ma-lik-ma ˇup-pa-ka Ía tu-Ía-bi-lam eÍ-me 5 aÍ-Íum lú-meÍ Ía di-na-tim Ía ta-aÍ-pu-ra-am áÍ-ta-pa-ar lo.e. a-na a-pa-li-Íu-nu rev. ù aÍ-Íum na-an-mu-ri-im 10 Ía ta-aÍ-pu-ra-am a-na ka-Óa-atki al-kam-ma i ni-in-na-me-er

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Ea-malik: I heard the letter you sent me. Concerning the men involved in the lawsuit that you wrote to me about, I have sent words about the settling of their case; and concerning a meeting that you wrote to me about—come to KaÓat and we shall have a meeting!

30 [L.87-389] Short letter, complete in profile, but with little text preserved. Ea-malik refers to a (treaty?-) oath. obv. a-na [ti-la-ab-nu]-‚úŸ [qí]-‚bí-maŸ [um-ma] dé-a-[ma-lik(-ma)] [x x (x) ni-i]Í dingir-meÍ 5[...... -k]a-ar [...... ]‚x xŸ (break) (preserved part of reverse is vacant)

31 [L.87-456] (not copied; fragment from upper right corner of tablet) Ea-malik refers to people captured in a raid. obv. [a-na ti-la]-ab-nu-[ú] [qí-bí]-m[a] THE LETTERS 89

[um-ma d]‚éŸ-a-ma-lik-‚maŸ ? [x x x n]i Ía i-na u4-um sa-a[d-di-im] 5 [....] x [...... ] (break) u.e. [.....]‚xŸ[...... ] [...... l]i-iÍ-KU-[.....]

(4) saddum (from sad⁄dum) “raid” occurs also in [69] and [75] in similar retrospective phrasing, and may refer to the events discussed in I.1.3.2, where Óabb⁄tum attacked areas close to KaÓat. Joan- nès, ARMT XXVI/2, p. 321 (ad no. 425b), suggests that saddum/sad⁄dum was used specifically for nomad raids (as in Mari texts about Turukkeans or Yaminu): “On observe que ce verbe sad⁄dum ne se confond ni avec Íah⁄ˇum ‘piller,’ ni avec Íal⁄lum ‘faire du butin,’ mais qu’il désigne une opération menée par des populations nomades ou semi-nomades, et s’apparente bien à la pratique du rezzou.” At the same time, however, he notes that no. 425 is “strictement parallele á la lettre 526,” which concerns the same affair, but in this text it appears that the verb ÍaÓ⁄ˇum is used instead of sad⁄dum! Whatever the historical circumstances of the saddum in our texts, it is certainly noteworthy that all three references come from KaÓat letters. It seems likely that the word also in the texts from Mari is used simply by random preference (cf. Kupper, ARM XXVIII, p. 195 note c).

32 [L.87-418] Upper part of a short letter with only the address preserved. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú [q]í-bí-ma [um-m]a dé-a-ma-lik-ma [...... ]‚xŸ-at-ka 5[...... -m]a [...... bi?-r]i-n[i] (break) (rev. vacant)

4. Yan‰i-[...... ] 33 [L.87-1353] The sender sends two men to fetch Óayy⁄tum women from Till-Abnû. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma ia-‚an-‰íŸ-[x x]‚xŸ-ma aÍ-Íum munus-meÍ ni-Íi Óa-a-ia-tim 5 Ía i-na pa-ni-tim Izi-im-ri-dim aÍ-pu-ra-ak-kum-ma a-an-nam ta-pu-lu-Íu 90 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN lo.e. i-na-an-na a-nu-um-ma 10 Izi-im-ri-dim rev. ù Ita-ri-im-Ía-ki-im ú-wa-e-ra-am-ma a-na ‰e-ri-ka aˇ-ˇar-dam a-na ˇe4-mi-Íu-nu 15 qú-ul (2 lines erased)

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yan‰i-[....]: Concerning the women of the hayy⁄tum people, for which previously I sent Zimri- Addu to you, and you gave him a positive answer: Now I have instructed Zimri-Addu and Tar‹m-Íakim, and sent them to you; listen to their message.

(4) Óayy⁄tum is known from a few Mari texts: A.2275 (ARMT XXVI/1, p. 275 note d) and ARM XXVIII 69. In both instances the term simply means “people,” and is not derived from Ói⁄ˇum (for Óayy⁄tum see CAD °, 1f., and AHw, 309a: “Späher, Inspizient”). Cf. also this volume nos. [59] and [99], and Treaty 2, iv 37'. In all cases city-states are negotiating or arranging the release of Óayy⁄tum against ransom, as explicitly in [59]. Without further evidence it is not easy to decide what particular status or function, if any, these people (which cannot be “animals” as in Streck 2000, 96) may have had.

5. Sumu-°adû 34 [L.87-967] Sumu-°adû complains that Till-Abnû, unlike the deceased Mutiya, does not keep up regular friendly correspondence. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma sú-mu-Ó[a-du-m]a pa-n[a]-nu-um mu-ti-ia 5 i-[Í]a-‚riŸ-iÍ ‚itŸ-ti-ia ‚idŸ-bu-ub i-na-an-na iÍ-tu [m]u-ti-i[a] a-na Íi-im-tim il-li-‚kuŸ lo.e. ‚maŸ-ti-ma Íu-lum-k[a] ‚a-na ‰eŸ-ri-i[a] rev. 10 ‚úŸ-ul ‚taŸ-aÍ-pu-ra-a[m] i-na-an-na a-nu-um-ma dutu-na-‰[ir?] ˇe4-ma-am ga-am-ra-am ú-wa-e-er-[Íu]-ma a-na ‰e-ri-‚kaŸ ‚aˇ-ˇarŸ-d[am] a-na ˇe4-mi-Íu ma-di-iÍ q[ú-ul] 15 ù 1 lú-tur-ka it-ti-Í[u] THE LETTERS 91

[wu]-‚eŸ-ra-aÍ-Íu-‚maŸ Í[u-lum-ka] [a-na ‰e-ri-ia l]i-ib-l[am]

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Sumu-°adû: Previously Mutiya had good relations with me, (but) now since Mutiya went to his fate, you have never sent your greetings to me. Now hereby I have given ﬁamaÍ- na‰ir(?) a full briefing and sent him to you. Listen carefully to his message, and instruct one of your retainers with him and let him bring [your greetings to me].

(11) ﬁamaÍ-na‰ir(?): a man with this name, a merchant from Amursakkum, is mentioned in an administrative text (limmu °abil-k2nu).

C. Sender aÓum 1. AplaÓanda 35 [L.87-608] AplaÓanda requests regular correspondence with Till-Abnû and offers to send him what he desires. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma ap-la-Óa-an-da a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 a-na mi-nim Íu-‚lumŸ a-Ói-ia [la] ka-a-ia-an lo.e. [mi-i]m-ma-a [e]-ri-iÍ7-ti [a]-Ói-ia ak-la rev. 10 ‚úŸ-lu-ú-ma ‰í-bu-ut a-Ói-ia Ía iq-bé-em ú-ul e-pu-úÍ Íu-lum-ka lu-ú 15 ka-a-ia-an u.e. ù mi-im-ma [Ó]i-Íi-iÓ-ta-ka [q]í-bé-em-ma l.e. lu-ud-di-in

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) AplaÓanda, your brother: Why are the greetings from my brother not regular? Did I withhold anything my brother requested, or have I neglected to carry out a wish my brother expressed to me? May your greetings be regular, and tell me whatever you desire, and I shall give it! 92 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

2. AÍtamar-Adad (of Kurd⁄) 36 [L.87-493] AÍtamar-Adad relates that he met with Buriya and °azip-TeÍÍup and concluded a sworn agreement with them. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma aÍ-ta-mar-dim a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 an-na-nu-um Íu-ul-mu ma-aÓ-ri-ka lu-ú Íu-ul-mu am-Ía-li it-‚tiŸ I[b]u-ri-ia rev. ù IÓa-zi-ip-t[e-Íu-u]p an-na-me-er ‚x x xŸ 10 ù ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ ni-ìz-ku-ur lu-ú Óa-de-et

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) AÍtamar-Adad, your brother: All is well here; may all be well before you! Yesterday I had a meeting with Buriya and °azip-TeÍÍup, [...... ] and we swore an oath by the gods. Rejoice!

(9) The faint traces at the end of the line are possibly erasures.

37 [L.87-547] (upper part of tablet) AÍtamar-Adad is in Kasap⁄ and writes to Till-Abnû. He refers to the lasting friendship between the lands of NumÓum and Apum, and (on the reverse) refers to obligations of mutual extradition of captives. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma aÍ-ta-mar-dim a-Óu-ka-a-m[a] a-na uru ka-ás-pa-aki al-li-kam-ma a-na Íu-ul-mi-ka aÍ<<-Íu>>-pu-ra-am 5 Íu-lum-ka Íu-up-ra-am a-na Ía ma-te du-ri-im nu-um-Óu-um‚kiŸ ù ma-at a-pí-im ú-ba-nu-um iÍ-te-et a-Óu-um a-na a-Ói-im Ói-ˇam la ú-Ía-ab-Íu-ú ‚ùŸ ‚duŸ-um-mu-qá-at nu-um-Ói-imki 10 [...... ] ma-du [...... ]‚x na du xŸ THE LETTERS 93

(break) rev. ‚x (x)Ÿ[...... ] la i-ir-ru-ub ‚ùŸ [...... i-na m]a-ti-ia la iÍ-ta-na-ar-r[i-iq...... ]‚xŸ-ma Íu-pu-ur mi-im-‚ma-ÍuŸ ‚liŸ-il-qú-nim 5' li-te-er-ru-nim ù i-na bi-ri-ni la nu-uÍ-te-le-em-me-en a-wa<>-tam an-ni-t[am l]a te-me-eÍ15 ìr-meÍ-ia [ma-l]a i-na ma-ti-ka iÓ-‚buŸ-t[u-Íu-nu-ti]-ma e. 10' [...... ]-‚daŸ ‚iÍ-tuŸ ‚ìr-meÍŸ-[ia ...... ] la ta-sa-aÓ-Óu-‚ur-Íu-nu-tiŸ l.e. ù ìr-meÍ-ka i-Óa-al-li-q[ú...... ] ú-ul a-sa-aÓ-Óu-ur-Íu-nu-ti [...... ]

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) AÍtamar-Adad, your brother: I came to the town of Kasp⁄, and sent greetings to you. Send me your greetings! Forever NumÓum and land Apum is like one finger. One brother must not offend the other, and the benevolent deeds of NumÓum [.... break .....] (rev. 2') must not enter, and must not steal [...... ] in my country [...... ], and you must send instructions that they shall take his property and return (it); indeed we must not let our relations deteriorate. Do not disregard this matter! My servants [all who] were stolen in your country, and [...... ]. Since my servants [...... ] you do not look for them, and your servants (who) disappear [...... ] I will not look for them [...... ].

(6) ana Ía mate d›rim lit. “to what pertains to continuity of ever.” The expression is apparently not attested elsewhere, but clearly parallels similar constructions with mati(ma) or d›rum (cf. CAD, s.v.). (7) For the idiom “one finger” in similar contexts, see the examples collected by Moran (1989), who suggests that the expression could refer to a ceremony of joining fingers, or—less likely in his view—play on a physical malformation (syndactyly). Most likely, however, “one finger” is a simple illustration of partnership: separate, yet connected (joints). (8') The sign MEﬁ is in this text written with only 1 or 2 Winkelhakens at the end. Note also the two cases of dittography in lines 4 and 7'.

38 [L.87-595] AÍtamar-Adad sends a certain Dadi-Ebal and requests the extradition of his people who were stolen “there.” obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-[ma] um-ma aÍ-ta-mar-dim a-Óu-ka-‚aŸ-ma 94 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

5 a-nu-um-ma da-di-e-ba-al ìr-di aˇ-ˇar-da-ak-kum a-Óa-Íu <ù> 2 munus-meÍ aÍ-ra-nu-um iÓ-bu-tu lo.e. ‚i-na-an-naŸ a-wa-tum an-ni-tum 10 [x x x]-ak-ka rev. [a-wa-as-sú Í]i-me-ma [di-in-Íu Íu]-Íe-er [la iÓ-Óa-a]b-ba-al

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) AÍtamar-Adad, your brother: I hereby send my servant Dadi-Ebal to you. His brother (and) 2 women were stolen there. Now this matter is your [...... ]. Listen to [his word] and give him a just [decision]; let him not be ill-treated.

(7) This line has been written over erasures.

39 [L.87-606] AÍtamar-Adad is preparing for a festival and invites Till-Abnû, who should bring fresh fruit. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma aÍ-t[a-mar-dim] a-Óu-k[a-a-ma] 5 ur-ra-am ‚xŸ[....e-r]e-bi-im e-pé-eÍ al-kam-ma ! u4-1-kam i ni-in -[m]ur ù in-ba-am rev. Ía i-na giÍkiri i-ba-aÍ-Í[u(-ú)] 10 li-ib-lu-nim

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) AÍtamar-Adad, your brother: Tomorrow I shall perform the [...... ]. Come and let us spend a day together; and let them bring the fruit that is in your garden.

(5) A festival is clearly involved. The end of the line suggests that this was connected with the “entering” of a god or goddess into the palace (see Durand 1987e, 89ff.). The broken sign after urram could well be n[in-…], but the construction here is not clear. (7) Compare to similar passages in [57], 15f.: alkamma [u4-1-kam], i ni-iÓ-[du] ; and [79], 10ff.: alkam[ma], u4-1-kam, i ni-mu, probably from awûm “talk” in the rare G-stem. THE LETTERS 95

40 [L.87-776] AÍtamar-Adad sends Muziya and one of his retainers, who are to transport “the gods” of Till-Abnû (i.e., statues/symbols) to him (for treaty ceremony). obv. a-na ti-la-ab-[nu-ú] qí-bí-[ma] um-ma aÍ-ta-mar-[di]m a-Óu-ka-a-‚maŸ 5 a-nu-um-ma mu-zi-ia ù lú-tur-ri ˇe4-ma-am ga-am-ra-am lo.e. ú-wa-e-ra-aÍ-Íu-n[u]-/ti-ma rev. aˇ-ˇar-da-aÍ-Íu-nu-ti 10 pa-an dingir-meÍ-ka li-i‰-ba-tu-nim-ma ˇú-ur-da-aÍ-Íu-nu-ti

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) AÍtamar-Adad, your brother: Hereby I have instructed Muziya and my retainer with a complete report and sent them off. Let them take charge of your gods, and send them to me.

(10ff.) The transport of divine statues or symbols as part of treaty ceremonies is amply attested in sources from this period. The references from Mari are now conveniently listed in Charpin 1990c, 115f. n. 30; cf. also Finet 1981.

3. Buriya (of Andarig) 41 [L.87-462+489] Buriya relates how messengers sent to °alab were barred from KubÍum, but could reach their destination via Tuttul. Hammurabi was pleased by their arrival and decided to send the general Abi- DabiÓ with 10,000 men to support Buriya for two years, and these troops have now arrived in Andarig. Unfortunately the crucial passage, lines 13–18, is badly preserved and cannot be reconstructed with confidence. The arrival of the army from °alab is mentioned also in [150]. obv. [a-na] ‚tiŸ-l[a-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma] [um-ma] bu-ri-ia ‚aŸ-Ó[u-ka-a-ma] [x l]ú-tur-meÍ-ni nu-‚uÍ-taŸ-a‰-bi-i[t-ma] [a-na ur]u Óa-la-abki ni-iˇ-ru-[us-sú-nu-ti] 5[ù i]Í-tu uru ku-ub-Íi-imki ú-te-e[r-ru-nim] ‚2 lú-tur-meÍ-ia qaŸ-al-lu-t[um (...... )] kaskal uru tu-‚ut-tuŸ-ulki a-na uru Óa-la-abki i-ti-qú a-na ‰[e]-er Óa-am-mu-ra-bi ik-Íu-du-ma ki-ma Ía-me-e la-pa-tim iÓ-du 96 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

10 ‚kaŸ-al a-wa-TUM ma-la dam-qú-TUM [Ía i]q-‚bu-úŸ um-ma-a-mi Ibu-ri-ia [ú-ul]‚aŸ-na-‚ki-iÍ7Ÿ iÍ-tu bu-ri-ia [...... -i]K ‚lúŸ ká-dingir-raki [x x x](-)la-ma lú ká-dingir-ra-yuki ki ? lo.e.15 [a-na (uru)ka]r-ka-mi-iÍ7 i-k[a -aÍ-Ía-du-nim] an-n[a-nu-um] [it-t]i-qú-ma dumu-ri bu-ri-i[a] [x x]‚xŸ-ma 10 li-mi ‰a-bu-um rev. it-ti ‚aŸ-[Ói]-da-bi-[iÓ l]i-il-l[i-i]k-m[a] 20 mu-2-kam ‚uruŸ a[n-da-ri-i]g ma-aÓ-ri-[Í]u li-Íi-ib-ma ‰[i-b]i-‚ti-ÍuŸ ka-la-Íi-na [l]i-pu-úÍ ‚iÍŸ-tu ‰i-bi-ti-‚ÍuŸ i-ip-‚pé-ÍuŸ [i]t-ti a-Ói-da-b[i-iÓ] li-il-li-kam-ma it-ti-ia na-an-me-er ‰a-b[u-u]m Íu-ú 25 ka-‰a-am-ma a-na uru an-da-‚riŸ-igki [i]k-ta-áÍ-dam ma-aÓ-ri-ia wa-Íi-ib [u4-um ˇup-p]í an-ni-e-em [aÍ-pu-r]a-[ak]-kum (break)

[Say to] Til[l-Abnû]: [Thus] (says) Buriya, your brother: We mustered [x] of our retainers and sent [them to] °alab; they were turned back from KubÍum. Two of my retainers, couriers (however)[...... ] (they) went direct via Tuttul to °alab and reached Hammurabi, and he brightened like a sunrise. (These are) all the favorable words he said: “I will not cut (support to) Buriya; since Buriya [has ...... ] the king of Babylon [has ...... ], and before the Babylonians [reach?] Karkemish, [they will pass] through there, and [attack?] my son Buriya. 10.000 soldiers with AÓi-DabiÓ shall depart, and stay two years with him in Andarig, and perform all his wishes. Since they will look after his interests, let him come here together with AÓi-DabiÓ and meet with me.” These soldiers have arrived via the steppe route to Andarig (and) are staying with me. [The day I sent] you this letter of mine [.... break ....]

(1) Materially the addressee could also be Mutiya, but on historical grounds this seems unlikely. The implication of the first passage is that Buriya and the addressee have tried to send messengers to °alab jointly—something that hardly fits the known context of Mutiya’s reign. (5) The route intended was Andarig→KubÍum→°alab, but, since passage through KubÍum is barred, messengers travelled instead via Tuttul. Besides this text (and an administrative text [L.87-510]), the town KubÍum is attested only in the Old Babylonian itinerary texts, where it is a station on the inbound road after Tuttul (Tell Bi’a) and Zalpah on the Balih, and before towns in the Habur Plains (Hallo 1964). The fact that this upper route was barred may be connected to the mention of Karkemish and the theory that this important city was trying to assert its independence from °alab with support from Babylon. (9) Lit. “like a touching of the sky” (i.e., at dawn); according to CAD, ﬁ/1, 346b sub 5' this expression is found only in the Middle Babylonian letter BE 17, 47 (ina Íamê lap⁄ti), but it occurs also here in [147], 6'. THE LETTERS 97

(10) This passage is not clear. The (unusual) construction seems to be kal + genitive — mala + genitive, which necessitates a value timx for TUM. One would also expect damq⁄tim instead of damq›tim. The sense, however, seems to be as proposed in our translation. (12) For some examples of the verb nak⁄Íum “refuse, prevent,” see Charpin and Durand 1997, 388 ad g. (13–18) The missing or broken verbs unfortunately make a reconstruction of this important passage difficult. The subject for the actions described in lines 15–18 must be “the men from Babylon,” tentatively understood as plural because of the ending of the first word in line 17. (25) For the meaning of ka‰ûm, see Durand 1990c, 113. It indicates a direct route across steppe country as opposed to the more regular routes following major waterways etc. [150] shows that this route passed the region south of the Habur Plains where the °aneans were grazing their sheep. (29ff.) L.87-489 is a surface fragment so that the reverse of the text is not preserved, but no doubt the interrupted sentence contained a statement that Buriya was now departing to °alab together with Abi-DabiÓ.

42 [L.87-473a+491] (lines 3–8 quoted in Eidem 1996b, p. 85 n. 17) Buriya relates how a Yamutbalean, Aya-abu, who was staying as a Ó⁄birum in Zurra, caught people from Yamutbalum after peace was established in the land. He was denied access to Zurra, but took his prisoners to Kasp⁄tum in Ida-Mara‰. Buriya wants his party intercepted and has written also to KaÓat and ﬁepallu. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma bu-ri-ia a-Óu-ka-a-ma a-ia-a-bu dumu ia-mu-ut-ba-limki i-na u[ru z]u-úr-raki lú Óa-bi-ru-tam ú-Íi-ib 5 iÍ-tu s[a-l]i-mu i-na bi-ri-‚itŸ ma-tim it-ta-aÍ-k[a-nu] pa-ni lú-me[Í sà]-ar-r[a]-‚riŸ i‰-ba-at-ma ‚ù lúŸ-meÍ [dumu-meÍ i]a-‚mu-ut-ba-limkiŸ ‚ilŸ-qé [i]Ó-bu-ut ‚ùŸ a-na uru zu-úr-ra‚kiŸ ‚a-na eŸ-ri-bi-im ú-ul id-di-nu-Íu-ma 10 [a-n]a uru ka-às-pa-tim Ía ma-at i-da-ma-ra-a‰ [ú-Íe-t]i-qú-Íu-nu-ti iÍ-tu ‚uruŸ ka-às-pa-timki 2 lú-meÍ i-na li-ib-bi-Íu-nu in-na-bi-tu-nim lú-meÍ Íu-nu-ti ú-lu-ú a-na ma-at i-da-ma-ra-a‰ ú-lu-ú a-na ma-at uru Íu-bat-den-lílki 15 ú-lu-ma a-na uru ka-Óa-atki ú-Íe-ti-qú-Íu-nu-ti a-na ‰e-er IÍe-pa-al-lu (1 line erased) lo.e. ù a-na uru ka-Óa-atki áÍ-ta-pa-ar rev. 20 dumu-meÍ ia-mu-ut-ba-lim ìr-meÍ-ka i-na ma-ti-ka a-na kù-babbar la ú-pa-ˇà<>-ru-Íu-nu-ti a-nu-um-ma mu-de lú-meÍ Íu-nu-ti aˇ-ˇar-da-ak-kum Íum-ma lú-meÍ Íu-nu 98 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

aÍ-ra-nu-um it-ta-an-ma-ru ‰a-ba-as-sú-‚nu-tiŸ 25 ku-sa-aÍ-Íu-nu-ti-ma a-na qa-at wa-bi-il ˇup-pí-ia an-ni-im a-na ‰e-ri-ia Íu-re-eÍ-Íu-nu-ti i-na ma-tim ka-li-Ía lú-meÍ sà-ar-ra-ru Ía i-le-eq-qú-ú a-bi ma-an-ni-im ub-ba-al e-la-a nu-ku-úr-tam-ma i-na bi-ri-it ma-tim i-Ía-ak-‚kaŸ/-an 30 lú-meÍ Íu-nu-ti uz-zi-iz-ma a-na qa-tim la it-ta-a‰-‰ú-ú [...... ]‚x xŸ Ía-nu-tum i-Ía-[...... ] ù am-mi-nim ma-[ti-ma Íu-lum-ka a-na ‰e-ri-ia] la ta-Ía-a[p-pa-ra-a]m

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Buriya, your brother: Aya-abu, the Yamutbalum, lived as Ó⁄birum in the town Zurra. After peace was established in the country, he took command of outlaws and began to steal men from the country of Yamutbalum. He was not, however, allowed to enter Zurra, but they led them through to Kasp⁄tum in the country of Ida-Mara‰. From the town Kasp⁄tum two of the men fled. These men they have led either to the country Ida-Mara‰, or to the country of ﬁubat-Enlil, or the town of KaÓat. I have written to ﬁepallu, and to the town of KaÓat. Sons of Yamutbalum your servants must not ransom with silver in your country. Hereby I have sent to you people who know these men. If these men are seen there, seize them; restrain them, and have them led to me by the carrier of this letter. In the whole country—outlaws who steal—whom does that benefit—except he who wants to create enmity in the land? Put these men on the spot, and they must not escape [...... ] others will [...... ] and why will you never send [your greetings(?)] to me?

(4) The town Zurra is well known from the Mari texts and can be located fairly accurately from a passage in the Mari text A.3292, which lists Zurra among towns defined as Ía kur Zara, i.e., presumably Jebel Ishkaft, the eastern ranges of the Sinjar (see Joannès 1988). Zurra is also mentioned in [64] and [67], both letters where Yam‰i-°atnû complains about stolen people from KaÓat being sold as slaves in Zurra. Zurra was located in the border zone between states based north and south of the Jebel, here Apum and Andarig (cf. ARM XIV, 109, where Qarni-Lim of Andarig, en route from ﬁubat-Enlil and crossing the Sinjar, is confronted in Zunn⁄num [cf. [11], 4] by the kings of Kurd⁄ and Qaˇˇar⁄ [Rimah], who demand that he give up Zurra [ina Zurra duppirma]). (5) The abstract Ó⁄bir›tum, here with waÍ⁄bum “stay as Ó⁄birum,” is not attested previously. (6) For sarr⁄rum “outlaw” see I.1.2.3. (10f.) A town Kasp⁄tum in Ida-mara‰ is not attested previously, but since Zurra must have been located near the Jebel Sinjar, Kasp⁄tum should possibly be sought on the southern edges of the Habur Plains. It could be identical to ka-ás-pa-nim found in OBTR 248, 7' (see Groneberg 1980, 135 and p. xiv). Both these names and Kasap⁄ are formed from the root KSP “cut” and, as suggested by Durand (1991c, 86), could denote a place near a pass. (17) Judging from erased traces, this line was not re-created, but considered redundant; interestingly the traces can be read a-na GNki, quite tentatively perhaps a-na ma-ri-timki, identical to Marê- tum/Mariy⁄tum attested in texts from Mari. (28) The construction here can be compared to [45], 10f.: sarrum Ía iÓabbatu ana mannim ubbal “an outlaw who kidnaps, to whom is (that) acceptable?” THE LETTERS 99

43 [L.87-531] Buriya refers to a previous letter from Till-Abnû, in which he wrote about his settlement with °azip-TeÍÍup, who promised to release the towns or villages occupied. The details in the middle section of the text are not quite clear, but the essence seems to be a warning from Buriya that °azip-TeÍÍup is not to be trusted. The second part returns to the question raised in [42] concerning the captured men from Yamutbalum. obv. ‚a-naŸ ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-‚maŸ um-ma bu-ri-ia a-Óu-ka-a-ma ˇup-pa-ka Ía tu-Ía-bi-lam eÍ-me ki-ma IÓa-zi-ip-te-Íu-up il-li-kam-ma 5 tu-‰ú-ú-ma it-ti-Íu ta-an-na-am-ru ù aÍ-Íum uruki-Óá-ka Ía ú-ka-al-lu ta-aq-bi-Íum-ma um-ma Íu-ma i-na ta-a-ia<-ar>-ti-ia ú-wa-aÍ-Ía-ar-Íu-nu-ti Ía ta-aÍ-pu-ra-am i-na uru ma-riki a-l[i-k]a i-‚baŸ-aÍ-Íi 10 pa-an zabar Ía-ki-in a-na ‰e-er lú Íu-Óa iˇ-Ói-ma ku6 i-ri-iÍ um-ma lú-Íu-Óa-ma ‚tuŸ-ul-ta-aÍ-Ía-aÍ lú-tur-ka ˇú-u[r-da]m-ma lu-Ía-bi-la-ak-kum ma-a a-n[a...... ]‚xŸ Ía i-Í[a]-‚al-kaŸ ú-u[l (..)] ta-ad-[di-in-ma] 15 ‚ùŸ [a-na] lú-tur-ia ta-n[a-ad-di-in] [a-wa-tam an-n]i-tam IÓa-zi-ip-t[e]-Í[u-up.....] [...... ]‚xŸ-nu-ka? ù uruki-Óá-Íu Í[a-...... ] [...... ] la IZ-‚xŸ[...... ] (break) rev. ‚ùŸ ‚xŸ[...... ] ‚úŸ-ul ú-wa-aÍ-Íe-er [...... ] ‚iÍ-tuŸ ma-ti-Íu i‰-‰a-[b]i-[it...... ] ta-‚maŸ-ar-tam i-na-aÍ-Íu-Íum u[ruki-Óá] 5' ú-wa-aÍ-Ía-ar lú Íu-ú da-‰ú-um-ma i-d[a-a‰(...)] aÍ-Íum dumu-meÍ ia-mu-ut-ba-limki Ía i-na kur-i iÓ-bu-tu-Íu-nu-ti aÍ-pu-ra-ak-kum-ma a-na pa-an lú-tur-ia te-zi-iz d d en-zu be-el ia-mu-ut-ba-lim ù nè-iri11-gal 10' lugal Óu-ub-Ía-limki gi-mi-il-li lú-meÍ Íu-nu-ti ú-ta-ar iÍ-tu-ma lú-meÍ Íu-nu-ti ù lú-meÍ Óa-bi-ta-ni la ta-a‰-ba-tu Óa-na-ap lú-meÍ Íu-nu-ti e-li Óa-bi-ta-ni-Íu-nu li-il-li-ik 15' k[i-m]a Óa-al-qú-ma iÓ-ta-al-qú ‚mi-namŸ ni-pu-us-sú-nu-ti 100 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Buriya, your brother: I have heard the letter you sent me. You wrote to me that °azip-TeÍÍup came, and that you went out and met him, and that you talked to him about your towns that he holds, and that he said: On my return I will release them. He is in Mari, your town— Force was applied! He went to the fisherman and demanded fish (and) the fisherman said: “You worry (too) much; send your retainer to me, and I shall supply you”— “Why would you not give to [...... ] who asked you, but you will give to my retainer?” This [word] °azip-TeÍÍup [...... ] your [...... ] and his towns [.... break ....] (rev.) and [...... your towns(?)] he did not release [...... ] from his own land he has seized [...... ] they carry presents to him. He will release [the towns]? The man is just pretending! I wrote to you about the Yamutbalum people who were captured in the mountains, and you stood up before my retainer (swearing): “So help me Sîn, the lord of Yamut- balum, and Nergal, the king of °ubÍalum, I shall return (them)!” Since you have not seized these men and their captors, let the crime against these people rest with their captors; since they have long disappeared—what can we do to them?

(9) The reading of the GN is certain and it can be concluded that a town named Mari existed also in northeast Syria. No doubt, Mari was one of the towns that °azip-TeÍÍup had promised to evacuate, towns that should be sought on the borders of the territories of Apum and Razam⁄. Mari is attested also in two administrative texts (see Ismail 1991). For m⁄t Mari as a designation for the area around ‡⁄b2tum (Tell ‡⁄b⁄n on the Lower Habur) in Middle Assyrian times, see Maul 1991. It can be noted that our town Mari cannot be identified with Tell Bederi, since this site apparently was not occupied in the Middle Bronze Age. (10) The expression p⁄n siparrim Íakin is otherwise unknown to me; in view of the context and the subsequent demands for tribute, one expects it to denote a menacing attitude “the front (edge?) of the bronze (i.e., object like dagger or similar) he/was applied/wielded!” but the precise connotations are not clear. (11) The passage at the end of the line is difficult. The verb must be aÍ⁄Íum and the transliteration assumes a ﬁt-form “become (very) worried” (CAD A/2, 424). An alternative reading could be ma-‚liŸ <ú->ul ta<-na>-aÍ-Ía-aÍ. In any case, the sense seems clearly to be “don’t worry!” (14ff.) The placing of the surface fragment on the lower obverse (containing parts of ll. 14–18) as shown in the copy is basically correct, but the surfaces of the main tablet and fragment do not allow a precise join and so it is possible that the fragment should be moved slightly in either direction. (5') For an exact parallel of dâ‰um in paranomastic construction, see ARMT XXVI/2, 491, 36. (9'f.) For Nergal/Amum of °ubÍalum, see Charpin and Durand 1985, 333; also Durand, ARMT XXVI/1, p. 419 h), and p. 554 n. 95. Sîn b¤l Yamutbalim: this connection between the moon- god and Yamutbal(um) is found also in the seal legend of °imdiya (Appendix 2, no. 1), but not specifically attested elsewhere. (13') For Óanpum, see CAD °, 81, and AHw, 320a. The only example is the Amarna letter EA 288, 8: Óa-an-pa Ía iÓ-nu-pu, a passage most recently translated “C’est donc impie ce qu’ils m’ont fait” (Moran 1987, p. 515). The sense here may be that any compensation to the families of the kidnapped people is now lost. THE LETTERS 101

44 [L.87-782a] Buriya has twice written about arresting the “robbers” who had captured people from Yamutbalum and sold them for silver, but Till-Abnû has taken no action. Buriya now sends a certain Il‹-EÍuÓ who was captured together with his brothers and Till-Abnû should prove his innocence in these dealings by securing the release of Il‹-EÍuÓ’s brother, who is now in the house of Tak2, and by the extradition of the robbers. obv. [a-n]a ti-la-ab-nu-ú [q]í-bí-ma [u]m-ma bu-ri-ia a-Óu-ka-a-ma aÍ-Íum lú-meÍ mu-Óa-ab-bi-ti sà-na-qí-im 51-Íu 2-Íu aÍ-pu-ra-ak-kum-ma ‚lú-meÍŸ Íu-nu-ti ú-ul ta-‰a-ab-ba-a[t] [an-n]a-a Ía dumu-meÍ ia-mu-ut-ba-lim ú-Óa-ab-ba-tu-ma aÍ-ra-nu-um a-na kù-babbar it-ta-na-ad-di-nu 10 i-na-an-na I‚ì-lí-e-Íu-uÓŸ wa-‚bi-il ˇup-pí-iaŸ an-ni-i-im qa-du-um lú-m[eÍ aÓ-Ói-Íu] lo.e. ‚iÓ-bu-tu-ÍuŸ-m[a] a-na lú ‚dam-gàr aŸ-n[a kù-babbar] rev. 15 it-ta-ad-n[u-...... ] a-nu-um-ma aD ‚xŸ[...... ] lú dam-gàr l[i?-...... ] lú ‚dam-gàrŸ [...... ] lú Óa-bi-ta-‚an-ÍuŸ[...... ] 20 a-na ‰e-ri-‚iaŸ Íu-r[e-eÍ-Íu-nu-ti] ù a-Óu-Íu Ía it-ti-Í[u iÓ-bu-tu] i-na é ta-ke-e i-ba-aÍ-Íi a-Óa-Íu wu-uÍ-Íe-ra-am ú-la-Íu-ma lú-meÍ sà-ar-ra-ru Íu-[n]u 25 i-na qa-bi-ka-ma it-ta-na-al-la-ku Íu-up-ra-am-ma lu i-di

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Buriya, your brother: I have written to you both once and twice about searching for the people who are kidnappers, but you do not seize these people. Now (still) there are people who kidnap citizens of Yamutbalum and sell them there for silver. Now Il‹-EÍuÓ, the bearer of this letter of mine, together with his brothers, they caught and sold for silver [...... ]. Hereby you(?) must [...... ] the buyer [...... ] the buyer [...... ] his captor [...... ] have them led to me, and a brother (of) his, who was stolen with him, is in the house of Tak2. Release his brother! If, on the other hand, these outlaws are roaming on your own instruction, then write to me that I may know this! 102 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

45 [L.87-1285] Buriya has previously sent Kabi-Larim and Uqadam to complain about Aya-abu, who captured 8 men in the mountains (the Jebel Sinjar). He has now heard that Aya-abu is in Apum; he expects Till-Abnû to arrest him, and now sends retainers to fetch him. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma bu-ri-ia a-Óu-ka-a-ma aÍ-Íum a-ia-a-bi-im Ía i-na pa-ni-tim 5 8 lú-meÍ i-na kur-i iÓ-bu-tu Ika-bi-la-ri-im ù ú-qa-dam aÍ-Íum lú Ía-a-tu a-na ‰e-er a-[Ói-i]a aˇ-ru-dam i-na-an-na ki-m[a] lú Íu-ú aÍ-ra!-nu-um wa-aÍ-bu a-wa-as-sú 10 ‚ikŸ-Íu-dam sà-ar-rum Ía i-Óa-ab-ba-tu ‚a-naŸ ma-an-nim ub-ba-al ki-[...... ] [x x]‚xŸ ID ‚x xŸ[...... ] (break) rev. [an]-‚na-nu-um aŸ-[...... ] a-nu-um-ma lú-tur-meÍ-i[a] aˇ-ˇar-dam lú Íu-ú i-na qa-tim la u‰-‰í 5' a-Ói li-i‰-ba-as<>-sú ‚li-ikŸ-sa-a[s-sú]-ma a-na qa-at lú-tur-[m]eÍ-ia a-Ói [l]i-Ía-re-eÍ-Íu

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Buriya, your brother: Concerning Aya-abum, who previously stole eight people in the mountains: I sent Kabi-Larim and Uqadam to my brother about this man; now word has reached me that this man is staying there. An outlaw who kidnaps—to whom does he bring (any good) [.... break ....] (rev. 2') Here [...... ] hereby I have sent my retainers; this man must not escape—my brother should arrest him, fetter him, and my brother should turn him over to my retainers.

(9) The second sign in this line is written over an erasure. (10f.) Cf. [42], 27ff. THE LETTERS 103

46 [L.87-502] Buriya has heard that Till-Abnû met with AÍtamar-Adad, and he hopes they will reach a mutual agreement. He suggests a more regular exchange of news with Till-Abnû. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma bu-ri-ia a-Óu-ka-a-ma ki-ma ‚itŸ-ti IaÍ-t[a-m]ar-dim 5 ta-an-ta-am-ma-ru l[ú-tur]-ka i-na pí-im-ma iq-bé-‚e-emŸ dingir-lum te-eÍ-me-e lo.e. i-na bi-ri-ku-nu li-iÍ-ku-un rev. 10 ˇe4-em ta-an-na-ma-ra 1 ìr-ka ta-ak-lam Ía a-wa-ti-ka Íi-te-em-mu-ú a-na ‰e-ri-ia wu-e-ra-am-‚maŸ iÍ-tu an-na-nu-um ˇe4-ma-am ga-a[m]-ra-am 15 lu-wa-e-ra-ak-kum

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Buriya, your brother: Your retainer told me himself that you have meetings with AÍtamar-Adad. May the god place friendly agreement between you. Whenever you have news, send it to me with a trusted servant of yours who regularly hears your words, and from here I will send you a full briefing.

(7 ) For teÍmûm (“Erhörung” see AHw, 1352b), cf. ARMT XXVII 25, 7f.: dingir Ía be-lí-ia te-eÍ-me- em a-na Óa-al-[‰í-im], Ía-a-ti iÍ-ku-un “the god of my lord has created obedience in this district.”

47 [L.87-747] Buriya sends Sîn-muballiˇ, who has a legal case to be settled. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma bu-ri-ia a-Óu-ka-a-ma a-nu-um-ma Iden-zu-mu-ba-al-li-iˇ 5[a]ˇ-ˇar-dam rev. di-nam aÍ-ra-nu-um i-Íu a-wa-as-sú Íi-me-ma di-in-Íu Íu-Íe-er

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Buriya, your brother: Hereby I have sent Sîn-muballiˇ to you. He has a lawsuit there. Listen to his explanation and sort out his case. 104 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

48 [L.87-554] (fragmentary tablet) Buriya relates that he sent Kabi-Larim to AplaÓanda on business concerned with horses, but somehow Yak›n-AÍar has caused problems in this matter. On the reverse, Buriya apparently reports on enemy activities directed at Till-Abnû. obv. [a-na ti-l]a-ab-nu-[ú] [qí-b]í-‚maŸ [um-ma] ‚buŸ-ri-ia [a-Óu]-‚kaŸ-a-ma 5[Ika]-bi-la-ri-im aÍ-Íum ‚anÍeŸ-kur-ra [a-na] ‰e-er Iap-la-Óa-[an-da] [a]ˇ-ru-us-[sú] ‚ùŸ ia-ku-un-a-Íar ir-tam-m[a] ‚aŸ-na Íu-uÍ-ˇú-ri-im p[a-ri-ik] 10 [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] (break) rev. [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] i-ti-[i]q ‚ùŸ ma-Óa-a[r a-Ói-ka(?)] ma-ga-al-ma ta-da-ab-b[a-ab] i-na-an-na ki-it-ti-Íu ‚x xŸ[....] 5' [ú-b]i-il nu-ku-úr-tum [a-na ‰a?-b]i-ka ú-‰e-em [i-na-an-n]a dumu-meÍ Íi-ip-ri-[i]a [...... ]a-na ‰[e-...... ] u.e. [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] (break)

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Buriya, your brother: I sent Kabi-Larim to AplaÓanda about (the) horses, but Yak›n-AÍar refused to have (the matter furthered) in writing [.... break ....] (rev. 2') he went to [.....], and you should complain much before [your brother(?)]. Now reliable news of him [PN?] brought. Enmity has started [for your troops(?)]. Now my envoys [...... ] to [...... (I have sent) .... break ....]

(8f.) Collation confirms that the traces at the end of line 9 are not the sign IR, so that a reconstruction ni-de a-[Ói-im] ...+ raÍûm is excluded. Instead, we seem to have the stronger expression irtam par⁄kum “refuse, prevent,” for which compare the Old Assyrian example Íumma aÍÍumi kasap PN mamman irtuÍu iparrik (TCL 19, 62:38, cited CAD I, p. 185 s.v. irtum 1.3'.a'). (2') If Yak›n-AÍar is still involved in the discussion, the letter may report the beginning of a “civil war” that ultimately brought Yak›n-AÍar to the throne—but, of course, this remains pure speculation. THE LETTERS 105

49 [L.87-699] (not copied; upper part of tablet) Only the address is preserved. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-[nu-ú] qí-bí-ma [um-ma] bu-ri-ia a-Óu-ka-a-[ma] [...... ]-ma Íu-lum-ka [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] (break)

Say to Till-Abnû: thus (says) Buriya, your brother: [...... ] and your greetings [.... break ....]

50 [L.87-716+720] (not copied; fragment from tablet of similar type as letters from Buriya; from surface of lower right corner of rev. with remains of 5 lines) This piece does not join any of the preserved texts. rev. [x x]‚x xŸ[...... ] [a-n]a ma-aÓ-ri-k[a...... ] [x]‚xŸ ka-l[a x x x]‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚x xŸ i-di-i[n-ma] 5' [...... a-na ‰]e-ri-ia li-iˇ-ru-d[am]

4. °alu-rabi A. As “neutral” 51 [L.87-831] (not copied) °alu-rabi sends three men to Till-Abnû and requests that they return to meet him in ‡ab⁄tum. obv. [a-n]a ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma [um-ma] Óa-lu-r[a-b]i-‚maŸ [a-nu-um-ma] ka-ni-sa-an [si-il-l]a-bi-im ù a-Óu-Íu 5[Óu-bi]-dam ‚x xŸ [...... ]‚x xŸ (break) rev. [...... ]‚ka-ni-saŸ-[an] [si]-il-la-bi-i[m] 106 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

‚ùŸ IÓu-bi-dam ‚aŸ-na ‚uruŸ ˇà-ba-timki 5' ‚aŸ-na pa-ni-ia li-ik-Í[u-du-nim] (u.e. vacant; l.e. broken)

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) °alu-rabi: [Hereby (I have sent to you)] Kanis⁄n, Sillabim and his brother °ubidam [.... break ....] (rev.) let Kanis⁄n, Sillabim, and °ubidam come to ‡ab⁄tum to (meet) me.

The administrative text [L.87-702] (dated 18 x Amer-IÍtar) lists issues of garments for si-il-la-bi and Óu-bi-dam in›ma ana nanmurim illik›nim, and provides a likely approximate date for this letter. (4') For ‡ab⁄tum, identical to Tell ‡⁄b⁄n on the lower Habur, see Ohnumo and Numoto 2001.

52 [L.87-612] °alu-rabi sends his servant Abi-EraÓ to Till-Abnû; he also sends a carpenter to make wooden implements. obv. [a-n]a til-la-ab-nu-[ú] qí-bí-m[a] um-ma Óa-lu-ra-bi-[ma] ‚ˇupŸ-pa-ka Ía tu-Ía-bi-lam [eÍ-me] 5[a-n]u-um-ma Ia-bi-e-ra-aÓ ìr-di [x x x x] ú-wa-e-ra-am-ma lo.e. [aˇ-ˇar-da-ak-k]um (break) rev. (2 lines with traces) [Í]a-ni-tam a-nu-um<>-ma 5' [I]i-din-digi.kur lú-nagar aˇ-ˇar-d[am] 20 giÍma-‚x-x-KI-Óá xŸ u.e. ‚liŸ-ki-ì[s-m]a érin-[m]eÍ-k[a?] [l]i-di-‚nuŸ-Íu-nu-t[i]

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) °alu-rabi: [I have heard] the letter you sent me. Hereby I have instructed my servant Abi-EraÓ [...... ] and sent him to you [.... 6 lines broken ....] (rev. 3') Another matter: Hereby I have sent off Iddin-Hubur, the carpenter; let him cut 20 [wooden implements] and have them issued to (your?) soldiers. THE LETTERS 107

53 [L.87-749a] (not copied; upper part of tablet) Only the address is preserved. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-b[í-ma] um-ma Óa-lu-ra<>-bi [...... aÍ-t]a-mar-dim ma ni [...] (break) (u.e. and left vacant)

B. As aÓum 54 [L.87-227] °alu-rabi is going to °alab to meet the king and suggests that Till-Abnû, who is not coming, send representatives to arrange for a treaty with the king. obv. ‚aŸ-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-‚bíŸ-ma um-ma Óa-lu-ra-bi a-Óu-ka-a-ma ˇup-pa-ka Ía tu-Ía-bi-lam eÍ-[me] a[Í-Íum l]a a-la-ki-ka a-na uru Óa-la-abki 5 Ía ta-a[Í-p]u-ra-am iÍ-tu a-na [ur]u Óa-la-a[bki] at-ta la ta-al-la-k[u-ma] it-ti lugal la ta-an-na-am-ma-ru 1 ìr-ka tak-lam lo.e.10 pa-an erín-meÍ bé-eÓ-ri-ka li-i‰-ba-ta-am-ma it-ti-ia a-na uru Óa-la-abki rev. li-il-li<>-ik ‚ù iŸ-na uru Ó[a-l]a-abki 15 aÍ-‚Íu-mìŸ-ka luga[l n]a-pí-iÍ7-t[a-Íu] [l]i-il<<-pu>>-p[u-ut] ‚ùŸ ìr-ka li-mu-u[r-Íu-ma] [Í]a aÍ-Íu-mì-ka lu[gal na-pí-iÍ7-ta-Íu] ‚ilŸ-pu-tu li-te-er-‚ra-ak-kum-maŸ 20 ‚liŸ-ib-ba-ka li-nu-uÓ ù i-nu-ma iÍ-tu uru Óa-la-abki ak-ta-áÍ-dam al-kam-ma u.e. [i]t-ti-ia na-an-me-er ù ˇe4-em lugal lu-ud-bu-ba-/ak-kum 108 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) °alu-rabi, your brother: I have heard the letter you sent me. Concerning your decision not to go to °alab, that you wrote to me about: since you will not go to °alab, and you will not meet with the king, let (one of) your trusted servants take charge of your guard and go with me to °alab; and in °alab let the king “touch” his throat for you, and let your servant observe him, and convey to you (about) what the king has “touched [his throat”] for you, and you will be reassured; and when I have returned from °alab, you must come and have a meeting with me, and I will explain to you the king’s intention(s).

(15) For napiÍtam lap⁄tum “touch the throat” as part of treaty ceremonies conducted “long-distance” (as opposed to those conducted at royal summits), see references in Charpin 1990c, and the discussion in II.1.2.2.

55 [L.87-1398] Letter sent later than [54]. °alu-rabi has met the king in °alab and reached complete agreement. obv. a-na til-la-ab-nu-[ú] qí-bí-m[a] um-ma Óa-lu-ra-bi a-Óu-ka-a-ma [Í]a-al-ma-k[u i]t-ti lugal an-na-me-er 5 pa-nu lugal pa-nu-ia li-ib-ba-ka li-iÓ-du a-na-ku ma-Óa-ar lugal lo.e. [k]i-ma pa-ag-ri-ka [ˇe4-e]m-ka ‰a-ab-ta-ku [a-na n]a-wi-im a-aÓ-ka rev. 10 [la ta-n]a-ad-di [Íu-lum-k]a ù ˇe4-em-ka [a-na ‰e]-ri-ia [lu(-ú) ka]-‚a-ia-anŸ

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) °alu-rabi, your brother: I am well. I met with the king; the opinion of the king is my opinion (as well). Let your heart be happy! I handled your affairs before the king as you would have yourself. Do not be negligent about the nawûm. May your [greetings] and news to me be regular.

(9) °alu-rabi’s advice about the nawûm, the transhumant herds, indicates that the two kingdoms shared pastureland. THE LETTERS 109

56 [L.87-832] (body of a long letter, unfortunately badly preserved; on reverse (not copied) only scattered traces survive) °alu-rabi complains that Buriya slanders him to Hammurabi, saying that he has made a treaty with an enemy town, something that apparently refers to an agreement between °alu-rabi and Apum. obv. [a-na] ti-[l]a-[ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma] [um-ma Ó]a-lu-ra-[bi] ‚aŸ-Óu-ka-a-m[a] [...... a-w]a-tum Ía ‚idŸ-b[u-bu]-nim-ma ù ‚xŸ[...... ] [x x x x ]‚ÍaŸ pa-na-nu-u[m i]-nu-ma i[t]-ti-ku-nu la [...... ] 5[...... ú?]-ul [i]-ta-na-ap-p[a-...... ] [...... -n]i-ku-nu-‚tiŸ iÍ-tu Ía a-n[a x]‚xŸ[...... ] [ni-iÍ dingir-lim á]z-ku-ru ù ‚anÍeŸ Óa-a-ra-am am-Ó[a-‰ú] I[b]u-r[i-ia] kar-‰í-ia a-[n]a ‚Óa-am-mu-raŸ-b[i i-ka-al] um-ma Íu-[ú-m]a IÓa-lu-[ra-b]i it-ti ‚uru-k[i (GN)] 10 na-ak-r[i-tim] ìs-[li-im n]i-iÍ dingir-lim ìz-ku-u[r!-ma] [ù]‚anÍe!?Ÿ Óa-‚a-raŸ-am i[m-Ó]a-‚a‰Ÿ an-ni-tam ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ]-‚xŸ-Íi im-‚Óu?Ÿ-ru ù a-wa-tu[m an-ni-tum] [...... ]‚xŸ-ra-nim am-Ía-li érin-meÍ [...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ-dim ìr-di [x x] li-ip-ˇ[ú-...... ] 15 [...... ]-bi-im aˇ-ru-ud [...... ] [(....) um-ma a?-n]a?-ku-ma ba-lum [...... ] lo.e. [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] (break)

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) °alu-rabi, your brother: [..... the wo]rd that they told me, and [...... ] as previously when [I(?) did] not [...... ] with you, did [they?] not answer [me(?), and ...... to] you. (6) Since I swore an oath to [you(?)] and slaughtered the donkey, Buriya slanders me to Hammurabi as follows: “°alu-rabi has [made peace] with an enemy town; he has sworn an oath and slaughtered the donkey.” This [.... 12ff. too broken for translation ....]

(7) The slaughter of a donkey is a well-attested procedure in treaty ceremonies; see the references and discussion in Charpin 1990c, p. 116f. with n. 35; and this volume II.1.2.1 In Mari the verb used is usually qaˇ⁄lum, but another instance in which maÓ⁄‰um is employed is found in OBT IV 326, 35 (see Kraus 1984, 91).

5. °azi[p-TeÍÍup(?)] 57 [L.87-561] The sender has investigated the case of a certain Inka-[...... ], and found no guilt. He also invites Till-Abnû to his festival for Adad. obv. a-na ‚tiŸ-la-a[b-nu-ú] 110 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

qí-bí-[ma] [u]m-ma Óa-zi-i[p-te-Íu-up(?)] a-Óu-ka-a-[ma] 5 aÍŸ-Íum Iin-ka-[...... ] a-na qa-ti-ia t[a-ap-qí-dam] ak-ka-Íum a[‰-ba-as-sú] lo.e. i-na-an-na l[ú Íu-ú] ar-na-am mi-i[m-ma] rev. 10 ú-ul i-[Íu-ú] a-ra-an-Íu p[u-us-si-is] Ía-ni-tam i-si-i[n-nam] Ía dim Ía n[a-pí-iÍ-ta-ka] i-na-a‰-‰a-ru [ep-pé-eÍ] 15 al-kam-ma [u4-1-kam] u.e. i ni-iÓ-[du]

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) °azi[p-TeÍÍup(?)], your brother: Since you entrusted to me (the case of) Inka-[...... ], I seized him on your behalf. Now this man has no guilt, and you should [annul] his charge. Another matter: [I shall celebrate] the festival of Adad, who protects your [life], come here, and let us celebrate [one day]!

(5) Perhaps a PN similar to that of the official Inganum in these texts, but hardly the same individual. (11) Alternatively one could reconstruct [pussus] “is annulled.” For another example of this verb, see [83], 12f. (15f.) Cf. [39], 6f.

6. Ila-°atnû 58 [L.87-436] The sender, who apparently was an ally of Buriya during past hostilities, defends himself against accusations that his men seized men from Apum in peacetime. They were captured during the hostilities by soldiers “as is the right of soldiers.” obv. ‚a-naŸ ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma i-la-‚ÓaŸ-at-nu-ú a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 aÍ-Íum lú-meÍ a-pa-a-yi‚kiŸ i-na pa-ni-tim-ma a-Ói a-na ‰e-ri-ia iÍ-pu-ra-am lú-meÍ le-qé-Íu-nu ú-sa-an-ni-iq-ma ‚kiŸ-[a-a]m [i]q-bu-ú um-[m]a-a-mi ‚i-naŸ [nu-ku-ú]r-[tim] ni-il-qé-Íu-nu-ti THE LETTERS 111

10 ù a-na lú-t[ur a-Ó]i-ia ki-a-am eq-bi um-ma a-na-k[u-ma x]‚x xŸ ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ Íu-u[z4-ku-ur-Íu]-‚nu-tiŸ lú-meÍ ‚ìr-meÍ ma-laŸ i[l-l]e-qú-‚ú i-naŸ sa-li-ma-tim [ú-ul] ‚il-qúŸ-ú 15 [a]n-ni-[tam] a-na lú-[tur] a-Ói-ia aq-bi ‚úŸ Í[um]-ma-an lú-meÍ Íu-nu [an-na-nu-um] i-ba-aÍ-Íu-ú lo.e. [...... ]‚xŸ-ma ‚a-na ‰e-er aŸ-Ói-ia 20 ú-la-ma-an ú-Ía-re-Íu-/nu-ti lú aga-ús ki-ma lú aga-‚úsŸ-ti-Íu rev. il-qé-ma aÍ-ra-n[u-u]m-ma uÍ-te-‰ú-Íu-nu-ti ? iÍ-tu a-na ‚u4 -miŸ-Íu a-Ó[i] ú-ul i-tu-ra-am-ma [ù] ‚a-naŸ [‰]e-r[i-ia] ú-ul i[Í-p]u-ra-am 25 [ù i-na-an-na] a-Ói aÍ-Íum di-n[i]-Íu [a-na ‰e-ri]-ia iÍ-pu-ra-am-ma [...... ] ù aÍ-Íum Ía-a-‚tiŸ [...... ]‚x x x xŸ[x x] [...... ]‚aŸ-Ói Ía-Óa-ra-am i‰-sa-b[a-a]t 30 ‚ùŸ a-[na mi-n]im ma-ti-ma la eÍ15-[me-m]a [a]-Ói i-‚te-péŸ-eÍ ni-it i-‚xŸ[x x-n]i-ma-a a-Ói Ía-Óa-ra-am i‰-‰a-ba-[at] i-nu-ma ‰a-bu-um i-na ka-ra-Íi-[im uÍ-b]u ‰a-bi it-ti ‰a-bi-im Ía a-Ó[i-ia bu-ri-i]a<<-x>> 35 ú-Íi-ib ù it-ti ‰[a-b]i-im Ía b[u]-ri-ia-ma lú-meÍ Íu-nu-ti il-[q]ú-ú i-na-an-n[a] Íum-ma a-Ói bu-ri-ia iq-b[é-ek-kum] um-ma-a-mi lú-me[Í Íu-nu i-na] nu-ku-úr-tim ú-ul le-qú-ú i-na sa-li-ma-tim-ma u.e.40 le-qú-ú a-na a-nu-um-‚miŸ-tim a-Ói li-id-bu-ub ni-nu i-na ˇú-‚biŸ-ni-i a-Ía-ri-iÍ ni-il-li-ik l.e. da-an-nu-um ‚xŸ[...... -n]é-ti ù a-Ói ‚ú?Ÿ-[...... ] 45 i-na-an-na a-nu-[um-ma lú-tur-r]i ù lú-tur Í[a a-Ói-i]a a-na ‰e-er a-Ói-ia aˇ-[ˇar-dam (...... )] lú Ía [...... ]

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Ila-°atnû, your brother: Concerning the men from Apum my brother previously wrote to me. I interrogated the men who caught them, and they said as follows: “It was in [war] we caught them!,” and I said to my [brother’s] retainer as follows: “Let them [.... swear] an oath; the men (now) slaves—all who were caught—they did [not] catch them in peacetime.” This is what I said to my brother’s retainer, and (even) if these men had been [here ...... ], I 112 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

would not have had them led to my brother. A soldier caught them as is the right of soldiers, and they have disposed of them there. Since to date my brother has not again written to me, [but now] has written to me about his claim, and [...... ] because of this [...... ] my brother has started harassing me, and [why] did I never hear of it? My brother has done ...... my brother has started harassing me. When the troops were on campaign, my troops stayed with the troops of my brother Buriya, and it was with the troops of Buriya that they caught these men. Now if my brother Buriya has said [to you]: “These men were not caught in war, (it was) in peacetime they were caught!,” (then) my brother should complain according to this (fact). (For) did we go there of our own accord? A strong[(er) pressed?] us, and my brother [...... ]. Now hereby I have [sent] my [retainer] and the retainer [of my brother] to my brother [...... ] the man [...... ].

(29, 32) The expression ÍaÓ⁄ram/ÍaÓarram ‰ab⁄tum is not listed in the dictionaries and is otherwise unknown to me. The context seems to imply that Till-Abnû has “seized” something like a “complaint,” a “claim,” or perhaps simply “anger.” ÍaÓ⁄ram could be the verb Ía’⁄rum “be victorious/vanquish” as probably in [64], 22, where the meaning seems more specifically to be “apprehend” (about people). According to Durand (1994, 22), however, there is a verb ÍaÓ⁄rum “traquer, rechercher de façon hostile” attested at Mari, and this could be the idea here. The precise reconstruction of the whole passage lines 26–32 is not clear to me, but the general drift of the text is hardly in doubt. (33) For kar⁄Íum “fieldcamp,” cf. ad [11]; the translation, however, assumes that in this instance, as perhaps in [140] and [170], the word was used in the broader sense about “active service.” (40) For anummitim “this one” (gen.), cf. ad [8], 12. (42) The implication is that Ila-°atnû was forced to support Buriya.

7. Yak›n-AÍar 59 [L.87-674] Yak›n-AÍar complains that Till-Abnû does not provide the ransom for the Óayy⁄tum who are released to him. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma ia-ku-un-a-Íar a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 i-na pa-ni-tim aÍ-Íum Óa-a-ia-tim lo.e. wu-úÍ-Íu-ri-im ta-aÍ-pur-am rev. a-na-ku Óa-a-ia-at-ka 10 Ía i-na qa-ti-ia ‚ibŸ-ba-Íu-ú ú-ta-aÍ-Íe-er iÍ-tu ‚a-naŸ-ku ú-wa-aÍ-Íe-ru ‚na-ˇú? kiŸ-ma at-ta THE LETTERS 113

kù-babbar ip-ˇe4-ri 15 tu-uÍ-ta-re-e[m] iÍ-tu a-na-ku-ú u.e. Óa-a-ia-at-ka ú-ta-aÍ-Íe-ru ù la wa-ta-ar 20 at-ta l.e. kù-babbar [i]p-ˇe4-ri-im te-er-ˇú-up na-da-nam a-na-ku an-na-nu-um ù at-ta a-nu-um-ma-nu-um wu-úÍ-Íe-er

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yak›n-AÍar, your brother: Previously you wrote to me about releasing the hayy⁄tum. I have released your hayy⁄tum who came within my grasp. Since I released them, it is proper that you should have sent me the silver for ransom. Since I released your hayy⁄tum—you must finally start giving the silver for ransom. I here as well as you there must release!

(6) For the Óayy⁄tum, see ad [33], 4. (13) The reconstruction is uncertain despite repeated collation. (19ff.) For a similar construction with l⁄ watar and raˇ⁄pum, cf. ARMT XXVI/2, 346, 9ff.: l⁄ watar r¤’êm dannam nirtaÍi u l⁄ watar nirˇup bit⁄t‹ya ep¤Íam “Vraiment, nous avons un pasteur fort! Et vraiment, nous avons pu commencer à créer nos maisonnées!” In these and other examples with l⁄ watar the precise sense is “finally” (lit. enough/no more = “the situation is clarified”); thus: “Finally we have a strong shepherd, and finally we can begin to pursue our private business!” (cf. also, e.g., ARMT XIII, 145, 13f. [DEPM I, no. 338], where the sense is: “You have finally shown your true face”; similarly in A.2995+, 12 [publ. in Ghouti 1992 = DEPM I, no. 310]: l⁄ watar ⁄mur k‹ma etc. “Now I am convinced that …”).

60 [L.87-784] Yak›n-AÍar sends °ubizzam, who has been cheated of the silver he used to ransom a certain Tarin- nam from the Óabb⁄tum. obv. a-na ti-‚laŸ-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-‚maŸ um-ma ia-ku-un-a-Íar a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 IÓu-bi-iz-za-am lú-túg til-Ía-an-nimki wa-bi-il ˇup-pí-ia an-ni-im Ita-ri-in-nam lo.e. lú a-la-ma-aki 10 a-na 13 gín kù-babbar it-ti lú-meÍ Óa-ab-ba-ti[m] 114 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN rev. ip-ˇú-ur-Íu-ma síg-ZU-uÍ-tam ù na-aÓ-la-ap-tam ú-la-ab-bi-is-sú-ma 15 ú-‚taŸ-aÍ-Íe-er-Íu ù a-wa-tam ma-Óa-ar lú Í[u-g]i-meÍ ki-a-am ú-ra-ak-ki-is-sú ma-aÍ-ka-ni tu-Ía-al-lam-ma 13 gín kù-babbar-pí tu-ta-ar-ra-/am-ma u.e.20 tu-u‰-‰í an-ni-tam ú-ra-ak-ki-is-‚séŸ-em-ma ú-‚taŸ-aÍ-Íe-‚erŸ-Íu i-‚na-anŸ-na ud-dap-pí-ir l.e. a-nu-um-ma Óu-ba-az-za-am 25 aˇ-ˇar-da-ak-<>kum i-Ía-ri-iÍ li-pu-lu-Íu

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yak›n-AÍar, your brother: °ubizzam, a weaver from Til-Íannim (and) the bearer of this letter of mine, ransomed Tarinnam of Alam⁄ from the Óabb⁄tum for 13 shekels of silver, and he dressed him in garments and a naÓlaptum-coat, and then released him. And he pledged him before the elders thus: “You shall do my threshing and return my 13 shekels of silver, and you can go (free). This he pledged me and I released him. Now this man has absented himself!” Hereby I have sent °ubizzam to you. Let them satisfy his claim justly.

(6) For Til-Íannim, see I.1.2.4. The first sign in this GN is here unequivocally BE as suspected by Talon (1997, 5), who cautiously read BEÍannum, rejecting Gadd’s analysis Til-Ía-annim “Mound of the yes (answer to divination inquiry).” A better suggestion could be “Tell of the bowl” (cf. AHw, 1164: Íannum “ein Metallkessel oder Schale”); compare Till-Abnim “Tell of the stone(s).” Perhaps the sign read túg belonged with the GN, but I know of no town KuÍÍannim and a lú-túg makes excellent sense in view of lines 13f. (9) Alam⁄ is probably mentioned in a similar context in [62], 9. (13f.) ZU is probably a mistake for BA in síg-ba-uÍ-tam =lubuÍtam. (18) maÍk⁄nam Íullumum lit. “complete the threshing floor”; cf. OBTR 163, 10ff.: maÍk⁄nam kalaÍu, ina zarîm, nuÍtallim” (in two days) we finished winnowing the whole threshing floor.”

61 [L.87-1332a] This letter is too fragmentary to yield coherent sense, but it seems to concern affairs similar to those in [59]–[60]. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-b[í]-ma um-m[a ia]-ku-un-a-‚ÍarŸ [a-Óu-ka]-a-ma THE LETTERS 115

5[...... ˇ]e4-mu-um an-nu-um [...... -k]a ta-a‰-ba-tu [...... i-n]a bi-ri-ni5 [...... ]-te-li lo.e. [...... i-Í]a-ri-/iÍ 10 [...... ]‚xŸ rev. [...... -r]a-am [...... ]-ne [...... a-n]a-ku ki-na-tim [...... ]‚aŸ-ta-na-ap-/[p]a-al 15 [...... ]‚i-na-an-na?Ÿ-ma [...... -i]m? te-ep-pé-eÍ [...... -b]i-il [...... Í]i-ip-ri u.e. [lú Í]u-ú [...... ]-/Íu 20 [a-n]a kù-babbar-Íu Ía iÍ-qú-lu l.e. [x]‚xŸ ID ‚xŸ[...... ] (break; ca. 1 line lost)

The first part apparently contains reproaches against Till-Abnû for straining mutual relations: l. 7 “between us”; l. 9 “justly”; ll. 13f. “I(?) (in) faithful terms [...... ] always give satisfaction”; ll. 15f.: “Now(?) [...... ] you do [...... ].” The last part seems to refer to a legal case.

8. Yam‰i-°atnû (of KaÓat) 62 [L.87-226] Yam‰i-°atnû sends a man who wants to claim a woman and a boy he ransomed from the Óabb⁄tum, but who have now run away. obv. a-na ti-la-a[b-nu-ú] qí-bí-[ma] ‚umŸ-ma ia-am-‰[í-Óa-at-nu-ú] a-Óu-ka-‚aŸ-[ma] 5lú wa-bi-il ‚ˇupŸ-pí-ia a[n-ni-im] 1 gemé ù 1 lú-tur it-‚tiŸ Óa-ab-ba-ti ‚a-naŸ 17 gín kù-babbar i-Ía-am-Íu-nu-ti lo.e. [i-na]-an-na gemé [qa-d]u-um lú-tur rev. 10 [i]n-na-bi-tu-ma i-na uru a-la-‚ma!Ÿ-aki wa-aÍ<>-ba [q]í-bí-ma gemé-sú ù lú-tur-‚ÍuŸ li-wa-aÍ-Íe-ru-‚nimŸ 15 la ‚iŸ-ka-al-l[u-Íu-nu-ti] 116 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-[°atnû], your brother: The bearer of [this] letter of mine bought a female slave and a boy from the Óabb⁄tum for 17 shekels of silver. Now the female slave has run away with the boy, and they are staying in the town Alam⁄. Give orders that his female slave and his boy should be released (to him). Let [them] not be detained.

(11) For Alam⁄, see ad [60], 9. Collation confirms that the damaged sign MA has a small Winkel- haken at the center right as if a DA. Instead of creating yet another new GN, however, it seems better to assume a fortuitous scratch or erasure. (12) The erased sign BU shows that the scribe hesitated between 3rd pers. pl. masc. (waÍb›) and the dual waÍb⁄.

63 [L.87-390] Both Buriya and Till-Abnû claim a certain Yas‹tna-abu, and in order to avoid problems Yam‰i- °atnû thinks it better to keep the man himself! obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma ia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 aÍ-Íum Iia-sí-it-na-a-bu ta-aÍ-pu-ra-am um-ma at-ta-ma lú Íu-ú ú-um-Ía-ar-Ói ù Íu-re-eÍ-Íu an-ni-tam ta-aÍ-pu-ra-am lo.e.10 lú Ía-a-tu at-ta-ma ta-qí-Ía-aÍ-Íu um-ma at-ta-ma rev. lú Íu-ú lu qí-iÍ-ta-ka ù i-na-an-na am-mi-nim 15 te-er-ri-ìs-sú ù aÍ-Íum lú Ía-a-tu Ibu-ri-ia iÍ-ta-na-ap-pa-ra-/am um-ma lú Íu-ú ìr i-na-an-na ak-la-Íum 20 ú-wa-aÍ-Ía-ra-ak-kum-ma Ibu-ri-ia i-na-az-zi-iq u.e. a-na bu-‚riŸ-ia ú-wa-aÍ-Ía-ar-Íu-ma at-ta ta-na-az-zi-iq l.e. 25 [a]Í-Íum ki-la-al-lu-ku-nu la ta-na-az-zi-qà lú Íu-ú it-ti-ia li-ib-ba-Íi THE LETTERS 117

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: You wrote to me as follows about Yas‹tna-abu: “This man is my umÍarÓu and you must have him brought to me!” This you wrote to me, but this man you yourself gave me saying: “This man is a present for you”; so why do you now ask for him? Also because of this man Buriya keeps writing to me saying: “This man is a slave.” Now I have held (him) back from him. If I release him to you, Buriya will be angry; if I release him to Buriya, you will be angry. In order that both of you do not get angry this man had better stay with me!

(7) For umÍarÓum, see DEPM II, pp. 563–64, for a letter (M.5413) in which the sender, attached to ﬁubram, declares that umÍarÓum no longer u‰‰i ana Ó⁄bir›tim, and that five of his own umÍarÓum are in AÍnakkum. Durand rejects the meaning “indigenous,” proposed by Deller (1984 and 1990), and concludes that umÍarÓum should be a title or function of some importance. The letter quoted by Durand states that umÍarÓum no longer “emigrate”; both the Leilan letter and the treaty L.T.-1 seem to mention umÍarÓum as an alternative for “slave,” whereas in ARM IV 86 (= DEPM II, 772) umÍarÓum is an alternative for n⁄siÓum “deportée.” In sum, the umÍarÓum would seem to be a “free man functioning within his native context,” but it must remain an open question whether the term means plain and simply “countryman” or whether it carries other connotations. Yas‹tna-abu is not mentioned elsewhere.

64 [L.87-394] Yam‰i-°atnû reminds Till-Abnû that during his stay in KaÓat he promised to return the people from NilibÍinnum captured by men from Zurra, and now sends Milkiya and a retainer to claim both them and their captors. This matter is also referred to in [67]. obv. [a-na] ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma ia-am-‰í-Óa-at<-nu>-ú a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 i-nu-ma i-na ka-Óa-atki tu-úÍ-bu aÍ-Íum lú-meÍ ne-li-ib-Íi-na-yi Ía lú zu-úr-ra-a<>-yu i[l]-qú-Íu-nu-ti ki-a-am ta-aq-bi u[m-m]a at-ta-ma áÍ-‚xŸ[...... ] 10 [x x (x)]‚xŸ Íu ur p[u?-....] [...... ] lo.e. ‚x xŸ[...... ] ‚ˇúŸ-u[r-...... ] lú-m[eÍ...... ] rev. 15 ‚ùŸ l[ú?-...... ] a-na qa-a[t...... ] lu-ud-di-in-Íu-nu-t[i-ma] a-na ‰e-ri-ka li-ir-[d]u-[nim] an-ni-tam ta-aq-bé-em 118 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

20 i-na-an-na a-nu-um-ma lú-tur-ri ù mi-il-ki-ia aˇ-‚ˇarŸ-da-kum lú-meÍ Ía ta-aÍ-Óa-ru ù lú-meÍ Óa-bi-ta-ni qa-du-um ni-Íi-Íu-nu 25 a-na qa-at Imi-il-ki-ia ù lú-tur-ia i-di-in-Íu-nu-ti-ma u.e. a-na ‰e-ri-ia li-ir-du-ni-iÍ-Íu-nu-/ti-[m]a a-na pu-Óa-at lú-meÍ aÓ-Ói-Íu-nu 30 lu!-wa-aÍ-Íe-er-Íu-nu-ti

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: When you stayed in KaÓat, you said this to me concerning the men from NilibÍinnum, whom the men from Zurra had taken: “[.... lines 10–15 too broken for translation ....] (16) I will hand them over to [...... ], and they will lead them to you.” This you said to me. Now hereby I send my retainer and Milkiya to you. Hand over the men you apprehended and the captors together with their people to Milkiya and my retainer, and let them lead them to me, and in exchange for their brothers I will release them.

(6) NilibÍinnum, mentioned in several of these letters (see index), was an important town in the kingdom of KaÓat. For the Mari evidence, see Charpin 1990a, 71ff. (7) For Zurra, see ad [42], 4. (22) For Ía’⁄rum, see ad [58], 29.

65 [L.87-400] Yam‰i-°atnû sends an unnamed individual to claim a runaway man he had ransomed from the Óabb⁄tum. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-‚úŸ qí-bí-ma um-ma ia-am-‰í-Óa-‚atŸ-nu-ú a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5lú wa-bi-il ˇup-pí-ia an-ni-im Ini-za-ri lú ú-ru-um-Íe-emki it-ti Óa-ab-ba-tim a-na kù-babbar ip-ˇú-ur-Íu-ma ú-ta-aÍ-Íe-er-Íu lo.e.10 qa-aq-qa-as-sú ú-ul gu-ul-lu-ub ap-pa-ti[m] ú-ul Ía-ki-i[n] rev. i-na-an-n[a lú Íu]-‚úŸ it-ta-b[i-it at-t]a 15 qí-bí-ma [ù] ìr-sú THE LETTERS 119

li-te-er-ru-Íum lú be-el kù-babbar la iÓ-Óa-ab-ba-[a]l ú-la-Íu-ma lú-meÍ aÓ-Ói-Íu Ía i-pa-al-la-sú 20 ‚iŸ-di-in-ma ‚niŸ-iÍ dingir-meÍ u.e. li-s[a-az-ki-ir-Íu-nu]-ti

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: The bearer of this letter of mine ransomed Nizari of UrumÍûm from the Óabb⁄tum with silver and set him free. His head is not shaved, he has not got the slave lock. Now this man has escaped (his obligation). You must give instructions that they must return his slave to him; let not the owner of the silver be cheated. If not you must give (him any of) his brothers who are to be found, and he shall let them [take an oath].

(6) UrumÍûm: we here have the same word as the murumÍûm known from several Mari texts; in two cases murumÍûm there is a precious object (ARM XXI, 223, 12 [of ebony with gold plating], and ARMT XXIII, 68, 27 [of alabaster with various applications]). In particular, the first of these examples provides a clear connection to the (Middle Babylonian) word uruÍÍum (AHw, 1437a) “ein Holzggst.,” which is attested also in ebony with gold plating. The last example from Mari is ARM V, 76, where YasmaÓ-Addu is warned that he will be mocked if he has two murumÍûm—his father has never had one! Instead he should—like his father—make do with a single lú r¤Íi. Thus, in this case murumÍûm is an alternative for “bodyguard” (for Í›t r¤Íim, see Durand 1987e, 43 n. 11) and must be a man carrying a murumÍûm-object—probably a kind of ceremonial weapon(?) (cf. Durand 1985, 403 n. 119). [Prof. Durand (November 1991) kindly informs me that his latest analysis shows that the murumÍûm was a musical instrument and refers to his forthcoming ARMT XXVI/3; cf. DEPM I, pp. 87f.]. In view of the determinative KI, the word here may denote an otherwise unattested town/ village, but it could also be assumed that this KI is a scribal mistake. (12) appatum is a variant form of abbuttum (“characteristic hair style for slaves”); see CAD A/2, p. 182a. (18f.) “his brothers,” presumably relatives or associates of the missing Nizari, who must be forced to vouch for him.

66 [L.87-504] Yam‰i-°atnû sends Milkiya, who wants the release of his “sister” from palace service. Milkiya is also to effect the release of some captured shepherds. For this latter affair, cf. [64]. obv. ‚a-na tiŸ-la-a[b-nu-ú qí-bí-ma] um-ma ia-am-‰í-Ó[a-at-nu-ú a-Óu-ka-a-ma] a-nu-um-ma Imi-il-ki-i[a ìr-di] aˇ-ˇar-da-ak-[kum] 5 i-Ía-ri-iÍ a-pu-ul-Íu mí a-[Óa-sú] wa-aÍ-Íe-er pa-na-nu-um t[u-...... ] a-Óu-Ía Íe-ba ì-ba ù si[g-ba] iz-bi-il-Íi-im i-na-an-na a-na é-kál-lim tu-uÍ-te-r[i-ib-Íi-a] 120 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

10 Íum-ma ta-qa-ab-bi u[m-ma-a-mi] a-na kù-babbar pu-uˇ-ˇe4-[er-Íi-a] li-pa-aˇ-ˇe4-[er-Íi-a] ú-la-Íu-ma p[u]-Óa-a[s-sa] lo.e. wa-aÍ-Íe-er la t[a-ka-al-la] 15 [Í]a-ni-tam lú-meÍ mu-u[t-...... ] re-Íi-ka [...... ] rev. lú-sipa-m[eÍ...... ] il-‚qúŸ-ú-ma [a-na kù-babbar] it-ta-ad-[di-nu-Íu-nu-ti] 20 i-na-an-na I[...... ] a-na pa-ni [...... ] Íu-pur-m[a lú-meÍ Íu-nu-ti] li-wa-[aÍ-Íe-ru-nim] ú-la-Íu-m[a...... ] 25 Óa-bi-ta-a[n-Íu-nu...... ] mi-nu-tam [...... ] a-na qa-at Im[i-il-ki-ia] i-di-in-ma lú-t[ur-meÍ] u.e. aÓ-Ói-Íu li-p[a-aˇ-ˇe4-er]

[Say] to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: Hereby I have sent [my servant] Milkiya to you. Give him just satisfaction! Release his sister! Previously you [...... ], and her brother brought her supplies of barley, oil and wool, (but) now you have taken her into the palace. If you say thus: “You must redeem her with silver,” let him redeem her. If not release a replacement for her—do [not hold back!] Another matter: the men roa[ming(?)] on your responsibility [...... ] the shepherds [of ...... ] they captured, and sold them for silver. Now send [PN] to [...... ] in order that [these men] be released. If not [...... ] their captor [...... ] (26) the count [for them?] give to M[ilkiya] and let him ransom the retainers (who are) his brothers.

(15) The broken word at the end may be muttallikum, the basic meaning of which is “roamer,” but also may have more specific usages (cf. Durand 1992, 45, who translates “messenger”). Here one suspects a construct form followed by r¤Í‹ka in the next line so that the “kidnappers” of shepherds are “men who roam on your responsibility.”

67 [L.87-611] Yam‰i-°atnû reminds Till-Abnû that previously his men had captured shepherds from NilibÍin- num and sold them in Zurra. Now a shepherd of a certain Zimri-IÍtar, who has been detained there, should be released (cf. [64]). obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú ‚qíŸ-bí-ma THE LETTERS 121

‚um-maŸ ia-am-‰í-‚ÓaŸ-at-nu-ú a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 i-du-um mi-nu-um Ía e-li dumu-meÍ ma-ti-ia a-na ku-us-sí-Íu-nu qa-at-ka ta-aÍ-ku-nu i-na pa-ni-tim lú sipa-meÍ ni-li-ib-Íi-na-yi lo.e.10 lú-meÍ ìr-du-ka il-qú-Íu-ti-ma rev. a-na uru zu-úr-raki a-na kù-babbar it-ta-ad-di-nu-Íu-nu-ti-ma a-na kù-babbar ú-pa-aˇ-ˇà-ru-Íu-nu-ti 15 i-na-an-na ap-pu-na-ma I lú sipa Ía zi-im-ri-eÍ4-tár i-na a-bu-ul-lim am-mi-nim ik-lu-Íu lú sipa-Íu li-wa-aÍ-Íe-ru [l]a i-ka-al-lu-Íu

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: With what justification have you assumed authority to put sons of my country in fetters? Previously your servants captured shepherds from NilibÍinnum, and in Zurra sold them for silver or had them ransomed against silver. Now indeed why have they also detained a shepherd of Zimri-IÍtar within the town? Let them release his shepherd; they must not detain him!

(5ff.) For the various uses of q⁄tam Íak⁄num, see CAD Q, 142f. (17) For abullam (abull⁄tim) kalûm “keep in close arrest within town (gate)” and the milder version with the verb Í›dûm “confine to within the town (gate), see CAD A/1, 86b, and the remarks by Charpin, ARMT XXVI/2, p. 177 ad 370 j.

68 [L.87-630] Yam‰i-°atnû sends Kalalim, who is involved in a dispute with people from ﬁun⁄. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma ia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 a-nu-um-ma Ika-‚laŸ-li-im ìr-di aˇ-ˇar-da-ak-kum it-ti lú Íu-na-a-yi di-nam i-Íu ù at-ta-ma di-in-Íu lo.e.10 ta-di-in-ma ú-ul i-ip-pa-lu-Íu-/ma 122 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN rev. i-na-‚anŸ-na a-na ‚‰eŸ-r[i]-ka-ma a-na di-ni-Íu-nu it-tu-ru-nim di-in-Íu 15 Íu-Íe-er-Íu la iÓ-Óa-ab-ba-al

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: Hereby I have sent my servant Kalalum to you. He has a dispute with a man from ﬁun⁄, and you yourself rendered his verdict, but they don’t give him satisfaction. Now they have returned to yourself for their verdict. Sort out his case for him—let him not be wronged!

69 [L.87-758+1423b] (not copied; fragment from upper left part of tablet) Yam‰i-°atnû writes about missing/captured people and refers to the time of the saddum “raid” (cf. ad [31], 4). obv. a-na ti-la-[ab-nu-ú] qí-b[í-ma] ‚umŸ-ma i[a-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú] a-Óu-k[a-a-ma] 5lú wa-bi-il ˇu[p-pí-ia an-ni-im] Óa-liq-Íu Ía i[a-...... ] ‚i-nuŸ-ma sa-ad-di-i[m...... ] [lu]-ú ni-il-[...... ] (break) rev. ma-tum ka-l[u-Ía...... ] Ima-Íi-ia i-‚xŸ[...... ] ú-‰ú-ú ‚xŸ [...... ] tu-‰a-ab-[b/t...... ] (break) u.e. [m]a-am-m[a-an...... ] [l]a i-ir-‚xŸ[...... ] l.e. [a]n-ni-tam [l]a an-ni-tam me-Ó[e-er] [ˇup-pí-ia] Íu-u[p-ra-am]

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Y[am‰i-°atnû], your brother: The bearer of [this letter of mine], his missing person from [...... ], at the time of the raid [...... ] we certainly [.... break ....] (rev.) the whole country [...... ] MaÍiya [...... ] they left [...... ] you seize [.... break ....] (u.e.) no one [...... ] send me an answer to [my letter] either way. THE LETTERS 123

70 [L.87-827] Yam‰i-°atnû sends a certain YapaÓ-Lim to have a legal case settled. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma ia-am-‰í-Óa-at-[n]u-ú a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 a-n[u]-um-ma Iia-pa-aÓ-li-im ìr-[di] aˇ-ˇar-da-ak-kum lú-meÍ Ía di-na-t[im] it-ti-Íu i-re-ed-[di u4-x-kam] ma-aÓ-ri-ka li-iz-z[i-zu-ma] rev. 10 [ù i]-na [d]i-na-tim [ki]-ma ‚i-il-laŸ-ku-ni-i[k-kum] i-Ía-ri-iÍ a-pu-ul-Í[u-nu-ti] i-na an-ni-tim i-Ía-ri-iÍ da-ba-ab-ka 15 it-ti-ia lu-mu-ur

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: Hereby I have sent my servant YapaÓ-Lim to you. He brings the men of the lawsuit with him. Let them stand before you [on the ...th day], and in the judgment, when they arrive before you, give them full satisfaction. In this matter I shall recognize that you deal justly with me.

(8f.) Endings reconstructed from [71], 7f.

71 [L.87-1314] Yam‰i-°atnû sends a certain Yarim-Lim to have a legal case settled. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma ia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú a-Óu-‚kaŸ-a-ma 5 a-nu-um-ma Iia-ri-im-li-im ìr-di aˇ-ˇar-da-ak-kum ‚ùŸ lú-meÍ Ía di-na-tim lo.e. it-ti-Íu i-re-ed-di u4-3-kam ma-aÓ-‚riŸ-ka 10 [l]i-iz-zi-iz-ma rev. [k]i-ma ú-‚ˇe4-eÓŸ-Óa-ak-kum [i-Í]a-ri-iÍ a-pu-ul-Íu-nu-ti 124 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: Hereby I have sent my servant Yarim-Lim to you, and he is bringing the men of the lawsuit with him. Let him stand before you (before) 3 days, and you give them full satisfaction in accordance with his plea.

72 [L.87-1352] The brother of the bearer has been detained in Apum, but his opponent is in the land of KaÓat and Yam‰i-°atnû will settle the case himself. obv. a-‚naŸ ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma ‚um-maŸ ia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú a-Óu-ka-a-‚maŸ 5 a-Óu-‚ÍuŸ Ía wa-bi-il ˇup-pí-ia an-ni-im a-na mi-nim aÍ-ra-nu-um lo.e. a-bu-ul-lam ka-l[e] be-el a-wa-ti-Íu rev. 10 an-na-nu-um wa-Íi-ib ˇú-ur-da-aÍ-Íu-ma di-in-Íu lu-di-in

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: Why has the brother of the bearer of this letter of mine been detained in town there? His opponent is staying here. Send him to me and I shall render his verdict.

(8) abullam kalûm, cf. ad [67], 17. (11) The end of this line is written over erased signs.

73 [L.87-1358] (not copied; tablet with very effaced and worn surface) Yam‰i-°atnû requests the release of two women held in the house of ﬁupram. obv. [a-na] ti-‚laŸ-ab-[nu-ú] ‚qí-bíŸ-[ma] ‚um-ma ia-am-‰íŸ-[Óa-at-nu-ú] ‚a-Óu-ka-a-maŸ 5 ‚1 munus puŸ-Óa-at lú wa-bi-il [ˇup]-‚pí-iaŸ an-ni-im [ù 1 munus Í]a i-n[a] é I‚ÍuŸ-up-ra-am [a-n]a ‚pu-ÓaŸ-tim ‚ka?-sà?Ÿ-e-et THE LETTERS 125

[wa-aÍ-Íe]-‚ra?-am?Ÿ it-ti [a]-Ói-ti-Ía 10 ‚a-na na-an-mu-ri-imŸ lo.e. [x]‚xŸ-li-ik-ma [x x x]-Íu-Íi rev. [iÍ-t]u é IÍu-up-ra-am ‚at-taŸ a-n[a] é-kál-[lim] 15 tu-Íe-ri-ib-Íi-‚na-tiŸ munus-meÍ Íi-na-ti wa-aÍ-Íe-ra-am la ta-ka-al-la ù ta-zi-im-‚tumŸ e-li-ia la ‚ib-ba-aÍ-ÍiŸ 20 an-na-a ‚lú x-en?Ÿ-ni ‚Ía i-na xŸ[...... ]‚kiŸ (break; ca. 3 lines)

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: [Release] to me the replacement woman of the bearer of this letter of mine [and a woman] who was held for exchange in the house of ﬁupram. [She (just) we]nt to meet her friends, but [they detained(?)] her. From the house of ﬁupram you took them into the palace. Release these women—you must not withhold (them)—and there will be no complaint against me. Now a man [...... ] who in [.... break ....].

74 [L.87-1381] Yam‰i-°atnû sends a retainer with an important message to Till-Abnû. obv. a-na ti-la-a[b-nu-ú] [q]í-bí-m[a] um-ma ia-am-‰í-Óa-[a]t-nu-ú a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 a-nu-um-ma lú-‚tur-riŸ ú-[wa-e]-ra-aÍ-Íu-[ma] rev. ‚aˇ-ˇar-da-ak-kumŸ a-na ˇe4-mi-Íu ma-di-iÍ qú-ul

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: Hereby I have instructed my retainer and sent him to you. Listen carefully to his message! 126 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

75 [L.87-1396] Two ﬁimaÍkian slaves have run away to ﬁubat-Enlil and, despite repeated requests, Till-Abnû has taken no action. Yam‰i-°atnû reminds him of their treaty stipulation about the mutual extradition of runaway slaves, and now sends the owners, Abi-Samas and Napsiya, to collect their slaves. obv. [a-n]a ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma [u]m-ma ia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú a-Óu-ka-a-ma 2 lú-meÍ Íi-ma-aÍ-ki-i i-na u4-um ‚saŸ-ad-di-im 5 lú-meÍ ki-ra-na-a-yu il-qú-Íu-nu-ti-ma it-ti lú-meÍ ki-ra-na-a-yi Ia-bi-sa-ma-ás ù na-ap-si-‚iaŸ lú-meÍ Íi-ma-aÍ-ki-i a-na kù-babbar i-Ía-mu-Íu-nu-ti in-na-bi-tu-ma 10 i-na Íu-bat-den-líl wa-aÍ-bu lú-meÍ be-el sag-ìr aÍ-ta-na-ap-pa-ra-ak-kum-ma ú-ul ta-ap-pa-al-Íu-nu-ti ma-a an-na-a ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ [Í]a i-na bi-ri-ni ni-ìz-k[u-r]u lo.e.15 [i-n]u-ma ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ ú-sa-‚áz-kiŸ-ru ki-a-am aq-bé-ek-kum um-ma a-na-[ku]-ma rev. i-nu-ma sag-ìr mu-un-na-ab-t[u]-‚úŸ Ía ma-ti-ia ib-ba-aÍ-Íu-ú 20 i-na ma-ti-ka li-in-na-me-er-ma lú be-el sag-ìr lu-úÍ-pu-ra-ak-kum ‚sag-ìrŸ a-na be-li-Íu lu-ú tu-ta-‚arŸ-/ru an-ni-tam i-na ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ i-na bi-ri-ni ni-iq-bi i-na-an-na sag-ìr i-na ma-ti-ia 25 in-na-ab-bi-it-ma a-na uru-ka i-ir-ru-ub-ma ú-ul tu-wa-/aÍ-Íar-Íu ma-a an-na-a ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ-ni ù da-ba-ab li-ib-bi am-ri-im i-na bi-ri-ni 30 ‚i-naŸ-[an]-na a-nu-um-ma Ia-bi-sa-ma-ás ‚ùŸ na-ap-si-ia aˇ-ˇar-da-ak-kum [sa]g-ìr-meÍ-Íu-nu wa-aÍ-Íe-er [la]-‚aŸ iÓ-Óa-ab-ba-lu Ía-ni-tam ki-ma 1-Íu 4-Íu [ˇup-p]a-am a-na ‰e-ri-ka ú-Ía-bi-la-kum-/ma u.e. 35 [m]a-ti-ma me-Óe-er ˇup-pi-ia [ú]-ul tu-Ía-ab-ba-lam [i]Í-tu-ma me-Óe-er ˇup-pi-ia [ú-u]l tu-Ía-ab-ba-lam l.e. [mi-im]-ma-a i-Ía-ri-iÍ da-ba-bu-um i-na bi-‚riŸ-ni 40 i-ba-aÍ-Íi THE LETTERS 127

[at-t]a ‚taŸ-qa-ab-bi la a-ta-ar-ma [la a-Í]a-ap-pa-ra-ak-kum

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: Two men from fiimaÍki—at the time of the raid— men from Kir⁄num caught them, and Abi-Samas and Napsiya bought the fiimaÍkians for silver from the Kir⁄nians. They have run away and are staying in fiubat-Enlil. I keep sending you the masters of the slaves, but you do not give them satisfaction. What about the oath we swore between us? When I had you swear I told you this: “When a runaway slave from my land turns up, let him be seen in your land, and let me send the master of the slave to you. You shall indeed return the slave to his master! This we said in the oath between us. Now a slave in my land has run away and he enters your town and you do not release him. What about our treaty and the straight talk between us? Now hereby I have sent Abi- Samas and Napsiya to you. Release their slaves; they should not be cheated. Another matter: Neither the first nor the fourth time I sent a letter to you did you ever send an answer to my letter. Since you never send me an answer to my letter(s), how indeed can there be straight talk between us? You just have to say so, and I shall not write to you again!

(4) ﬁimaÍki was located in western Iran and was part of the Old Elamite “sukkalmaÓ” state; see Stolper 1982, also Henrickson 1986 (cf., however, the remarks in Eidem 1985, 91 n. 49). (5) A town or village Kir⁄n(um), mentioned also in [76], 9 (and in an administrative text), is not attested outside Leilan. Presumably it was located between the territories of KaÓat and Apum. (13, 27) m⁄ anna: for m⁄ “What (is this)!” (13ff.) Yam‰i-°atnû is here referring to a treaty, no doubt the one recorded in L.T.-3, see Part II.

76 [L.87-1426] A man from NilibÍinnum has retrieved his wife from a man in Kir⁄n, who claims to have paid the brideprice for her to a resident in ﬁubat-Enlil. Till-Abnû must effect repayment of the sum. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma ia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 dam Ia-ri-ta-wa-ar lú ni-li-ib-Íi-nim iÍ-tu mu-3-kam ú-ul in-na-am-‚marŸ i-na-an-na it-ti Ita-Óe-e lo.e. lú ki-ra-an‚kiŸ [in-n]a-me-er-ma 10 Ia-ri-ta-wa-‚arŸ dam-sú it-ta-ru rev. ù ta-Óe-e ki-a-‚amŸ iq-bi um-ma-a-mi a-na Ia-wi-iÍ-tu-ul-/la lú Íu-ba-at-den-lílki 128 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

15 15 gín kù-babbar te-er-Óa-tam aÍ-qú-ul qí-bí-ma kù-babbar Ía a-wi-iÍ-tu-ul-la ‚ilŸ-qú-/ú li-te-er-ru-Íum-ma la iÓ-Óa-ab-ba-al

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Yam‰i-°atnû, your brother: The wife of Ari-tawar of NilibÍinnum, who has not been seen for three years, has now been seen with TaÓ2 of Kir⁄n, and Ari-tawar took his wife back, but TaÓ2 said thus: “I paid 15 shekels silver as brideprice to AwiÍ-tulla of ﬁubat-Enlil!” Give orders that they should return to him the silver that AwiÍ-tulla took. Let him not be ill-treated.

Unfortunately the background for the affair treated is not detailed. A key question is whether AwiÍ-tulla was a relative with whom the woman had sought refuge or a man who had forc- ibly(?) taken her in. In the latter case the second marriage to TaÓ2 may, in effect, have been more like a sale, and one notes that the sum paid as terÓatum “brideprice,” 15 shekels, is equivalent to the sums elsewhere paid out as ipˇerum “ransom.” (9) For the town Kir⁄n(um), cf. [75], 5. (16) The 4th sign in this line was written over an erasure.

9. MaÍum 77 [L.87-194] MaÍum sends a certain Muti-[....] with a message to Till-Abnû. obv. a-na ti-la-a[b-nu-ú] qí-bí-[ma] u[m]-ma ma-[a]-Í[um] [a-Ó]u-ka-a-[ma] 5[a-nu-um-m]a wa-bi-[il] [ˇup-pí-ia an-ni-im] [x (x)]‚x xŸ[...... ] lo.e. Imu-ti-[...... ] ma-aÓ-ri-[ia] 10 ú-Íi-[ib] rev. i-na-an-na a-n[u-um-ma] a-na ‰e-ri-[ka] ú-wa-e-ra-aÍ-[Íu] a-wa-ti-Íu Íi-[me]

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) MaÍum, your brother: Hereby, the bearer of [this letter of mine ...... ] Muti-[.....] stayed with me; now hereby I have sent him to you. Listen to his message! THE LETTERS 129

78 [L.87-235+236] MaÍum describes how he rendered a verdict in a case concerning captured people. obv. a-na ti-il-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-‚maŸ um-ma ma-Íum a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 an-na-nu-‚umŸ ‚ÍuŸ-ul-‚muŸ aÍ-ra-num lu-ú ‚ÍuŸ-ul-mu aÍ-Íum a-wa-tim a-i-tim it-ti-ia ze-nu-ta[m] ti-Íu ù lú-tur-ri [ta-aÍ]-pu-ra-am 10 [ma?]-gal a-na ‚x x xŸ[...... -ma] [ú-u]l id-di-nu ‚xŸ[...... ] lo.e. [x x]‚xŸ aÍ-Íum Óa-b[i-ta-...... ] [i-na...... -a]B-Buki [...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ ia-ti rev. 15 [...... ] kù-babbar ma-Óar d[utu ...] [...... ]-nu-Í[u-nu]-ti ù Óa-bi-ta-nu-tam-ma ‚xŸ-[...... ] i-na an-da-ri-igki wa-Í[i-ib] ù di-na-am ki-a-am ad-di-in 20 um-ma-a-mi li-il-li-ik lú kù-babbar-Íu! ma!-Óar dutu Ía ‚iÍ-qú-luŸ li-il-qí an-ni-tam aq-bi-Íu-nu-Í[i-im] ù lú-meÍ Ía ip-ˇe4-ri-Íu-nu ú-ma-al-lu kù-babbar-Íu-nu u.e. 25 li-‚im-ÓuŸ-ru ù wa-ar-‚kaŸ-nu lú-m[eÍ] l.e. Óa-bi-ta-ni-Íu-nu li-ìs-Óu-ru di-na-am ki-a-[am ad-di-in] lu-ú an-ni-tum ze-nu-ut-[ka (....)]

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) MaÍum, your brother: All is well here; may all be well there! For what reason did you become angry with me and send my retainer (back?) to me? Much to [...... ], (but they would not) give [...... ] because the captor [is staying in ...... ] (15) [.....] the silver before [ﬁamaÍ ...... ] them and the state of captor [...... ]. He is living in Andarig. So I rendered this verdict: “Let (each) man go and take his silver that he paid (swearing) before ﬁamaÍ!”—(and) I told them this: “and let the men who paid their ransom receive their silver and afterward lead away their captors.” Thus I gave verdict. Is this the reason for your anger?

(13) The broken GN should perhaps be connected with ....-B]uki in [176], 11. (21) ﬁU looks like a corrected MA, and MA is written over an erased °AR. Apparently the scribe first forgot to add ﬁU after kù-babbar, but discovered his mistake almost immediately. 130 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

79 [L.87-507a] MaÍum invites Till-Abnû to the elunnum-festival of IÍtar, the “Lady of the Citadel” (kerÓum). obv. a-na ti-l[a-ab-nu-ú] qí-‚bíŸ-[ma] um-ma ma-a-[Íum] a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 e-lu-un-‚naŸ-am d Ía ‚eÍ4-tár nin keŸ-er-Ói-im Ía na-p[í-i]Í-ta-‚kaŸ lo.e. i-na-a‰-‚‰aŸ-ru ‚eŸ-ep-pé-[eÍ] rev. 10 [a]l-kam-[ma] ‚u4Ÿ-1-kam i ni-mu la-a tu-ma-aq-q[a-a]m

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) MaÍum, your brother: I shall celebrate the elunnum of IÍtar, “Lady of the Citadel,” who protects your life; come here and we shall chat one day; do not tarry!

(6) IÍtar b¤let kerÓim is not attested elsewhere, but an epithet “Lady of the Citadel” is not surprising for a goddess whose temple was probably located on the high inner part of MaÍum’s capital (like major Old Babylonian temples at Leilan, Rimah, etc.). Compare, e.g., the IÍtar, “Lady of the Enclosure” discussed by Dalley, OBTR, p. 28 (ad 16: 8, 12). (10ff.) See ad [39], 6f.

80 [L.87-627] MaÍum advises Till-Abnû on the verdict in a murder case, but the details are obscured by the fragmentary state of the tablet. obv. [a-na t]i-la-ab-nu-ú [qí]-bí-ma [um-ma] ma-a-Íum [a-Óu-k]a-‚aŸ-ma ? 5[...... ˇ]e4 -mu-um [...... ]‚xŸ (4–5 lines broken) 11 ù an-n[a-nu-um...... ] I[...... ] lo.e. im-Ó[u?-...... ] wa-aÍ-Ía-a[r...... ] 15 i-na ma-at ‚xŸ[...... (ki) Ía] THE LETTERS 131 rev. i-da-ma-ra-[a‰(ki...... )] i-na uru sa-mi-i[m(ki)(?)] ú-Íi-ib-ma il-q[é...... ] lú Íu-ú a-Óa-Íu ma-[...... ] 20 dumu sa-an-di-a qa-du dum[u-Íu] na-pí-iÍ7-tam id-du-uk-Íu-[nu-ti] ‚iŸ-na-an-na ‚lúŸ Íu-ú [aÍ-r]a-nu-um i‰-‰a-bi-it-[ma] [a-na a]n-ni-tim di-in-[ka di-in] 25 [ù ki-a]m-ma ‚diŸ-in-ka m[a-...... ] [...... ] ú-ul Ía Íi-iB-Bi-‚imŸ [...... ] an-ni-iÍ Íu-re-em u.e. [Íum-ma la t]u-Ía-ar-/ra-aÍ-Íu [aÍ-ra-nu-u]m ki-il-Íu 30 [...... ] la in-nam-ma-ru u.obv. [ù i-na qa-ti-k]a la u‰-‰í l.e. [...... ]‚x xŸ [...... -ak]-kum

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) MaÍum, your brother: [.... break ....] (11) and he[re ...... ] Mr. [...... ] received [...... ] release [...... ] he lived in the country of [...... ] in (16) Ida-Mara‰, in the town Samûm(?), and he took [...... ] This man killed his “brother” Ma-[...... ], the son of Sandiya, together with his son. Now this man has been arrested there, [and according to this (matter) render] your verdict [...... ], and your verdict [...... ] is not to be kept quiet(?) [...... ] have (him) led here. [If you don’t] have him led here, detain him [there ...... ] they must not see, and he must not escape [from you! .... break ....].

(15ff.) The geographical information here is not clear. In line 15 the broken first sign after m⁄t is either TI or °U, which might fit a number of GNs attested in this region. A town Samûm is attested in the Old Babylonian itinerary as the last outbound stop before Harran (see Hallo 1964, 76f.; cf. also Lafont, ARMT XXVI/2, 536 a), but the mention of Ida-Mara‰ hardly fits that context. (21) For napiÍtam dâkum, lit. “kill a life,” see Charpin ARMT XXVI/2, ad 380 h. (26) ú-ul Ía Íi-iB-Bi-‚imŸ is problematic. AHw, 1226 lists two different words Íibbum, one that denotes a kind of belt (often for a sword) and one that designates a kind of illness, but neither of these possibilities seems likely here. (31) This line was written on vacant space above the first line of the obverse. 132 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

81 [L.87-687a] MaÍum has made peace with Buriya (of Andarig). Till-Abnû is displeased, but MaÍum will not break the peace and advises Till-Abnû to take precautions against an attack—presumably from Buriya. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma ma-a-Íum a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 an-na-nu-um Íu-ul-mu-um aÍ-ra-nu-um lu-ú Íu-ul-mu-u[m] aÍ-Íum Ibu-ri-ia ki-a-am ta-aq-bé-em am-m[i]-nim la-a ta-[aÍ-pu-r]a-‚am-miŸ lo.e. 10 it-ti-Íu ás-l[im-ma] uruki-Óá-ni-i[a] ú-wa-aÍ-Íe-ra-am rev. ki-i pa-an sa-li-mi-im lu-um-Óa-a‰ 15 i-na-an-na at-ta dan-na-tim a-na Íe-em Íu-ku-un-ma Íe-em ma-aÓ-re-em-ma [i]Í-tu kap-ra-tim ‚a-naŸ re-bi-tim li-Íe-ri-bu 20 1 silà Íe-em i-na kap-ra-tim la-a in-né-ez-zi-ib

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) MaÍum, your brother: All is well here, may all be well there. Concerning Buriya you said to me: “Why did you not write to me?” I have made peace with him, and he released my towns. How could I possibly break the peace? Now you must give firm orders about the grain, so that they take the grain immediately from the villages to a (fortified) center. Not even 1 liter of grain must be left in the villages!

(13f.) p⁄n s⁄limim maÓ⁄‰um: I know of no exact parallels to this expression, but the general meaning is clear. (19) reb‹tum “(town) square” (see AHw, 964) has recently been discussed by Durand (1991a), who quoted an unpublished Mari tablet with the only other known attestation of this word in northern texts and where political power is represented as “a strong king or an alum reb‹tum that is surrounded by a wall.” Usually, of course, evacuation in time of war is into the dann⁄tum “for- tresses” of a region (as here in, e.g., [110]), but exceptional emphasis here is put on the space inside the walls rather than the walls themselves. As suggested by Durand, alum reb‹tum can be translated “center” or “capital,” since only settlements with the layout of an alum reb‹tum would have such status. Cf. also Charpin 1991b. THE LETTERS 133

10. Letter from Muti-Adad 82 [L.87-808+809] (unjoined upper and lower parts of the same tablet) Muti-Addu has been accused of harboring a wanted man, but states that he is innocent. He further suggests that Till-Abnû and he should meet and establish a “brotherhood” alliance. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma mu-ti-dim [a-Óu]-ka-a-ma 5[ˇup-pa-ka-Ía t]u-Ía-bi-lam e[Í-me] [aÍ-Íum...... Ía] ta-[aÍ-pu-ra-am] (break) ‚x x xŸ ta-aÍ-‚pu-raŸ-a[m] ‚ú-ul i-naŸ sú-ni-ia i-ba-aÍ-Í[i] ‚it-tiŸ ka-ni-sa-nim wa-Íi-ib lo.e. ‚x xŸ-tam i-na aÍ-na-ak-k[i wa-/Íi-i]b 5' ù l[ú Íu]-‚úŸ [i]t-ti ki-ri-i[a] it-ta-‚na-al-la-akŸ rev. lú Íu-ú it-ti-ia wa-Íi-ib-ma i[t-ti]-ka sa-ar-tam a-ta-wa-wa ‚ù kiŸ-i a-na pa-ni-‚iaŸ [a-ka-a]l-la-Íu 10' [...... ]‚xŸ Íu [...... ] (break) [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] [...... (x+)]1 me ‰a-bu-u[m] ‚ù 1Ÿ [ì]r-sag ták-lam ˇà-ra-da[m] ú-ul te-li 5'' 1 ìr-sag ù 1 me ‰a-ba-am ˇú-‚urŸ-dam ù aÍ-Íum Íe-e[p-k]a qé-ru-ub u.e. a-na 1 uruki e-le-em-ma a-na-ku ù at-ta i ni-na-me-[er-m]a at-Óu-tam i-na bi-ri-ni i ni-‚puŸ-úÍ

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Muti-Addu, your [brother]: [I have heard the letter] you sent me. [Concerning ..... that you wrote to me about .... break ....] (1') [(Mr.) ...... whom] you wrote to me (about), is not in my lap; he is staying with Kanis⁄num (or?) he is staying [...... ] in AÍnakkum, or this man is following Kiriya. If this man were staying with me, would I lie to you and just keep him with me like that? [.... break ....] (2'') [...... there is x+]100 soldiers, and you cannot send me a single trusted servant? Send me a servant and 100 soldiers, and since your route is near I will come up to a town, so that you and I can meet, and let us establish brotherhood between us.

(8') a-ta-wa-wa: dittography or deliberate (irregular) reduplication of the last syllable? 134 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

11. Letters from Niqmi-Adad A. As “neutral” 83 [L.87-1315] Niqmi-Adad has settled the case of Asiri the merchant, but agrees that Till-Abnû may alter the decision. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma ni-iq-mi-dim-ma aÍ-Íum di-in Ia-si-ri lú dam-gàr 5 i-na pa-ni-tim-ma lú-meÍ lú Íu-gi-meÍ-Íu lú dam-gàr-[meÍ] ù lú mu-uÍ-ke-ni ma-aÓ-ri-ia uÍ-zi-iz-ma a-na pí-i lú Íu-gi-meÍ-Íu 10 di-nam ú-Ía-Ói-is-sú-nu-ti lo.e. i-na-an-na Íum-ma di-ni tu-pa-as-sà-as <> pu-ús-s[í]-is rev. a-nu-um-ma [l]ú Íu-gi-meÍ-Íu 15 [l]ú!-meÍ lú dam-‚gàrŸ-meÍ [a]ˇ-ˇ[ar-da-kum] ‚ùŸ ‚lúŸ Íu-gi-Íu [a-n]a mu-uÍ-ke-‚nimŸ lú pu-‚uˇ-riŸ-yi [a]ˇ-ru-us-sú-[ma] ú-ul ‚il-liŸ-kam 20 [k]i-ma ‚aŸ-[wa]-‚atŸ-ka 1 lú-tur-ka [...... ]-ma [...... ] li-[i]Í-me [...... ]-zi-iz-ma u.e. [...... ]-as?-ma 25 [...... ]-en-na-zi [x]‚x a xŸ-an1 gín-àm kù-babbar l.e. [l]i-di-in-ma ù lú Íu-gi-meÍ-Íu [Íu-z]i-iz-ma a-na pí-i lú Íu-gi-Íu [ma-aÓ-ri-k]a a-sí-‚riŸ di-in-ka 30 [li-im-Óu-u]r

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Niqmi-Adad: Concerning the case of Asiri, the merchant, I previously had his elders, the merchants, and the commoners appear before me, and made them receive a verdict in accordance with the statement of his elders. Now if you want to annul my verdict—annul it! Hereby [I have sent to you] his elders (and) the merchants. I sent (one of) his elders (to fetch) a commoner from Puˇrum, but he did not come [.... ll. 20–24 too broken for translation ....] (25) let him pay [.....]-ennazi and [...... ] each 1 shekel of silver, and let his elders THE LETTERS 135

appear, and let Asiri [receive(?)] your verdict [before] you according to the statement of his elder(s).

(17) Puˇrum is identical to Puˇra mentioned in the year-formula for Samsu-iluna 22. It is not as yet attested in texts from Mari, but occurs also in the administrative text [L.87-461].

84 [L.87-1367] Niqmi-Adad reports on missing people from Apum, but the details are obscured by the broken state of the tablet. obv. [a-na t]i-la-ab-nu-[ú] ‚qí-bí-maŸ um-ma ni-iq-mi-‚dim-maŸ ‚ˇup-pa-kaŸ Ía tu-Ía-bi-la[m eÍ-me] 5 aÍ-Íum mí-tur uru a-‚pa?-aŸ-yi‚kiŸ Ía ta-aÍ-pu-ra-am i-nu-ma mí-tur Í[a-a-ti] it-‚tiŸ lú IZ-[...... ] lo.e. uruki pa-Ó[i-...... ] 10 ‚i-na x xŸ[...... ] (break of 3 lines) rev. (4 lines with traces) ‚uru?Ÿki ‚x xŸ[...... ] na-BI-‚xŸ[x]‚xŸ[...... ] 20 [ú]-ul in-ne-‚epŸ-pé-eÍ [l]ú ù munus a-na qa-at [b]e-el a-wa-ti-i[a] l.e. ‚x-aŸ-ru-‚maŸ k[i]-la-li-Íu-[nu] ‚aŸ-na kù-babbar id-[d]i-in-[ma] 25 uruki x [...... wa-aÍ-bu]

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Niqmi-Adad: I have heard the letter you sent me; concerning the girl from Apum(?) that you wrote to me about: When this girl was living(?) with the man of [...... ] the town [.... break ....] (rev. 20) ...... is not done. The man and the woman were [.....] to the authority of my opponent, and he sold them both for silver, and they are [living] in the town [...... ].

(5) The reading of the GN is uncertain. If Apum is involved, this is the only extant reference to a town Apum. Cf. I.1.1.1 n. 5. 136 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

B. As aÓum ‰iÓrum 85 [L.87-639] Till-Abnû suggested that Niqmi-Adad graze his sheep in AÓanda, but they were held up by illness and the place was taken by herds from NilibÍinnum. Instead he has tried to find grazing in Kuz⁄ya, but the local official there chased off his sheep. Niqmi-Adad asks his brother for help. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú a-Ói-‚ia galŸ qí-bí-ma um-ma ni-iq-mi-dim a-Óu-ka ‰í-iÓ-rum-ma 5 i-na pa-ni-tim aÍ-Íum udu-Óá-ia a-na ‰e-ri-ka aÍ-pu-ra-am-ma um-ma at-ta-ma udu-Óá-ka i-na uru a-Óa-an-da!ki i-di-ma aÍ-ra-nu-um li-ir-di-e-a 10 an-ni-tam a-Ói gal iq-bé-em udu-Óá a-na uru a-Óa-an-daki lo.e. a-na re-di-im-ma udu-Óá-ia dingir-lum rev. il-pu-ut-ma a-di dingir-lam 15 ú-Ía-al-li-mu ma-aÓ-ri-ia-ma ak-la-ma udu-Óá Ía uru ni-li-ib-Íi-ni i-na uru a-Óa-an-daki id-du-ú wa-ar-ka-nu 20 ki-ma dingir-‚lamŸ ú-Ía-al-‚liŸ-mu Iia-aq-bi-ia ú-tu-lu uru ku-za-a-iaki a-na udu-‚ÓáŸ iq-bi udu-Óá a-na ku-za-‚a-iaŸki id-du-ma lú sú-ga-gu 25 Ía ku-za-a-iaki u.e. udu-Óá-ia uk-ta-aÍ-Í[i]-/id i-na-an-na a-Ói gal 1 lú-tur-Íu it-ti l.e. lú-tur-ri-ia li-iˇ-ru-ud-ma 30 udu-Óá-ia i-na uru ku-za-a-iaki la ú-ka-aÍ-Ía-du

Say to my elder brother Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Niqmi-Adad, your younger brother: Previously I wrote to you about my sheep, and you said: “Place your sheep in AÓanda, let (them) go there.” This my elder brother told me. The sheep (were ready) to be led to AÓanda, but the god struck my sheep, and until I appeased the god, I kept (them) back, but (then) the sheep of NilibÍinnum were placed in AÓanda. Afterward, when I had appeased the god, Yaqbiya the chief shepherd indicated the town Kuz⁄ya for the THE LETTERS 137

sheep; the sheep were placed in Kuz⁄ya, but the sug⁄gum of Kuz⁄ya chased my sheep away. Now will my elder brother please send his retainer with my retainer, so they will not chase away my sheep in Kuz⁄ya.

(8, 22) For the towns AÓanda and Kuz⁄ya, see note to [113]. (13ff.) The god “touches” (lap⁄tum) the sheep with sickness, which abates only when the god has been appeased (Íullumum). Obviously the sick sheep cannot graze with other herds. For these and related expressions, see the recent, detailed discussion by Durand, ARMT XXVI/1, pp. 543ff.

86 [L.87-533] Niqmi-Adad sends certain people for judgment. Most of the tablet is illegible. obv. [a-na] ti-la-[ab-n]u-‚úŸ a-Ói-i[a gal] [qí-b]í-[m]a [um-ma ni-iq-mi]-dim [...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ 5[...... ]-ni lú wa-b[i-il] [ˇup-pí-i]a an-ni-i[m it-ti] [...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ] ‚di-namŸ i-Íu-ú l[ú Íu-ú] ‚ù ìr-diŸ-Íu I‚xŸ[x]‚x xŸ 10 [x]‚x AD xŸ-e ù Iku-‚uzŸ-z[u-...... ] lo.e. [...... ]-ra-na-yu‚kiŸ (rest of tablet cannot be read; in l. 6' can be read: ni-Íi-Íu ‰a-ba-at)

Say to my [elder] brother Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Niqmi-Adad [.....]: Mr. [...... ], the bearer of this [letter] of mine has a case [with Mr...... ] This man and his servants Mr. x, Mr. x, and Kuzzu-[..... rest illegible except line 6': “seize his people”]

12. fiepallu 87 [L.87-544] fiepallu complains about the lack of greetings from Till-Abnû. He reminds him that in the time of Mutiya(?) he loyally conveyed news—something that Tak2 can confirm. fiepallu also sends a certain fiattiya, who has a dispute to be settled. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-[ú] qí-bí-ma u[m-m]a Íe-pa-al-lu a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 am-‚miŸ-nim a-Ói Íu-lu[m]-Íu ù ˇe4-em-Í[u a-n]a ‰e-r[i-ia] 138 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

‚la-aŸ [iÍ-ta-na-ap]-‚pa-ra-amŸ i-nu-ma I[mu-ti-ia (...... )] lo.e. ‚ÍuŸ-ul-[ma-am ù ˇe4-ma-am] 10 ga-am-[ra-am ma-ti-ma] ‚aŸ-na ‰[e-ri-ia iÍ]-t[a-pa-ra-am] rev. Imu-t[i-ia] ú-ul [.....] ‚x xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] um-ma a-na-ku-ma la-a tu-u[‰-‰i] 15 lú-meÍ li-mu-ut-tam na-Íu-ni-m[a] Ita-ke ìr-ka Ía-al-‚ÍuŸ ki-ma a-wa-tim ma-ar<-‰a>-tim-ma Ía e-Íe-em-mu-ú áÍ-ta-na-ap-pa-r[u] i-na-an-na a-nu-um-ma IÍa-at-‚ti-iaŸ 20 ìr-di aˇ-ˇar-da-ak-ku[m] u.e. di-nam aÍ-ra-nu-um i-Íu a-wa-as-sú Íi-me-ma di-in-Íu i-di-iÍ-Íu l.e. ù Íu-lum-ka a-na ‰e-ri-‚iaŸ 25 lu-ú ka-a-ia-na

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) ﬁepallu, your brother: Why does my brother not send me his greetings and news [regularly]? When [Mutiya (reigned) he always sent me] greetings and detailed [news]. Mu[tiya] did not [...... ] and I said: “Do not go out. The men bear evil against you.” Ask your servant Tak2 if I have not reported any evil words I hear! Now hereby I have sent my servant ﬁattiya to you. He has a lawsuit there. Listen to his testimony, and settle his case; and may your greetings to me be regular.

(8, 12) The rather bold restorations, involving retrospective mention of Mutiya, are judicious guesses based on similar passages in other letters to Till-Abnû, especially [34], 4–10. (19) ﬁattiya: a man with this name living in a town west of Leilan is mentioned in an administrative text ([L.87-732], limmu Amer-IÍtar), but may well be a homonym.

88 [L.87-573] ﬁepallu sends men whose case should be settled justly by Till-Abnû. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma Íe-pa-al-lu a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 a-nu-um-ma lú-meÍ Ía di-nim a-na ‰e-er a-Ói-ia aˇ-ˇar-da-am THE LETTERS 139 rev. a-Ói di-nam Ía dutu li-Ía-Ói-is-sú-nu-ti

Say to Till-Abnû. Thus (says) ﬁepallu, your brother: Hereby I have sent the men for judgment to my brother. Please will by brother let them receive a verdict (worthy) of ﬁamaÍ!

13. fiukrum-TeÍÍup (of EluÓut) A. As “neutral” 89 [L.87-939] (lines 25–46 quoted in Eidem 2000, 258) fiukrum-TeÍÍup and Till-Abnû are negotiating the resumption of diplomatic relations and a treaty, but apparently have little mutual confidence. fiukrum-TeÍÍup now expects Till-Abnû to come to EluÓut so that an agreement can be concluded. obv. a-na ti-i[l-la-a]b-nu-ú [q]í-bí-ma [u]m-ma Íu-uk-rum-te-Íu-up-ma ki-a-am ta-aÍ-pu-ra-am ‚um-ma at-taŸ-ma 5 am-mi-nim Íe-pu-um Ó[i-i]p-pí-ú-um ‚am-mi-nimŸ ‚dumuŸ Í[i-i]p-ri-ka ‚aŸ-na ‰e-ri-ia ‚laŸ i-la-kam ù dumu Íi-ip-ri-i[a] a-na ‰e-ri-‚kaŸ la i-la-kam an-n[i-t]am ta-aÍ-‚puŸ-ra-am 10 iÍ-tu pa-na-nu-um-[m]a é-[tu]m Ía e-lu-Óu-utki Íum-ma ‚e-liŸ lú gi-mi-il-lam iÍ-ta-ka-an [gi]-mi-la-Íu ú-ul ú-ta-ar-ru [ù] ‚at-taŸ ‚laŸ ta-aÍ-pu-ra-‚amŸ 15 [anÍe? i-n]a ‚‰e-ri-ÍuŸ aq-ˇu-ul [um-ma a-n]a-ku-ma pí-qa-at it-ti-ia [sa-li-m]a-am ú-ul Óa-Íe-‚eÓŸ-ma lo.e. [ù] ke-em dumu Íi-ip-ri-Íu ‚ú-ulŸ iÍ-pu-ra-am 20 [x x]‚xŸ-iÍ aÍ-ta-ap-ra-k[um] [x x x]‚xŸ eq-bi-ma rev. [...... i-n]a bi-ri-ni [...... i-Í]a-ri-iÍ [...... i ni-i]d-bu-ub 25 [é e-lu-Óu-utki lu]-ú é-ka [ù é Íu-bat-den-líl]ki lu-ú é-ti [ù aÍ-Íum l]ú-meÍ Ía ta-aÍ-[p]u-[r]a/-[a]m 140 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[ú-ul ú-w]a-Íe-ra-aÍ-Íu-nu-ti-[ma] ‚ùŸ i[q-b]u um-ma-mi I‚tilŸ-ab!-‚nu-úŸ 30 a-na e-lu-Óu-utki [l]u-le-em-ma a-di te-le-em-ma a-na-ku ù at-ta ni-in-na-ma-ru ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ i-na bi-ri-ni ni-za-ka-ru-ma da-mu-ut-tum i-na [b]i-ri-ni iÍ-Ía-ka-na 35 lú-meÍ ú-ul ú-‚wa-ÍaŸ-ar ù é-tam Ía i-na [Í]u-bat-den-lílki e-ri-Íu a-na ma-am-ma-an la t[a-n]a-ad-‚di/-inŸ ù é-tam i-na li-ib-bi ‚eŸ-[lu]-Óu-utki lu-ud-di-na-ak-kum 40 ‚ùŸ a-lamki Ía te-ri-Íu u.e. [l]u-ud-di-na-ak-kum [a]t-ta é-tam i-n[a] ‚eŸ-[lu]-Óu-utki [te]-‚ri-Ía-maŸ ù a-n[a]-ku é-tam l.e. [x x ]‚xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ ‚iŸ-na bi-ri-ni [...... ] 45 [x x ]‚xŸ[...... ]‚x xŸ it tam ‚xŸ[...... ] [x x ]‚xŸ[...... -k]a ù dumu-meÍ ‚ùŸ[...... ]

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) fiukrum-TeÍÍup: You wrote to me as follows: “Why is the path broken? Why does your messenger not come to me, and my messenger not to you?” This you wrote to me. Since long ago the house of EluÓut—if it had granted favor to a prince, did they not return its favor?— [but] you did not write to me! I slaughtered [a donkey?] on its “back,” (and) I (said to myself): “Seemingly he does not want [peace] with me, and this is why he did not send his messenger to me.” [...... ] I have written to you (again) [...... ] I said: “Let there be [...... ] between us [...... ] sincerely [...... ] let us confer. [The house of EluÓut] is your house, [and the house of fiubat-Enlil] is my house!” [And concerning] the men you wrote to me about, I have [not (yet)] released them, but they said: “Till-Abnû (says): I shall come up to EluÓut!”—and until you come up, and you and I meet (and) swear an oath to each other and blood bonds are established between us, I shall not release the men! And the house I request in fiubat-Enlil you must not give to someone (else), and I shall give you a house inside EluÓut, and I shall give you the town you wish. You [ask] me for a house in EluÓut, and I [ask you for] a house [in fiubat-Enlil ..... rest of text on left edge too broken for translation].

(5) Í¤pum Óippium: Óippium seems a parras-formation from Óepûm “break, destroy”; the plene writing is due to the interrogative mode of the sentence. (15) The reconstruction and meaning of this is not clear. With the verb qaˇ⁄lum “slaughter” one expects “donkey” as the object. Since here the context is a “negative” treaty situation “on its back” could refer to a “reversed” treaty ritual, but the lack of any parallels, of course, stresses the very provisional nature of this suggestion. (21) The subject for the verb is not clear; the translation assumes ﬁukrum-TeÍÍup. THE LETTERS 141

(25f.) The reconstructions take account also of the spacing of the remaining signs that point to line 26 as having the longer GN. (29) It seems certain that Till-Abnû is mentioned here. The epigraphic difficulty may be resolved by assuming that the scribe lacked space at the end of the line and, therefore, erased ti(-il)-la, shift- ing to the shorter til-ab. Unfortunately, the surface is too damaged to confirm this, but the extra wedge below AB points in this direction. The construction: (verbum dicendi +) ummami PN(- ma) “(it is reported) PN said” is also found here in, e.g., [8], 5f. and [94], 9f. (34) The word damuttum is not registered by the dictionaries, but is clearly to be connected with the references to “touching of blood” in treaty ceremonies, and thus the designation for such procedure. For more details, see II.1.2.1. (36) This is another clear example of towns (or villages) exchanged between kings (cf. ad [28]). Fur- ther, the exchange of “houses” in EluÓut and fiubat-Enlil between the two kings must have had both economic and symbolic significance. From the time of fiamÍ‹-Adad, for example, we know that YasmaÓ-Addu had a “house” in fiubat-Enlil, and in the texts from Shemsh⁄ra we hear of a local king Talpu-Íarri, resident elsewhere, but having a “house” in fiuÍarr⁄. In both these cases the “house” was presumably intended as a kind of embassy and a place of residence when visiting, but also functioned as an economic unit (estate). At the same time, such “houses” would symbolically have underscored the close relationship between the rulers (cf. ll. 25f.).

90 [L.87-570] Concerns an exchange of missing personnel. ﬁukrum-TeÍÍup has been obliged to release the men requested by Till-Abnû to AÍtamar-Adad and suggests that Till-Abnû discuss the matter with him. obv. [a-na til?-la-ab-nu-ú] q[í-bí-ma] um-ma Íu-u[k-rum-te-Íu-up-ma] ˇup-pa-ka Ía tu-Í[a-bi-lam] eÍ-me 5 aÍ-Íum lú-tur Ía tu-wa-aÍ-Íe-ra-am! ma-di-iÍ aÓ-du i-na-an-na a-nu-u[m-ma] lú sa-bi-ra-la‚kiŸ Ía iÍ-tu ‚ti-liŸ-[...... ] e. 10 in-na-[bi-tu] zi-im-ra-a[‰-...... ] rev. iq-bé-em-[ma] aÍ-Íum ki-a-am a‰-ba-[at] aÍ-Íum lú-meÍ an-nu-ut-ti-in 15 Ía-pa-ra-am ú-‚ul eŸ-le-i i-na-an-na lú Íe-ti ú-ta-aÍ-Íe-er a-Ói dumu Íi-ip-ri-Íu a-na ‰e-er aÍ-ta<-mar>-dim u.e. 20 [li-iˇ-ru-ud-ma] l.e. ‚ùŸ a-wa-ti-Íu ‚aŸ-Ói li-iÍ-me 142 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[Say to Till-Abnû]: Thus (says) ﬁuk[rum-TeÍÍup (...... )]: I have heard the letter you sent me. As for the retainer you released to me I am very pleased. Now, however, Zimra‰-[...... ] told me about a man from Sabirala, who has run away from Tili-[...... ], and because I heard about it this way, I could not write about these men. Now I have released this man. My brother [should send] his messenger to AÍtamar-Adad, and my brother should listen to his word.

(8) A town Sabirala is not previously attested. (9) The broken passage at the end should contain a GN. Tillum near KaÓat could be a candidate (attested in A.863; see Bardet, ARMT XXIII, pp. 68f. Charpin’s translation “a tell” [1990a, p. 76 n. 29] is hardly correct).

B. As aÓum 91 [L.87-454] (upper part of tablet) Little of the text is preserved, but it is a discussion of personnel. There is a reference to the time “when the town AllaÓada was hostile” (i.e., during the war with Buriya of Andarig). obv. a-na ‚til?Ÿ-la-‚ab-nu-ùŸ qí-bí-ma um-ma ‚Íu-ukŸ-rum-te-Íu-up a-Óu-ka-a-[ma] [x]‚x xŸ-a-ba lú ‚an?Ÿ-mu-lu-uk 5 [x x x]‚xŸ ù lú-tur Ía tu-wa-‚eŸ-[ra-am] (break) rev. [....]‚xŸ[...... t]a-Ía-a[p-...... ] [...... ]-ma ‚i-diŸ ki-ma [x xŸ ‚lú-meÍ ÍuŸ-nu ‚i-naŸ ki-it-tim ‚il-qúŸ-ú 5' ‚iŸ-nu-ma uru al-la-Óa-daki na-ak-ru ù dumu-m[eÍ x]‚xŸ u.e. [Í]a it-ti-ka ik-ki-r[u] ‚itŸ-ta-ak-‚luŸ-ú ‚ùŸ aÍ-Íu[m Í]u-nu-ti l.e. 10' ‚dumu-meÍŸ[...... ] [...... ] ‚x xŸ[...... ]

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) ﬁukrum-TeÍÍup, your brother: [Mr...... ]-aba from Ilu-Muluk(?) [...... ] and the retainer you sent me with instructions [.... break ....] (3') [...... ] these men took justly. When the town of AllaÓada was hostile, and the sons of [...... ] who were hostile to you were withheld and because of these the sons of [....break ....] THE LETTERS 143

(4) AN-Muluk(?): Ilu-Muluk was a town in the district of Terqa (Groneberg 1980, 108) and is rather unexpected here; possibly a northern homonym is involved.

14. Ta-..... 92 [L.87-1366] Almost no consecutive text can be restored on this virtually complete, but poorly preserved tablet. The sender, who seems otherwise unattested, defends himself against accusations that his men have stolen people and sheep, and claims that he wishes no hostility with Till-Abnû and his allies. Inter- esting is the reference in line 12 to “a Ó⁄birum of the land.” obv. ‚a-naŸ ti-[la-ab-nu-ú] qí-b[í-ma] ‚umŸ-ma ta-‚xŸ[...... ] ‚a-ÓuŸ-k[a-a-ma] 5‚a-naŸ mi-nim ‚xŸ[...... ] e-[l]i-ia ‚ta-adŸ-[de-e-em] ‚xŸ[x x]‚x xŸ[...... ] ù ‚a-na?Ÿ lú-meÍŸ[...... ] [x] ù 2 uruki-meÍ ‚xŸ[...... ] 10 ‚ùŸ ul-lu-u[m] ZU-[...... ] ú-ka-al ‚1Ÿ lú [...... ] Óa-bi-rum ‚Ía ma-aŸ-t[im...... ] ‰a-ba-k[a? aÍ-ra]-nu-um [...... ] ‚x x xŸ ‚ÍumŸ-ma udu-Óá ‚it?Ÿ-ti lo.e. 15 [...... ]‚xŸ-Óa? KI [...... ]‚xŸ ga[l]-mar-tu rev. (2 first lines only isolated traces) ‚x x x x x Ía?Ÿ-al ki-ma 1 lú 20 [l]a aÍ-p[u-r]u ‚‰aŸ-bu-um Ía it-t[i] I[t]a-du-um-‚teŸ-eÍ-Ói úÍ-bu it-ti-Íu [i]l-‚liŸ-ik mi-i[m]-ma ‰a-bi ú-ul ‚ilŸ-[qé] ‚i-na-an-naŸ a-Ó[i a-na x x-r]a-nimki [a-na I...... Íu-u]p-ra-am 25 ‚xŸ-ru-‚xŸ [x x]-‚bi-im xŸ[...... ] ‚x x xŸ ù ‚xŸ AN ‚xŸ[...... ] Ía ‚i-baŸ-aÍ-Íu ‚xŸ[...... ] [mi-i]m-ma-a-tam nu-ku-‚úrŸ-tam [i]t-ti-ku-nu ú-ul Óa-aÍ-‚Óa-a-kuŸ u.e. 30 [Í]a-nu-tu-um ‚xŸ[x]‚xŸ[...... ] [x]‚x uduŸ-Óá ‚xŸ[...... ] 144 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Say to Ti[ll-Abnû]: Thus (says) Ta-[....], your brother: Why do you heap [...... ] on me?[...... ] and to the men [...... ] two towns [...... ] he there [...... ] holds. One man [...... ] a Ó⁄birum of the country[...... ] your(?) troops there [...... ], if the sheep with [...... (to/in?) ...... ]Óa (GN) [...... ] a commander [...... ] (19) [....] ask if I sent a single man! The troops staying with Tadum-TeÍÓi went away with him, and my troops did not take anything. Now my brother should send [...... ] to [...... ]r⁄num (GN) [....lines 24–27 too broken for translation.....] (28) I do not want any enmity with you. Others [.... lines 30f. too broken for translation ....]

E. Letters from a m⁄rum 1a. Aya-abum 93 [L.87-401] (lines 5'–8' quoted in Eidem 1996b, 84 n. 10) Aya-abu reports that part of the lances sent to him have been left in ﬁaÓana. On the reverse, he asks if the rumor that the Óabb⁄tum have returned is true. If so, he wants Till-Abnû to send 50 soldiers to help protect ﬁun⁄. obv. a-na a-bi-ia ti-la-a[b-nu(-ú)] qí-bí-[m]a um-ma a-ia-a-bu ma-ru-ka-a-ma dim ù daÍ-kur a-bi da-ri-iÍ 5 li-ba-al-li-ˇú i-na giÍÍukur zabar [Í]a tu-Ía-bi-lam 20 giÍÍukur zabar ub-lu-nim Íi-ta-tum i-na Ía-Óa-naki-ma i-ma-q[ú-ut-ma] [n]a-Íi-Íu-nu aÍ-ra-nu-um-ma i-zi-bu-nim [i-na]-an-na a-nu-um<-ma> na-Íi-i lú ‚xŸ[...] 10 [...... ]‚x x xŸ[...... ] (break) lo.e. (small fragment with remains of 3 lines preserved) rev. [...... ]‚x x x xŸ[...... ] [...]‚xŸ li-Ía-sà-Íu-nu-ti [ù] re-qú-sú-nu la i-tu-[ru-ni]m [Í]a-ni-tam i-na a-Ói-ti-ia ki-a-a[m] 5' iq-bu-nim um-ma-mi érin-meÍ Óa-ba-tu[m] i-tu-ra-am Íum-ma érin-meÍ Íu-ú i-tu-ra-am 50 érin-meÍ ˇú-ur/-dam-ma ‚uruŸ Íu-na-aki li-ki-lu uruki Íu-‚úŸ ki ú-ul uru -ka ˇe4-ma-am a-bi 10' [ul-l]i-iÍ i-Íe-[em-mu-ú] a-bi u.e. [l]i-iÍ-pu-ra-am-ma lu-ú i-di-‚eŸ THE LETTERS 145

Say to my father Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Aya-abu, your son: May Adad and AÍkur grant my father long life! Of the bronze lances you had sent to me, (only) 20 were delivered. The rest arrived(?) in ﬁaÓana, [but] they abandoned their transport there. Now hereby the transport of the men [.... break ....] (rev. 2') He should have them start and they must not return empty-handed. Another matter: In my circles it is said: “The Óabb⁄tum have returned!” If the Óabb⁄tum have returned send me 50 soldiers to hold the town ﬁun⁄. This town—is it not your own town? Please will my father send me any further news my father hears so that I am kept informed!

It should be noted that the copy was made after the surface of the tablet had suffered some minor damage in modern baking and, therefore, is slightly at variance with transliteration. Address Formula: The same blessing formula recurs in several of the following letters from Aya- abu, and the total of six preserved passages with the consistent configuration an-aÍ-kur leaves no room for doubt: we here finally have a reference to the god AÍkur outside a few PNs (like prominently Mut-AÍkur, the son of IÍme-Dagan, and from °ana B›nu-AÍkur and Idin-AÍkur; see Gelb 1980, p. 350, and cf. Durand 1991c, 88). Except that AÍkur was a north Mesopotamian deity, and in view of the Leilan evidence perhaps worshipped in fiun⁄, nothing is known about this god. Apart from this feature it may be noted that there is a considerable variation of detail in the address of these letters: -Abnû in Till-Abnû is spelled ab-nu, ab-nu-ú, and ab-ni; -abu in Aya-abu is spelled a-bu, a-bu-ú, and a-bu-um; finally “son” is written dumu, dumu-ru, and ma-ru. Perhaps such variations are patterned in ways that would reveal the hands of several scribes or, alternatively, diachronic trends. The plene writing of -Abnû, for example, does coincide consistently with the absence of the blessing formula in [94]–[95], [98], but other features in these three texts are not consistent: -abu is represented by all three variations and “son” is written both dumu and ma-ru. Likewise, the short forms of -Abnû coincide consistently with the writing dumu-ru for “son” in [97], [100]–[101], but in the same texts -abu is spelled both a-bu and a-bu- um. Since also -Abnû is preserved only in six out of ten letters, it seems hazardous to interpret these variations beyond mere accident. A theory of two or more scribes is not supported by material evidence (see Appendix 1), but some slight hints at a diachronic trend may be visible. Contextual evidence suggests that the pairs [94]–[95] and [101]–[102] each belong closely together in time, and shows some respective consistency: [94]–[95] are completely parallel except for the variation a-bu(-ú) in -abu, and [101]–[102] (name of Till-Abnû broken in latter text) likewise show only one variation (ma-ru/dumu-ru). (7) The town fiaÓana is not attested outside the Leilan texts. From the evidence in this letter it can be located between Leilan and fiun⁄, and [97] shows that it had its own “market” (maÓ‹rum).

94 [L.87-423] Aya-abu is concerned about °alu-rabi, who is reported to have evil intentions. He asks Till-Abnû whether he can defer the matter to him, or whether it is advisable to let °alu-rabi enter the town when he arrives. obv. a-na a-bi-ia Iti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma a-ia-a-bu dumu-ka-a-ma 146 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

i-na pa-ni-tim i-nu-ma ˇup-pa-‚atŸ 5 Iab-bu-ta-an uÍ-ta-bi-la-ak-kum Ía pí-i ˇup-pa-tim Íi-na-tim a-bi iÍ-pu-ra-am i-na-‚anŸ-na dumu Iab-bu-t[a-a]n lo.e. il-li-ka-am um-ma-a-mi 10 IÓa-lu-‚raŸ-bi lí-‚muŸ-ut-[tam] rev. a-na qa-qa-ad Ia-ia-a-bu-‚úŸ lu-úÍ-pu-uk-ma Ía da-mi-‚imŸ ‚luŸ-pu-úÍ i-na-an-na Íum-ma lú-meÍ Íu-nu i-la-ku-nim 15 a-na ‰e-ri-ka a-ˇà-ra-[da]m? a-bi Ía a-pa-li-Íu-nu li-pu-ul ú-la-Íu-[m]a l[ú]-meÍ Íu-nu-ti i-nu-ma ‚i-laŸ-ku-nim a-[na] li-‚ibŸ-bi uruki u.e. 20 ú-wa-aÍ<-Ía>-ar ‚ú-ulŸ ú-wa-Ía-/ar a-bi an-ni-tam la an-ni-tam l.e. li-iÍ-pu-ra-am-ma Ía pí-i a-bi-ia lu-pu-úÍ

Say to my father Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Aya-abu, your son: Previously when I sent you the letters from Abbutt⁄n, my father wrote back to me in accordance with these letters. Now the son of Abbutt⁄n came to me (and reported:) thus (says) °alu-rabi: “I will heap evil on Aya-abu’s head and I will shed blood!” Now if these people come here, I will send (them) to you and my father will give them their answer, or if not, when these people come, shall I give them free access to the town or not? Please may my father write to me whether (I should do) one or the other thing, and I will act on my father’s instruction.

(10) NI=lí is unexpected, but not unique (cf. Durand, ARMT XXVI/1, p. 295 ad 129 b) and seems required here. The expression lemuttam ana qaqqad PN Íap⁄kum is apparently not attested elsewhere. (12) Ía damim ep¤Íum: cf. CAD D, 79, which quotes the Old Assyrian passage CCT 4 30a, 13: lugal dame ¤tapaÍma kuss‹Íu la taqnat “the king has committed bloodshed, therefore, his throne is blem- ished.”

95 [L.87-490] As requested earlier by Till-Abnû, Aya-abu now sends a trusted servant to receive Till-Abnû’s advice. Aya-abu reports that °alu-rabi is on his way and asks whether he should go out to meet him. obv. a-na a-bi-ia ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma THE LETTERS 147

‚um-maŸ a-‚ia-a-buŸ-ú [du]mu-ka-a-[ma] 5 i-na pa-ni-tim ‚ki-aŸ-[am] ta-aÍ-pu-ra-a[m] lo.e. [u]m-ma at-ta-a-ma ìr-ka [t]a-ak-l[a-am] rev. Íu-up-ra-am-ma ˇe4-ma-‚amŸ 10 lu-ud-di-na-ak-kum i-na-an-na a-bi a-wa-at li-ib-bi-Íu ga-am-ra-am li-id-di-nam Ía-ni-tam <> Óa-lu-<<‚sú?Ÿ>>-ra-bi 15 a-na uru Íu-naki u.e. pa-nu-Íu Ía-ak-nu-ú a-bi a-wa-tam li-id-/di-na[m] l.e. a-na wa-‰i-ia la-a wa-‰i-ia 20 an-ni-tam la an-ni-tam li-iÍ-‚pur?Ÿ

Say to my father Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Aya-abu, your son: Previously you wrote to me as follows: “Send a trusted servant of yours to me and I shall give you a full briefing.” Now will my father please grant me full confidence! Also °alu-rabi has set himself on ﬁun⁄. Please will my father give instruction (and) write to me whether I should go out (to do battle) or not.

(14) The fourth and seventh signs in this line seem redundant and may have been part of the word as-sú-ur-ri “perhaps,” begun, regretted, but not erased by scribe.

96 [L.87-527] (not copied; fragment from upper left corner of tablet) Aya-abu has instructed someone to let Till-Abnû settle his case. obv. a-na a-bi-ia t[i-la-ab-nu(-ú)] qí-bí-[ma] [u]m-ma a-ia-a-b[u (...) “SON”-ka-a-ma] ‚dim ùŸ [daÍ-kur...... ] (break) rev. ‚xŸ[x x] dumu-meÍ [...... ] qa-du-um giÍmar-g[íd-da...... ] u.e. il-qú-ú ub-lam ‚xŸ[...... ] a-pu-ul-Íu um-[ma a-na-ku-ma] 5' a-na [‰]e-er ti-la-a[b-nu-ú] 148 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

‚aŸ-l[i-i]k-ma di-in-[ka li-di-in] l.e. ‚ùŸ[...... ] aÍ-Íum ‚munusŸ [...... ] Íum-ma a-n[a!...... ] 10' Íum-ma [...... ]

Say to my father Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Aya-abu, [your son]: May Adad and [AÍkur grant my father long life! .... rest of obverse broken ....] (rev.) [...... ] sons [of ...... ] with the wagons [.....] he took, he brought me[...... ] I answered him as follows: “Go to Till-Abnû, and [let him settle your] case, and [...... ] concerning the woman [...... ] if to [...... ] if [...... ].

97 [L.87-543] Aya-abu inventories what was taken from the house of a certain weaver and now turned over to Till-Abnû’s retainer. He further complains that °awur-atal is assembling soldiers from EluÓut and threatens ﬁun⁄. Till-Abnû must reprimand him or Aya-abu will take measures. Apparently Aya-abu and Till-Abnû had recently met in ﬁaÓana and Aya-abu, as agreed there, sends a trusted servant, Aya-aÓam, to Till-Abnû. Aya-abu finally recommends that Till-Abnû settle the case of a certain Yassi-EraÓ from NumÓum. obv. a-na a-bi-ia ti-la-ab-nu qí-bí-ma um-ma a-ia-a-bu dumu-ru-ka-a-ma dim ù daÍ-kur a-bi da-ri-iÍ 5 li-ba-‚al-li-ˇuŸ aÍ-Íum é-it ‚lú-túg Íu!-ÍuŸ-ri lú dù-apin ta-aÍ-‚puŸ-ra-am a-nu-um-ma a-na wa-bi-il ˇup-pí-ka 10 anÍe Íe-a-am 1 anÍe bán bu-ra-am i-na giÍbán ki-lam Ía-Óa-naki 2 ‚ÍáÓŸ-gal-Óá 10 ‚4 ÍáÓŸ-tur-Óá 2 munus 1 áb 1 amar 1 ‚gu4-ÓáŸ a-na qa-at wa-bi-il ˇup-pí-ka lo.e. at-ta-di-in Ía-ni-tam dam-qa a-wa-tum rev. an-ni-a-tum Ía lú Óa-wu-‚úrŸ-a-tal 15 Ía ‚érinŸ-meÍ lú e-lu-uÓ-ta-iaki maÓ-ri-‚ÍuŸ ú-Íe-Íi-bu-ma dumu-meÍ Íu-[na]-aki [i]-na nu-zi-Íu up-ta-na-ra-du [a-n]a lú Ía-a-ti Íu-pu-ur-ma an-ni-a-tim ‚laŸ i-te-né-pé-eÍ Íum-ma qí-bi-it-ka 20 la iÍ-me ma-la lú-lam Ía-a-ti e-pé-‚Íu-úÍŸ i-nu-mì-Íu-‚ma te-Íe-em-meŸ a-‚naŸ ú-ra-am Íe-ra-am a-na e-te-pu-Íi-‚imŸ an-ni-im lu-ú ti-de ù aÍ-Íum Ía ki-a-am THE LETTERS 149

i-na pa-nu wa-‰í-ia i-na Ía-Óa-na-aki 25 ta-aq-bi-a-am um-ma-mi 1 lú ta-ak-lam ‚a-naŸ u4-5-kam ˇú-ur-dam a-nu-um-ma u.e. Ia-ia-a-Óa-am ù wa-bi-il [ˇ]up-pí-ia an-ni-im aˇ-ˇar-dam l.e. 30 ‚aŸ-nu-um-ma lú ‚ia-siŸ-e-ra-aÓ lú nu-um-Óa-‚yiŸki a-na di-‚nimŸ a-na ‚‰e-ri-iaŸ il-li-kam ki-ma di-ni-Íu da-nim ‚a-na nu-pa-ri-im laŸ úÍ-te-ri-ib u.e. [Í]a e-li-ka ˇà-bu lo.e. lú Ía-a-ti di-in-Íu Íu-Íe-er

Say to my father Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Aya-abu, your son: May Adad and AÍkur grant my father long life! To sort out(?) the estate of the weaver, you sent a .... man to me. Now hereby to the bearer of your letter—10 homers of barley, 1 homer (and) 1 seah of burrum according to the seah-measure of the market in fiaÓana, 2 large pigs, 4 small pigs, 2 women, (and) 1 ox I have entrusted to the bearer of your letter. Another matter: Is it a good thing that °awur-atal has settled troops of EluÓut before him, and keeps frightening the inhabitants of fiun⁄ with his nuzû. Send words to this man that he must not do this. If he does not listen to your instruction, you will hear all I shall then do to this man. Know that to effect this (I shall be active) in the future! And concerning that you said thus to me before I left fiaÓana: “Send a trusted man to me in 5 days!” Hereby I have sent Aya-aÓam and the bearer of my letter to you. (Also) hereby Yassi-EraÓ, a NumÓean, came to me for judgment. Since his case is so serious I have not put him in the work-house. As it pleases you, settle the verdict for this man.

(5) Since the background for the transaction is not detailed, the exact force of Í›Íurum here is uncertain. The title lú-dù-apin in line 6 is otherwise unknown to me, but may be equivalent to engar/ikkarum. (9) ina s›t maÓ‹r GN “according to the seah-measure of the market in GN”: special containers and weighing stones “for the market” are attested in Old Assyrian texts and in texts from Mari; for references to these and a discussion of the word maÓ‹rum “market (place)” with all its implications, see Zaccagnini 1989; cf. for the Mari evidence on weights and weighing Joannès 1989, 123. It is interesting that ﬁaÓana, apparently a fairly small town east of ﬁun⁄ (see ad [93]), had such facilities. (17) nu-zi-Íu “his nuzû” should probably be connected with the mysterious word nuzû from several Mari texts, most recently discussed by Finet 1988 (cf. also Eidem 1987). Following Finet (in spite of the remarks by Durand, ARMT XXVI/1, p. 546 n. 22, idem 1992, 98, and DEPM II, pp. 375f.), it seems to me unlikely that the word has anything to do with ancient Nuzi, and it probably does not designate people, but a type of figure or statue. (20) eppeÍuÍ for eppeÍuÍu: this short form of the pronominal suffix is unique in these letters, but occurs in other contemporaneous texts (cf. at Shemsh⁄ra: Eidem and Læssøe 2001, index s.v.). (21f.) Lit. “in future to effect this—you shall know (it)!” an elliptical sentence translated tentatively. (33f.) These two lines, the last ones on the upper and lower edges respectively, seem to belong here in this order. Presumably the scribe, perhaps because the last section of the letter was not anticipated, but added in appendix, needed extra space and, therefore, took advantage of this possibility. 150 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

98 [L.87-680] Aya-abu writes about a certain Aya-aÓam whom he previously sent to Till-Abnû. obv. [a-na] t[i-la-a]b-nu-ú [qí]-bí-ma [u]m-ma a-‚iaŸ-a-bu-um [m]a-ru-ka-a-ma 5 aÍ-Íum ˇe4-mi-im an-‚niŸ-im ‚IŸa-ia-a-Óa-am aÍ-pu-r[a-ak-kum] ‚ù at-taŸ 1 lú ‚ÍaŸ t[u-...... ] lo.e. ‚x x xŸ-ba-al (rest of text illegible)

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Aya-abu, your son: Concerning this matter I sent Aya-aÓam to you, and you—one man whom you [.... rest illegible ....]

99 [L.87-780] Aya-abu relates how servants of Till-Abnû have fled from KaÓat and the subsequent negotiations. The text is damaged in such a way that most details remain unclear. obv. ‚a-naŸ [a-bi-ia ti-la-ab-nu(-ú)] qí-bí-[ma] um-ma a-ia-a-bu ma-ru-k[a-a-ma] dim ù daÍ-kur a-bi da-r[i-iÍ] 5 li-ba-al-li-ˇú aÍ-Íum lú-m[eÍ] ìr-du a-bi-i[a Í]a ‚iÍŸ-tu ka-Óa-at[(ki)] ‚in-na-biŸ-tu-n[im] lú na-wi a‰-ba-[at-ma] [ki-a-a]m iq-bi-‚a-amŸ um-ma-a-mi [lú-meÍ(?)] ‚x x a x x a-luŸ-yu-‚úŸ !? lo.e. 10 [i-n]a qí-iÍ7-t[i]m [i]Í-pu-ku-Íu-nu-[t]i [Ía i-pu-la]-an-ni eÍ-[m]e-‚maŸ rev. [x x]‚xŸ [x]‚xŸ a-n[a ka]-Óa-a[tki] [a]ˇ-ru-ud-ma l[ú-meÍ Íu-nu-t]i 15 a-na Í[u]-na-aki ú-w[a-a]Í-Íe-‚er-ÍuŸ-nu-/ti di-‚ipŸ-pa-ra-tum Óal-‰í ‚ka-Óa-atŸ ù ‚na-aÓŸ-ra-rum a-di a-‚x xŸ-bi Íu-na-aki ir-ku-sú [...... ] aÍ-Íum lú-meÍ Íu-nu-ti [...... ] 20 [Ía l]ú é-a-ma-lik ki-[...... ] [a-na ‰]e-ri-ia il-l[i-kam-ma] [lú-meÍ] Íu-nu-ti [...... ] THE LETTERS 151 u.e. [...... ]‚x biŸ [...... ] (break; ca. 2 lines) l.e. [x]‚x ki-maŸ lú Óa-ia-ti xŸ[...... ] [i-na]‚xŸ [x]‚x x xŸ[...... ] [...... ]-dam Óa-ia-ti wu-u[Í-Íe-er (...... )]

Say to [my father Till-Abnû]: Thus (says) Aya-abu, your son: May Adad and AÍkur grant my father long life! Because of the men, servants of my father, who fled here from KaÓat, I seized a man from the nawûm(?), and he said this to me: “.... and citizens heaped ..... (on) them in the forest(?). I heard what he answered me and I sent [...... ] to KaÓat(?), and he released these men to ﬁun⁄. (There are) fire-signals (in) the district of KaÓat, and relief until .... ﬁun⁄, has been prepared. In order to [...... ] these men [a messenger from] lord Ea- malik [...... ] came to me [...... ] (1') [...... ] my hayy⁄tum [...... ] (2') [...... ] (3') [...... ] release my Óayy⁄tum!

(9–11) These lines, which describe why the men fled from KaÓat, are not clear. (16ff.) Note dippar⁄tum for expected dip⁄r⁄tum. The construction and meaning of the passage is not clear, and I can suggest no good reading for the last signs in line 17 despite repeated collation. (1') For the Óayy⁄tum, see ad [33], 4.

100 [L.87-1394] Little consecutive text is preserved. On the reverse, Aya-abu asks Till-Abnû to keep someone in custody. obv. [a-na] a-bi-i[a ti-la-a]b-ni qí-b[í]-ma um-ma a-ia-a-bu ‚dumu-ru-ka-a-maŸ dim ù daÍ-kur da-[ri]-iÍ a-[bi] 5‚li-ba-al-liŸ-[ˇú aÍ-Íu]m dumu a-Ó[i-ia] [...... ]‚x ID xŸ[x] x [...... ]‚xŸ-ni-iG [...... ]‚xŸ-Íu lo.e. [...... ]-kam-ma ‚ma-ti-maŸ 10 [...... ]-ka i-na-an-na rev. [...... ]‚x ir xŸ ‚a-na ‰e-riŸ-ka i-b[a-aÍ-Í]i a-di a-la-kam lú-tur Í[a]-‚aŸ-[ti] li-‰ú-ru-Í[u Í]a-ni-tam 15 ‚ˇe4-em lúŸ[x x]‚x xŸ ta-aÍ-p[u-r]a-am e[Í-m]e-‚maŸ aÓ-[du] 152 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Say to my father Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Aya-abu, your son: May Adad and AÍkur grant my father long life! Concerning the nephew(?)[ ...... ] (10) [...... ] now [...... ] is ready for you. Until I come have this man guarded. Another matter: I heard the message concerning the man [...... ] you wrote to me, and I was pleased!

(6) The last sign seems identical to the last sign in line 11, but the reading is uncertain due to the broken context.

1b. Aya-abu and fiibila 101 [L.87-1430] Two thousand troops under °alu-rabi have gone off with AÍki-Addu and reached the town Gur- dabaÓÓum(?). AÍki-Addu has also sent off 1000 EluÓut troops, which have reached Sabb⁄num. Aya- abu and fiibila ask Till-Abnû for 150 soldiers to protect fiun⁄. obv. a-na a-bi-ia ti-la-ab-n[u] [q]í-bí-ma ‚umŸ-ma a-ia-a-bu-um ù Íi-bi-la dumu-ru-ka-a-ma dim ù daÍ-kur 5 a-ba-ni da-ri-[i]Í li-ba-al-li-‚ˇúŸ 2 li-im érin-meÍ lú dirig-meÍ lú Óa-‚luŸ-ra-bi d izx-ni-ma it-ti lú Áfi-KI-e- im ú-‚daŸ-pí-ir pa-nu érin-meÍ Ía-a-ti IÁfi-KI-e-dim i‰-‰a-ba-tam-ma lo.e.10 a-na uruki gur-da-ke!?-eÓ!?-Ói-imki ìs-ni-qá-am i-na Íà érin-meÍ rev. ‚ÍaŸ-a-ti 2 lú dumu-meÍ Íu-na-[a]‚kiŸ Ía i-na Íà érin-meÍ Ía-a-ti il-li-ku-nim an-ni-tam iq-bu-nim ù ‚ÍaŸ-ni-tam 15 1 li-im érin-meÍ e-lu-uÓ-ta-yiki IÁfi-KI-e-dim iÍ-pu-ur-ma a-na sa-ba-nimki ìs-sa-an-qa-am i-na-an-na 1 me 50 érin-meÍ ˇú-ur-dam-ma ù 1 lú a-lik / pa-nim 20 li-il-li-kam-ma Ía Íu-na-[aki] ù Óal-la-a‰ ma-at a-pí-im‚kiŸ u.e. e-pu-úÍ érin-me[Í an-n]u-um ba-lu-um ‰í-di-[tim a-na] na-aÓ-ra-ri-im li-i[l-li-kam] l.e. 25 uruki Íu-na-aki Ía-lim-ma ma-at a-pí-imki Í[a-li]m THE LETTERS 153

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (say) Aya-abum and fiibila, your sons: May Adad and AÍkur grant our father long life! 2000 reservists of lord °alu-rabi became dissatisfied(?) and detached themselves together with lord AÍki-Addu. AÍki-Addu has taken command of these troops and reached the town GurdabaÓÓum(?). Among these troops were two men from fiun⁄, who marched with these troops, (and) told me this. Also AÍki-Addu sent off 1000 EluÓut troops, and they have reached Sabb⁄num. Now send me 150 soldiers, and let a commander come, and I have done what (is necessary for defense of) fiun⁄ and the district of Apum. Let these troops come without provisions as reinforcements. The town fiun⁄ is well, and the land of Apum is well.

(7) AZ-ni-ma makes no apparent sense, and a reading izx-ni-ma (from zenûm) “become angry” seems necessary. The value izx of AZ is attested also here in [113], 13. A similar phrasing is found in ARMT XXVI/2, 404:18ff. “Because Atamrum ..... said this the envoys from Babylon and EÍnunna became annoyed and withdrew” (iz-nu-ú-ma a-na i-di-im ú-da-pí-ru). For the name AÍki-Addu, see I.1.2.5 s.v. (10) The town mentioned here is attested also in [102], 8. It is, no doubt, identical to the town Kur- dubaÓ in ARMT XXVIII 91, where ﬁubram of Sus⁄ relates that men from there (lú-meÍ ku-ur- du-ba-aÓ-Óa-yuki) have destroyed the town Kalmatum; this in the context of complaints over towns of ﬁubram held by °⁄ya-Sumu of Il⁄n-‰ur⁄. Here the sign KI should be certain (although last collation prior to publication of ARMT XXVIII), but admittedly the traces in [102], 8 could well represent a BA. Assuming a relative proximity of Kalmatum to Sus⁄ and of KurdubaÓ to Il⁄n-‰ur⁄, a location in the north central sector of the Habur Plains seems likely. (17) Sabb⁄num is mentioned also in [114] and [129], in both instances in relation with Amaz, and must, therefore, clearly be sought in the northwestern part of the Habur Plains (cf. I.1.2.5, s.v. Zig2). (22) The verb ep¤Íum here is presumably used with force “prepare defense of, fortify (a town)”; cf. ARMT XXVI/1, 156 b. (23) Aya-abu undertakes to provide the troops with provisions as was usual with auxiliaries.

1.c Aya-abu and Í‹butu 102 [L.87-667a+801a] Written shortly after [101]. Aya-abu and the elders report on the activities of AÍki-Addu, whose troops have looted the adaÍÍum (lower town) of GurdabaÓÓum (but apparently were unable to seize the citadel). It is also reported that troops from EluÓut have entered Nawali (cf. [97]) and a threat to ﬁun⁄ is imminent. obv. [a-n]a a-bi-ni ti-la-ab-[nu(-ú)] [q]í-bí-m[a] [u]m-ma a-ia-a-bu-um ù lú-meÍ Í[u]-g[i] [m]a-ru-ka-a-ma dim ù daÍ-‚kurŸ a-ba-ni 5[d]a-ri-iÍ li-ba-al-li-ˇú [aÍ-]Íum lú Áﬁ-KI-‚eŸ-dim ‚ùŸ érin-meÍ Ía maÓ-r[i-Íu] [t]a-aÍ-‚pu-ra-amŸ érin-meÍ Íu-ú 1 ‚li 3?Ÿ me-tim 154 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[i-n]a uru g[ur-d]a-‚ba?-aÓŸ-Ói-imki a-da-Ía-Íu i-ta-kal i-na Íà érin-meÍ Ía-[a-ti] 10 ‚2 meŸ-tim érin-meÍ lú Áﬁ-KI-e-‚dŸ[im] lo.e. [x x (x)] ki-ma a-na ‰e-e[r...... ] [.....ér]in-meÍ lú e-lu-uÓ-ta-yu[ki] ‚aŸ-na uru na-wa-li-e‚kiŸ rev. [l]u-ú i-ru-ub ù érin-me[Í...... ] 15 ‚x xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ [...... ]‚x xŸ [...... ]‚xŸ i-la<-ka>-kum [...... ]‚ùŸ a-na Íu-na-aki [...... -n]u i-na mu-Íi-i[m] 20 [...... ]‚x xŸ [...... ]‚eŸ-lu-uÓ-ti[mki] [...... ]érin-meÍ ù a-lik p[a]-‚niŸ-[Íu]-nu [x x érin]-meÍ Ía-a-ti lú ‚x x xŸ [ar-Ó]i-iÍ lú na-Íi[-...... ] 25 [ˇú-u]r-dam-ma Ía [...... ] u.e. [aÍ]-Íum uru ‚ÍuŸ-na-a[ki ù ma-at] ‚aŸ-pí-im Í[a...... ] [(x) éri]n-meÍ gu-um-‚meŸ-ra-a[m] (left edge completely broken)

Say to our father Till-Abnû: Thus (say) Aya-abu and the elders, your sons: May Adad and AÍkur grant our father long life! You wrote to me about lord AÍki-Addu and the troops who are with him. These troops, 1300(?), looted the lower town in GurdabaÓÓum. From these troops 200 troops of lord AÍki-Addu have [...... ] to [...... ] EluÓut troops have indeed entered Nawali and the troops [...... ] (the text on rev. is too broken for translation, but clearly concerns the threat to ﬁun⁄ and the preparations for defense.)

(8f.) This indicates that the citadel (kerÓum) still resists. Cf. ARMT XXVI/2, 433: 36ff. inanna °imdiya urukiAmaz, a-da-aÍ-Ía-Íu i-ta-ka-al kiriÓÍu, ul ilema.

2. Masum-atal (of Alil⁄num) 103 [L.87-633] Masum-atal requests greetings from his “father” Till-Abnû. obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú <> qí-bí-ma [um]-ma ma-sú-um-a-tal dumu-ka-a-ma [an-n]a-nu-um Íu-ul<-mu> aÍ-ra-nu-um THE LETTERS 155

5[ma-Óa]r a-bi-ia lu-ú Íu-ul-mu [am-mi-ni]m Ía Íu-‚ulŸ-mi-ka [la ta-aÍ-pu-r]a-am Íu-lum-ka [Íu-up-r]a-‚amŸ lo.e. [...... ]-tam (traces of 4 lines on reverse)

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Masum-atal, your son: All is well here, may all be well there before my father! [Why] did you not write news of yourself to me? Write to me about your well- being. [ .... rest broken ....]

104 [L.87-1288] Masum-atal has found the runaway slave mentioned by Till-Abnû, and now sends him to his “father.” obv. [a-na] a-bi-ia [t]i-la-a[b]-‚nu-úŸ qí-bí-ma um-ma ma-[s]ú-um-a-tal dumu-ka-a-ma 5 aÍ-Íum sag-ìr Ía in-na-bi-tu a-bi iÍ-pu-ra-am sag-ìr Ía-ti lo.e. ú-sa-an-ni-iq-/ma rev. ú-Íe-‚liŸ-Íu-ma 10 a-na ‰e-er a-bi-ia aˇ-ˇà-ar-da-aÍ-Íu

Say to my father Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Masum-atal, your son: My father wrote to me about a slave who ran away. This slave I sought out, picked him up, and have sent him to my father.

(9) The exact connotations of Í›lûm here are not clear.

3. MeÓilum A. As r⁄’imum 105 [L.87-523] Short note. obv. a-na til-na4 qí-bí-ma 156 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

um-ma me-Ói-lum ra-im-ka-a-ma ‰i-bu-tam Ía aq-bé-kum te-pu-úÍ [Í]a-ni-tam a-na ka-Óa-atki rev. (break of 3 lines) [...... ]-kum ‚a-na pa-anŸ [Í]a-lu-tim 10 [qa]-ti la-a u‰-/‰í u.e. a-na-ku ti-il5-la-/at-ka l.e. [a-n]a n[a-a]Ó-ra-a[r.....] (break; 1–2 lines more?)

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) MeÓilum, who loves you: You have performed the service I asked of you. Another matter: to KaÓat [...... ] (8) [....] for you. I will not lay hands on(?) the booty! I have [sent off(?)] your auxiliaries to assist [.... rest broken ....]

(1) This spelling of Till-Abnû is also found in [128]. (9) Traces at beginning very faint and restoration uncertain.

B. As m⁄rum 106 [L.87-1339] MeÓilum reports that °alu-rabi is displeased because Till-Abnû does not visit him as does, e.g., ﬁepallu. MeÓilum has, however, managed to placate °alu-rabi and now urges Till-Abnû to come with his army, or at least send it with a general. The end of the letter, which is not quite clear, concerns some grain that MeÓilum will hand over to Till-Abnû if he is assigned a “seed-house.” obv. a-na a-bi-ia ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma me-Ói-lum dumu-ru-ka-a-ma am-mi-nim Í[u-u]m-ka dam-qú i-Óa-as-sà-sú 5 ma-Óa-ar [I]Óa-lu-ra-bi um-ma Íu-ma [I]Óa-lu-ra-bi am-mi-nim Iti-la-ab-nu-ú ú-ul i-la-kam ù it-ti-‚iaŸ ú-ul i-na-am-me-ra-am ki-ma IÍe-pa-al-lu 1-Íu il-li-kam-ma 10 [i]t-ti-ia i-na-me-ra-am ù Íu-ú lo.e. ‚úŸ-ul i-la-kam i-na-an-na IÍe-pa-al-lu il-li-kam-ma giÍ ‚ ŸgeÍtin gu4 ù udu-Óá rev. uÍ-te-ri-ib i-na-an-na 15 a-na-ku ki-ma dumu-ru-ka m[a-Óar] I ‚ ŸÓa-lu-ra-bi ka-al u4-m[i-im] THE LETTERS 157

wu-úÍ-ba-[k]u? ù Íu-um-ka da[m]-qú i-Óa-as-sà-sú ù a-na-ku ˇe4-ma-am mi-im-ma iÍ7-te10-né-em-mé Ía-ni-tam 20 gal-mar-tu [k]a-lu-Íu ak-ka-Íum/-ma i-na-ad-d[á] ‚aŸ-la-kam ep-Ía-am qa-du-um ‰a-bi-ka ù Íum-ma at-ta ú-ul ta-al-la-‚kamŸ u.e. gal-mar-tu-ka qa-du-um ‰a-bi-ka 25 [Í]a-ni-tam aÍ-Íum ˇe4-mi-im [a]-nu-[u]m-mi-im Ía be-el a-wa-t[i]/-ia l.e. [x x]‚xŸ aÍ-Íum é ze-ri-im a-na [a]-bi-ia aÍ-pu-ur ù ki er-si-im a-bi é ze-r[i]-im li-id-di-na[m] ù a-n[a-k]u Íe-em lu-up-qí-i[d-k]a

Say to my father Till-Abnû: Thus (says) MeÓilum, your son: Why should they honor your name before °alu-rabi? °alu-rabi himself says: “Why does Till-Abnû not come here and meet with me? Like ﬁepallu came once and met me, he does not come to me, and now ﬁepallu came (again) and brought gifts of wine, oxen and sheep!” Now I as your son stay(?) all day [with] °alu-rabi, and (now) they honor your name, and I am able to hear any (new) plan. Another matter: your general is completely useless for you now; march off with your troops, and if you cannot come yourself, then (send) your general with your troops. Another matter: concerning this message that my opponent [...... ] I sent words to my father about a granary(?), and if ready will my father give me a granary(?) and I shall hand over the grain to you.

The tall, elegant writing of this letter and [105] is unique in our texts. The ductus seems slightly “archaic” (cf., e.g., shapes of Ù, KAM, RA). (4) Í›mka damqu iÓassas› (also in 17f.): one expects damqiÍ with term. adv. ending; apparently the loc. adv. ending -um is used instead. (13f.) The items of the Í›rubtum (presents from foreign courts) underscore the economic aspect of the diplomatic exchange of gifts; see Durand, ARMT XXI, pp. 512ff., for a discussion of the Í›rubtum and the Í›bultum (presents to foreign courts). (20f.) The construction is unusual and the translation tentative. (27f.) b‹t z¤rim lit. “house of seeds,” is a term known only from late (Neo-Babylonian) texts (acc. to AHw), and in the absence of other Old Babylonian evidence the translation “granary” is tentative. The context of the situation is also unclear: Was MeÓilum to have a granary in ﬁeÓn⁄? Was the grain rendered as tribute? Who was the “opponent” of MeÓilum who apparently had complained to Till-Abnû?

4. Zig2 107 [L.87-736+1423a] Zig2 has problems with a certain ﬁadu-Íetim, a servant of Till-Abnû, who will not pay the silver necessary to free his sister. 158 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN obv. a-n[a] t[i]-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma [um-ma z]i-gi-e ma-ru-[ka-a-m]a 5 aÍ-Íum Ía-d[u-Íe-tim? (....)] a-bi 1-Íu 2-Í[u iÍ-pu-ra-am] i-nu-ma ‚xŸ[...... ] [x]‚xŸ[...... ] (break) rev. ‚xŸ[x x]‚xŸ-ú-tam l[a...... ] [x x x]‚xŸ Ía-du-Íe-t[im?] it-ti i[Í-m]e?-an lú ti-[...... ] ù ki-a-am iq-[b]i-‚a-amŸ u[m-ma-mi] 5' a-nu-um-ma mí a-Ó[a-t]i a-‚naŸ k[a ˇu]p-pa-ti-/ka lu-ud-di-na-ak-kum i-na-an-na ‚Íu-úŸ mí a-Óa-sú ú-ul id-di-na-am [ù] ‚xŸ gín kù-babbar-‚ÍuŸ ú-ul i-pu-ul ‚xŸ gín ‚kù-babbarŸ li-i[d]-di-nam-ma u.e.10' ù ‚míŸ a-ÓaŸ-ti-Íu lu-wa-aÍ-Íe-ra-am ki-la-li-Íu-nu ìr-du-k[a] l.e. ‚a-na-kuŸ a-al-la-kam [...... ] ma-Ó[a]-a[r] a-bi-ia ‚ùŸ[...... ] 15' ‚x x Íe? Íe xŸ ir [...... ]

Say to Til-Abnû: Thus (says) Zig2, your son: My father wrote to me (both) once and twice about ﬁadu-Íetim(?). When [.... break ....] (rev. 2') [....] ﬁadu-Íetim(?) [...... ] with IÍme(?)-El from [GN ...... ], and he said this to me: “I shall give you my sister according to the contents of your documents.” Now this man did not give me his sister, and he has not met his obligation of [x] shekels of silver. Let him pay the [x] shekels of silver and I shall drop claims to his sister. They are both your servants. I (myself) will come [...... ] before my father and [...... ]

(5) The reading of the latter part of this Hurrian PN is not clear; one expects Ía-du-Íe-en-ni (a name actually attested at Leilan in [L.87-1372]), but the last sign in line 2' clearly rules this out. (6) Perhaps in›ma ‚muŸ-[ti-ia .....]—thus retrospective mention of Till-Abnû’s predecessor. (15') The traces produce no clear reading.

5. [...... ] 108 [L.87-509] The sender is concerned about the cattle in nearby(?) ﬁuttannum, but the men there are not coop- erative. THE LETTERS 159 obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-‚úŸ qí-[bí-ma] um-[ma...... ]-‚(x) x dumu-kaŸ-a-ma [x x]‚x xŸ [x iÍ]-pu-ra-am-‚maŸ 5 ù ki-ma Í[e? Íu?]-li-im a-ma-aÍ-Íi-ú ‚a-naŸ Íu-ut-ta-[n]imki aÍ-pu-ur-ma lú-meÍ [...... ] ú-‚paŸ-Ói-ir-m[a lú-meÍ] lo.e. ú-ul i-na [...... ] 10 ‚daŸ-Óa-ti [ú-ul i-Ía-lu] rev. i-na-an-na ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ] ‚ùŸ[...... ] Ia-b[i-...... ] 15 lú-meÍ Íu-[ut]-t[a-nim]‚kiŸ i-‚x x x x x xŸ [Ía]-ni-tam ‚a-bi li-x-x-iaŸ [lú x ]-ur-[x x]‚kiŸ u.e. [a-na] ‰e-ri-ka 20 [i]l-li-ka-am l.e. [an]-ni-tam la an-n[i-t]am a-wa-tam [a-b]i li-iÍ-p[u]-ra-am

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) [...... ], your son: [...... ] wrote to me, and because I forgot sending up the grain(?), I wrote to ﬁuttannum, and had the men [.....] gathered [...... , but they were] not in [...... they took] no notice of me! Now [.... 2 lines broken ....] Abi-[...... ] the men of ﬁuttannum [...... ]. Further Abi-… [...... ] came to you. Please will my father write the matter to me whether (he wants) this or that.

6. [...... ] 109 [L.87-1313] (not copied) Completely illegible tablet; the bits of the address preserved reveal that the text was a letter to Till- Abnû from a man who styles himself dumu “son.”

F. Letters from a wardum 1. Ewri 160 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

110 [L.87-744] Ewri reports that Buriya with Óabb⁄tum troops have made a raid into the land of NumÓum and that there are no allies available for help. Till-Abnû is asked whether the countryside should be evacuated to the walled towns. This letter was sent almost simultaneously with [171], where Ewri reports the same event to Tak2. obv. a-na be-lí-ia ti-‚laŸ-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma e-ew-ri ìr-ka-a-ma Ibu-ri-ia it-ti ‰a-bi-‚imŸ 5 Óa-ab-ba-tim i-na li-ib-bi ma-a-at nu-ma-Ói-im <> lo.e. [i]Í-Ói-iˇ-ma ú-ba-ze-‚emŸ an-ni-tam be-lí lu-ú i-de rev. ù a-Óu-ka a-na illat 10 la-aÍ-Íu aÍ-Íum ma-a-tum a-na da-an-na-ti-Íu ka-ma-si-im be-lí li-iq-bé-/‚emŸ-ma Ía qà-bi-e be-lí-ia lu-pu-úÍ

Say to my lord Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Ewri, your servant: Buriya with Óabb⁄tum troops has made a raid right into the land of NumÓa, and gives us trouble. May my lord know this—and your brother(s) is/are not available for a relief force. Please will my lord instruct me about gathering the country in its forts, and I shall act according to my lord’s instruction.

(9) illat (kaskal+kur)= tillatum “auxiliary corps.”

2. °awiliya 111 [L.87-556] Letter concerning two different cases of personnel problems. Apparently Till-Abnû wants a particular servant from °awiliya, who feels obliged to refuse, referring to the problems it will cause with the father(?) of the servant, who is opposed to such a transfer. The second matter concerns a slave woman of the bearer of the letter, who is ill-treated in ﬁubat-Enlil and should be released. obv. a-na be-lí-ia ti-la-ab-nu-ú qí-bí-ma um-ma Óa-wi-li-ia ìr-ka-a-ma 5 i-na pa-ni-tim be-lí aÍ-Íum lú-tur-ri lú ia-ap-ˇú-úrki iÍ-pu-ra-am-ma THE LETTERS 161

lú-tur be-lí-ia Ía il-li-kam [x]‚x x xŸ ú-ul el-qí [ù lú-tur-ri ú-u]l ú-wa-aÍ-Íe-er (break) rev. [...... ]‚xŸ-meÍ [...... ]‚xŸ qa-ra-an túg-ia i-‰a-ba-‚atŸ-ma i-na a-wa-tim u‰5-‰í-ra-an-ni lú-tur Ía-a-ti a-na be-lí-ka ú-ul a-na-a[d-d]i-[in] 5' ù Íum-ma il-ti-ú-ni-in-ni5 aÍ-Íum lú-tur Ía-a-ti kù-babbar a-‚ta-naŸ-ru Ía-ni-tam gemé wa-bi-il ˇup-pí-ia an-ni-im [aÍ-ra]-nu-um i-ba-aÍ-Íi <> gemé [iÍ-tu Í]u-ba-at-den-lílki li-Íe-‰ú-ú u.e.10' [ù gemé Í]a-a-ti a-na qa-at lú-tur be-lí-ia ù lú-tur-r[i-ia] li-Ía-re-em-ma l.e. gemé Íi-i é-tam a-Íar Óa-ab-l[a-at wa-aÍ-ba-at] ù a-na ‚kù-babbarŸ na-ad-na-at l[i-wa-aÍ-Íe-ru-Íi] 15' ‚ùŸ ki-ma it-ti be-lí-ia i-[Ía-ri-iÍ] [(...)] a-da-bu-bu be-lí [lu-ú i-di]

Say to my lord Till-Abnû: Thus (says) °awiliya, your servant: Previously my lord wrote to me about my retainer, the Yapˇurian, but the retainer of my lord who came to me [...... ] I did not take [...... , and] I would not release [my retainer .... break ....] (rev.) .... he will seize the hem of my garment and press me with words: “This boy I will not give to your lord— (even) if they split me in two I shall collect (the) silver (for) this boy! Another matter: a slave girl belonging to the bearer of this letter is staying there. Please let them lead this slave girl out of ﬁubat-Enlil, and may he be allowed to take away this slave woman under control of a retainer of my lord and my own retainer— and this slave woman is in a house where she is ill-treated and she has been sold for silver. Let [her be released], and [may] my lord [know] that I speak straight with my lord.

(5') For letûm “split/ divide,” see CAD L, 148. The verb is not attested elsewhere in a similar context as imaginary punishment, but the sense is very close to that found in ARMT XXVIII 103, 5ff.: “if your governor shows up in Tarnip, he will be split in two” (ina qabl‹Íu, ana 2-Íu ipar- ras›Íu). Cf. also the Old Babylonian legal protocol CT 45, 86, where the husband seeking divorce very emphatically states: ina sikk⁄tim ull⁄ninnima miÍr¤t‹ya puris⁄ ul aÓÓaz “(You can) hang me on a peg, yea dismember me—I will not stay married (to her)!” (translated and discussed in Veenhof 1976). (14') “she was sold for silver”: the background for the whole affair seems to be that the bearer is the legitimate owner of the woman, but she was abducted and sold to a man in ﬁubat-Enlil. 162 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

3. Sangara 112 [L.87-735+749b] Sangara reports on some “outlaws” who should be pardoned. He also relates that °alu-rabi is expected to march against(?) Ida-Mara‰ and Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ at the end of the month. obv. a-na ‚ti-laŸ-[ab-nu-ú] qí-bí-[ma] um-ma sa-an-g[a-ra ìr-ka-a-ma] ìr-meÍ-[k]a ù giÍÍukur [...... ]-ir 5‚i-na-anŸ-na sa-ar-ra-r[u (...)] [Í]a it-ti qí-il-ti-[...... ] a-na qa-qa-di-ia le-qí-im ‚il-liŸ-ku-nim a-bu-us-sú-nu ‰a-bi-it lú-meÍ Íu-nu-ti wu-Íe-er 10 pa-na-nu-um a-wa-tim ˇà-ba-tim [i]Í-ta-na-pa-ra-am rev. [ù iÍ-tu] ˇe4-ma-am [Ía I]Óa-lu-ra-bi iÍ-mu [a-wa-ti]m ma-ar-‰a-tim iÍ-ta-pa-ra(<-am>) 15 [kaskal] IÓa-lu-ra-bi [a-n]a i-da-ma-ra-a‰ [ù] i-la-an-‰ú-urki [a-na] re-eÍ iti an-ni-im qa-bi [ˇe4-m]a-am an-ni-am be-lí lu i-di-e 20 [dumu Í]i-ip-ri Í[a Óa]-ab-ba-tim [...... ]-‚xŸ [x x ]‚xŸ-ka Óa-a[b-ba-ti]m [a-na l]i-ib-bi i-l[a-an-‰ú-urki] u.e. [...... ]‚x x xŸ[...... ] 25 ‚xŸ[...... ] a-n[a...... ] l.e. ta-aB-‚x xŸ[x x]‚xŸ[...... ] (ca. 1 line missing)

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Sang[ara, your servant]: Your servants and the army [...... ]. Now outlaws who [...... ] with Qilti-[.....] came to “take my head”— he has defended them—pardon these men! Previously he always sent me good news, but since he heard the plan of °alu-rabi he has sent bad news. [The campaign/journey of] °alu-rabi [to?] Ida-Mara‰ [and] Il⁄n-‰ur is announced for the end of this month. May my lord be aware of this report. A messenger from the Óabb⁄tum [...... ] Óabb⁄tum into Il⁄n-‰ur [.... rest too broken for translation ....]

(4) For giÍÍukur as metonym for “military force, army,” see ARMT XXVI/2, no. 483 sub d. The line would seem to be a greeting formula or a report on the state of Sangara’s command. THE LETTERS 163

(7) ana qaqqad‹ya leqîm illik›nim: this expression seems unattested (cf. CAD Q, 111f). The context shows clearly that an idiom is involved. The man Qilti(=QiÍti)-[....], who apparently is also the conveyor of the reports about °alu-rabi referred to later in this text, is somehow connected with the arriving sarr⁄r› “outlaws” and proceeds to defend them or answer for their good behavior. In consequence, Sangara suggests that they be “released,” i.e., pardoned and rein- stated in state society. In view of this, the general sense here must be “submit oneself to (higher) authority.” (8) For abbutam ‰ab⁄tum “defend (someone/something),” cf. ARMT XXVI/2, 344, 11f. (PN1 abbut PN2 ‰abit). (18) For r¤Í warÓim “end of month + day 1 of following,” see Durand 1987f. For the construction with qabûm, cf. OBTR 31, 8ff.: al⁄k aw‹[lim], ana r¤Í iti annîm, qá-[b]i.

4. Sumu-ditana 113 [L.87-466] (not copied) The writer reports that the towns AÓanda and KiduÓÓum have concluded an agreement with AÍki- Addu. The oath sworn is quoted, but the contents are not clear. Apparently it concerns plans to recruit tribal “brothers” residing in various towns in the region of ﬁun⁄. The text can clearly be connected to the events discussed in I.3.3. obv. [a-n]a b[e-l]í-ia t[i-l]i-a[b]-nu [q]í-bí-ma [um-m]a sú-mu-‚di-ta-na ìr-ka-aŸ-m[a] [di]m ù dnin-a-pí-im be-lí 5‚daŸ-r[i-i]Í li-ba-al-li-ˇú uru a-Óa-an-da ù ki-du-uÓ-Óu-umki it-ti lú Áﬁ-KI-dim ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ ìz-ku-ru ki-a-am ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ-[Í]u-nu [u]m-ma-mi a-di ni-Íi-ni iÍ-tu Ía-Óa-n[aki] 10 ‚nu-ÍaŸ-a‰-‰a-am 1 Ía é [...... ] ul-li-iÍ Ía a-na ‚Ía-Óa-naŸ[ki] a-ia-bi-im Óa-la-a‰ Íi-nu-‚ur-ÓiŸ ki lo.e. ‚ùŸ iÍ-Ói-izx(AZ)-zi ma-aÓ-ri-n[i5] [...... ]-‚xŸ ‚iŸ-na Íu-na-aki 15 [...... l]ú-meÍ a-Óu-ni rev. ‚ÍaŸ i-na ‚aŸ-[ia-b]i-im Ía i-na ur-gi-iÍki ù Óa-la-a‰ uru a-ia-bi-‚imŸ ki-a-am iÍ-ta-na-pa-ru-nim um-ma-mi pa-ni-ni5 ‰a-[bi-it-ma a-na...... ] 20 re-di-a-ni-a-ti [...... ] Ía ma-aÓ-ri-[ni5...... ] (6 more lines on rev. completely illegible) u.e. li-Ía-bi-lam ˇe4-mi ú-Ía-/ba-al 164 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Say to my lord Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Sumu-ditana, your servant: May Adad and B2let-Apim grant my lord life forever. AÓanda and KiduÓÓum swore an oath with lord AÍki-Addu. Thus was their oath: “Until we pull out our people from fiaÓana, 1 from the house [...... ] besides those to fiaÓana, Ay⁄bum, the district of fiinurÓi, and IÍÓizzi before us [...... ] in fiun⁄ [...... ] the men our brothers who are in Ay⁄bum, who are in UrgiÍ and the district of the town Ay⁄bum keep writing to us as follows: “Take charge of us and lead us [to...... ] (those) who are before [us? .... (break)....] (u.e.) let (my lord) send to me; I shall send my report.

Geography: All the towns mentioned fit a context of the north central part of the Habur Plains: AÓanda is mentioned also in [85] together with Kuz⁄ya, and KiduÓÓum is mentioned in [119] together with fiun⁄ and Kuz⁄ya. Kuz⁄ya and AÓanda are not attested outside the Leilan texts, but KiduÓ(Óum) is known from ARMT XXVIII 95, which concerns the competition for fiunÓum between Il‹-IÍtar of fiun⁄ and Il‹-Addu of KiduÓ. For fiaÓana, perhaps located between fiun⁄ and Leilan, cf. notes to [93] and [98]. A town Ay⁄bum in this region is not attested elsewhere. fiinurÓi is a rather shadowy figure in these texts since his letters are all fragmentary, but the evidence here seems to place him in the central part of the Habur Plains. IÍÓizzi is identical to IzÓizzi mentioned in ARM IV, 38 together with °urr⁄num and ZaÓiki (cf. DEPM II, p. 86). The value izx of AZ also in [101], 7. For UrkiÍ, see I.1.2.5, s.v. Ya‰‰ib-°atnû.

5. Tak2 114 [L.87-619] Tak2 asks Till-Abnû to search for some refugees who may be in his district. obv. a-na be-lí-ia ti-la-a[b-nu-ú] qí-bí-ma um-ma ta-ke-e ìr-ka-a-ma am-mi-nim be-lí Íu-lum-Íu 5 ma-‚ti-maŸ ú-ul i-Ía-ap-pa-ra-am [be-l]í Íu-lum-Íu li-iÍ7-ta-pa-ra-‚am-/maŸ [li-i]b-bi ma-ti-ka [...... ] n[i...... ] (break) rev. [...... ]‚xŸ ú ‚xŸ[...... ] i-na-an-na Íum-ma [ˇup-pí an-né-em] be-lí im-Óu-ur an-ni-tam la an-ni-tam be-lí li-iÍ-pu-ra-a[m] 5' Ía-ni-tam 2 lú bi-iÍ-‚iaŸ qa-du-um lú-meÍ Ía [m]a-ti-Íu<-nu> in-na-bi-tu-ma THE LETTERS 165

i-na Óu-ra-‰a-aki eÍ-me-Íu-nu-ti ‚aÍ-pu-ur-maŸ ik-ki-ru-Íu-nu-ti u.e.10' i-na-an-na as-sú-‚urŸ-[ri] lú-meÍ Íu-nu i-na Óa-al-‰[í-im] [Í]a be-lí-ia ‚iŸ-ba-aÍ-Íu-ú l.e. [b]e-lí li-‚saŸ-an-ni-iq-Í[u-nu-ti] lú-meÍ i-na qa-tim la u[‰-‰ú-ú]

Say to my lord Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Tak2, your servant: Why does my lord never send me his greetings? Please may my lord send me his greetings regularly, and the interior of your land [.... rest of obv. broken ....] (rev.) Now if my lord has received [my letter], will my lord please write (whether he wants) this or that. Another matter: 2 men from BiÍ’ya(?) have run away with people from their land. I heard they (were) in °ur⁄‰⁄, and sent words, but they had been turned out. Now I fear these men may be in the district of my lord. Will my lord please order a search for them; the(se) men must not escape!

(5') The GN bi-iÍ-‚iaŸ is strange and may require emendation: repeated collation confirms IA at the end that excludes bi-iÍ-ra (Jebel Bishri) from consideration. Within the Habur Plains one could think of the town BiÍÍum (mentioned in an Old Akkadian text from Tell Brak, F.1159, Gadd 1937, pl. V; also in ARMT XXII, 15 ii, 4: bi-iÍ!-Íum) and perhaps read bi-iÍ<-Ía>-‚iaŸ. (8') For °ur⁄‰⁄, cf. ARMT XXVII 72, where Qarni-Lim and ﬁarr⁄ya meet “between SapÓum and °ur⁄‰⁄.” The town is known also from ARMT XXII, 15, and may be identical to °ura‰an in ﬁubartum (see Charpin 1992a, 101 n. 24). The events discussed in I.1.3.2 involve °ur⁄‰⁄ and point also to a location between the Sinjar and Habur areas.

115 [L.87-424] Tak2 recalls the instruction that the father of his lord gave him: that he and Till-Abnû should assist each other. On the reverse, Tak2 refers to his lord’s request for grain and suggests that this can be taken from the district of the town ip-x-ri. obv. a-na be-lí-i[a ti-la-ab-nu-ú] qí-bí-[ma] um-ma ta-ke-e ìr-ka-[a-ma] wu-‚ú-úrŸ-tam Ía a-bi-k[a] 5 id-di-nam um-ma Íu-‚maŸ Íum-ma a-na ‰e-er I‚tiŸ-la-ab-nu-[ú] ta-Ía-ap-pa-ar ki-ma iÍ7-‚teŸ-en a-wi-li li-il-li-kam ù Íum-ma ka-ta 10 i-Ía-as-sí-ka Óa-mu-uˇ-ˇám a-la-kam e-pu-úÍ ‚iŸ-na-an-na ‚an-na-nu-um Íu-ul-muŸ lo.e. aÍ-ra-nu-[um ma-Óar be-lí-ia(?)] 166 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

lu-ú [Íu-ul-mu(-um)] 15 Íum-m[a i-ia-ti ta-Ía-as-sí] rev. lu-ul-l[i-ka-am] Ía-ni-tam aÍ-Íum ‚ÍeŸ-em ta-aq-bé-[em] i-na Óa-la-a‰ a-i-im Íum-Íu i-na Óa-la-a‰ uru ip-‚xŸ-riki 20 lú-tur-ka it-ti lú-tur-ri-ia a-na ‰e-er i-lu-a-bi li-il-li-ku-ma Ii-lu-a-bi a-na ‚‰eŸ-ri-‚iaŸ li-ir-du-[n]im 25 Íu-lu-um be-lí-[i]a ‚luŸ-[ú] ‚ka-ia-anŸ u.e. ‚xŸ[...... ] lu ‚xŸ[...... ]

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Tak2, your servant: The instruction that your father gave me was this: “If you write to Till-Abnû, he shall come to you like one man, and if he calls to you, you shall make haste to go to him!” Now all is well here. May [all be well] there [before my lord]. If you [call to me] I shall come. Another matter: you spoke to me about grain: (Take it) in any district (you want)! In the district of the town Ip...ri, let your retainer together with my retainer go to Ilu-abi and lead Ilu-abi to me! May my lord’s greetings be perpetual [.... 2 lines broken ....].

(19) This GN seems elsewhere unattested. Ilu-abi is not mentioned elsewhere, but was presumably an official of the named district.

6. Zimri-[.....] 116 [L.87-597] The sender reports that he went “up” to Sabb⁄num. Some troops under °ammi-EpuÓ have run away to Yapˇurum from Amaz, and the sender is trying to establish whether the elders (of Yapˇurum) will return them. He further asks his lord for a replacement of 30 men to protect “the palace and myself.” Last, he relates news of °alu-rabi, who seems to threaten Il⁄n-‰ur⁄ and Aya-abu (of ﬁun⁄). obv. [a-na be-lí-ia] ti-la-ab-nu-‚úŸ [qí-b]í-[m]a [um-ma] zi-‚im-riŸ-[d]‚xŸ [ì]r-ka-a-ma 5‚a-naŸ uru sa-ab-‚baŸ-nimki ‚e-leŸ-em-ma ‚x (x) xŸ ki ia du i-na ‚lú-meÍ érinŸ-[meÍ] THE LETTERS 167

Ía IÓa-am-mi-e-pu-uÓ i-na uru a-ma-àzki 10 qa-du-um ni-Íi-‚Íu-nuŸ lo.e. it-‚taŸ-bi-tu-ma a-na Óa-[la]-a‰ ‚iaŸ-ap-ˇú-ri-im‚kiŸ rev. i-te-er-bu ù lú Íu-gi-meÍ 15 Óa-a[l-‰]í-im a-na ‚‰e-riŸ-ni ‚aÍ-pu-urŸ an-ni-tam la ‚an-ni-tam é[rin-meÍ] ‚xŸ[.... ú-t]a-ar-ru-[nim] a-na ‰[e]-er be-lí-ia a-Ía-ap-pa-r[a-am] [i-n]a-an-na 30 ‰a-ba-am be-lí l[i-iˇ-ru-dam-ma] 20 ‚éŸ-kál-lam ù i-ia-ti ‚li-‰ú-ruŸ [a]-nu-um-ma pu-Óa-at ‰a-bi-im Ía be-lí [i]-na-ad-di-nu ma-Óa-ar be-lí-‚iaŸ ‚wa-aÍ-buŸ [ù] ki-a-am eÍ-me um-‚ma-miŸ ‰a-bu-um [érin dir]i-ga-‚meÍŸ [Í]a Óa-l[u]-ra-b[i] u.e. 25 [...... i-l]a-an-‰ú-raki [...... a-n]a a-ia-a-bi [...... ] id-ki l.e. [...... an-ni-tam] be-lí [lu-ú i-d]i

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) Zimri-[....], your servant: I went up to Sabb⁄num, and [...... ] from the troops of °ammi-EpuÓ fled with their people in Amaz, and entered the district of Yapˇurum; and I wrote to the elders of the district to (come) to us. I shall write to my lord whether they will return these soldiers or not. Now will my lord please [send me] 30 soldiers to protect the palace and me. Hereby the replacements for the 30 soldiers my lord will assign me are present before my lord. Also I have heard as follows: supplementary troops of °alu-rabi [...... ] Il⁄n- ‰ur⁄ [...... ] to Aya-abu [...... ] he mustered(?) [...... ] may my lord be aware of [this]!

(7) The traces and signs at the beginning of this line support no obvious reconstruction, but designate the men from °ammi-EpuÓ’s command who fled in Amaz. (27) id-ki from dekûm “muster”?

7. [...... ]-Adad 117 [L.87-1343] The sender relates how Aya-abu, annoyed with a “servant” of Till-Abnû living in ﬁun⁄, confiscated his property and had him impaled. The second part of the letter, in particular, is very fragmentary and difficult, but at the end the sender anticipates any reproaches for not having reported the affair. 168 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN obv. a-n[a be-lí-ia ti-l]a-ab-nu qí-[bí]-‚maŸ um-ma [...... -di]m ìr-ka-a-ma lú ‚I xŸ[x x] ìr-ka i-na uruki Íu-na-a 5‚anŸ-na-‚nuŸ-[um] ‚é?Ÿ-tam ú-Íi-im-ma a-‚naŸ [...... l]ú ‚ÍaŸ-a-‚tu?Ÿ Ia-ia-a-bu-um ‚pa-niŸ-Íu i‰-[lim] ba-Ía-‚a-ÍuŸ a-‚ÍarŸ li-ib-ba-Íu is-sú-uÓ-ma ‚ùŸ i-na giÍgi-Íi-Íi-im iÍ-ku-un-Íu ù ba-Íi-is-sú it-ba-al Íum-ma lú Íu-ú 10 ma-dam-‚ma?Ÿ [a]r?-nam ‚i-pu-úÍ ne-pa-ar-ÍuŸ a-na m[i-n]im l[a]-‚aŸ ú-ki-il-Íu ù a-ka-Íi-im lo.e. a-na ‚mi-nimŸ la-a ‚iÍŸ-pu-ra-am-ma a-di ‚x x x-niŸ-Íu a-n Ku ‚xŸ[...... ]‚ma-Óa-arŸ rev. 15 ‚xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ-Ía-am ‚xŸ[...... ]-Íu [i]Í-t[u x x x]‚x x xŸ[...... ] ‚a-naŸ[...... ]‚aŸ-na ‚Ía? pá?Ÿ-ni-Íu ‚x x x x xŸ a-na ‚x xŸ 20 [x x x k]a ‚x x x xŸ pá-ni-Íu ‚ir-Íu-úŸ ‚iŸ-[Ía-k]a-an-‚ma ùŸ a-Ía-ar na-da-‚nimŸ ‚xŸ[x x xŸ-in [x]‚xŸ-ur ki-ma lú-tur-ti [x x x]‚xŸ[x x] úÍ-mi-tu ù pí-qa-‚atŸ [x x x]‚x x xŸ be-lí i-di ú-‚luŸ-ú-ma [ú-u]l i-di [i-na]-an-na ‚Ía-liŸ-im 25 [x x]‚xŸ-ar [x]‚x xŸ be-lí li-iÍ-pu-ur-ma [...... ]‚x li?Ÿ-wa-Íe-ru [...... li]-im?-Óu-ur ‚aÍ-ÍumŸ [...... lú] ‚Ía-a-tuŸ u.e. a-na giÍ[gi-Íi-Íi-im iÍ-ku-u]n-‚ÍuŸ 30 be-lí k[i-a-am la-a i-qa-ab-bi] l.e. a-na mi-nim la-a ta-aÍ-pu-ra-am a-nu-um-ma aÍ-tap-ra-am a-na ur-ra-am Íe-ra-am an-ni-tam be-lí lu-ú ‚iŸ-di

Say to [my lord Til]l-Abnû: Thus (says) [...... ]-Adad, your servant: Mr. [...... ], your servant, was living in a house he[re] in ﬁun⁄, and with this [man ...... ] Aya-abu became annoyed. He confiscated his property wherever he pleased, and he impaled him, and carried off his property. If this man has committed a great [crime(?) ...... ], why did he not detain him in his workshop(?), and why did he not write to you?—[lines 13–22 too broken for translation ...... ] (23) [.....] he had (him?) killed, and perhaps [...... ] my lord knows or (perhaps) he [does not] know. [No]w he is well(?) [...... ] my lord should send words that [...... ] they must release [...... , and] he must receive [...... ]. Because this [man he impaled]; my lord [must not say]: THE LETTERS 169

“Why did you not write (and tell) me!” Now I have written! May my lord please be aware of this in the future.

(7) The use of baÍûm in this construction is unusual and probably a nuance other than “property” (=baÍitum in line 9) is intended. At the end libbaÍu is clearly a mistake for libb‹Íu. (8) giÍ‹Íum for gaÍ‹Íum; ina giÍgaÍ‹Íim Íak⁄num “impale” is a punishment known also from the CH (cf. CAD G, 56), and is attested here also in [186]. In view of the words uÍmitu and Íalim in lines 22– 23, its result is a little uncertain. Perhaps the punishment was not necessarily an execution, but a kind of torture. In any case, the north Mesopotamians seem to have had a vivid imagination for sadistic punishments, as several examples from the Mari archives show (cf., e.g., ARMT XXVI/ 2, 434).

F. Unclassified Senders 1. AÓuÍina 118 [L.87-807] (surface flake from the upper obverse of letter) AÓuÍina refers to Till-Abnû’s enemy AÍki-Addu, whose apprehension, he fears, might make the entire country hostile. obv. [a-na] ti-la-ab-ni q[í-bí-ma] [um]-ma a-Óu-Íi-na [...... ] IAB-KI-e-dim sag l[e-mu-ut-tim] Ía ‚i-na paŸ-ni-tim ‰a-ba-as-sú ta-a[Í-pu-ra-am] 5‚a-di i-naŸ-an-na Ía ú-ri-ku um-ma ‚a-naŸ-k[u-ma] a-‚‰a-abŸ-ba-as-sú-ma ‚ma-aŸ-tam e-li-[ia] ‚uÍ-baŸ-la-ak-ka-at ‚ùŸ ‚ka-al-‚xŸ-[.....] ‚ùŸ lugal-meÍ a-lik! ‚igi-Íu Ía xŸ[...... ] (break)

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) AÓuÍina, your [...... ]: AÍki-Addu, the evi[l-doer], whom you previously told me to apprehend—until now I have repeated: “If I apprehend him, I shall turn the country against me, and the [.....] and the kings—his master who [.... break ....].

(3) AB-KI-e-dim is identical to the man whose name is otherwise spelled Áﬁ-KI(-e)-dim; see I.1.2.5, s.v. AÍki-Addu. (8) Reconstruction very uncertain! 170 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

2. °awur-atal 119 [L.87-535] The sender, presumably °awur-atal of Nawali (cf. I.1.2.5., s.v.), is apparently involved in military actions near ﬁun⁄, and asks for troops to be detached from a main force nearby. obv. ‚aŸ-na ti-l[a-ab-nu-ú] qí-bí-[ma] um-ma Óa-wu-u[r-a-tal ...... ] a-na ‚ˇe4-em maŸ-[tim] Ía t[a-aÍ-pu-ra-am 5[ma-di-i]Í ‚aŸ-[qú-ul] [érin]-meÍ ‚ÍaŸ ma-aÓ-ri-ia [uÍ-bu] [i-na] Íu-na-aki ú-‚Ía-abŸ a-‚wa-asŸ-sú-nu ‚eŸ-Íe-em-m[e-ma] ˇ[e4-m]a-a[m] ga-am-ra-am [x x]‚x xŸ[....] 10 a-[Í]a-ap-pa-ra-ak-kum [x x]‚x xŸ mu-uÍ-ke-na-a[m] (break) rev. ù a[t-t]a aÍ-r[a-nu-um (...... )] i-na G[A-Í]i Íi-ib [(....)] wa-‰í-‚iaŸ a-di ki-[du-uÓ-Ói-imki] lu-ú [ti-de] 5' ù lú-[meÍ]‚x xŸ[...... ] Ía ‚GA-ÍiŸ li-‰ú!-ru [...... ] Í[e-e]p-Íu-nu li-[...... ] i-na a-bu-ul-[li]m ‚x xŸ[...... ] 2 me lu-ú 3 me ‰a-ba-[am] 10' a-na uru ku-za-a-[iaki] ú-lu-ma a-na ki-du-[uÓ-Ói-imki...... ] ‰a-ba-am ù ‚aŸ-l[i-ik pa-ni-Íu-nu] u.e. ˇú-ur-dam-ma a-[...... ] ‚u4Ÿ-1-kam i-nu-ma BE-[...... ] 15' [(x)] i-ma-aq-qú-[du ...... ] l.e. ‚ù a-na kiŸ-du-uÓ-Ó[i-imki...... ]‚x Íu-nu!Ÿ-ma a-‚ti x-al-laŸ-Óu

Say to Til[l-Abnû]: Thus (says) °awu[r-atal (your .....)]: To the report of the country that you [wrote to me I have paid close attention. The troop]s who [are staying] before me, are (now) staying [in] ﬁun⁄. I will hear news of them [and] send you a complete report [...... ] the commoner [.... break ....] (rev.) .... and you the[re ...... ] in GaÍÍum(?) stay(?). My departure to Ki[duÓÓum is ordered]. And the men [...... ] of GaÍÍum(?) let them guard(?) [...... ]; let their “feet” be [...... ] in the city gate [...... ] 200 or 300 troops to Kuz⁄ya or to KiduÓ[Óum ...... ] send me the troops and their offi[cer], and t[o ...... ] in(?) one day when [...... ] falls (i.e., “is conquered”?) [...... ] and to KiduÓÓum ...... THE LETTERS 171

(2') Both here and in line 6' we seem to have the signs GA-ﬁI followed by verbs. There is a word GAÍÍum in Old Assyrian texts that can denote (A) a location within a temple precinct, and (B) the title of an official attested in north Syrian and Anatolian towns (see Nashef 1987, 23–26). There is also, however, a town in the Habur region called GaÍÍum (cf. Durand 1987c, 231, and ARMT XXVIII 120) not too far from the other towns mentioned in our text and this may be the one involved here, although the sorry state of the tablet leaves room for other solutions. (10'f.) For Kuz⁄ya and KiduÓÓum, see ad [113]. (16'f.) The two lines on the left edge make no apparent sense. The scribe corrected the text at this point, and perhaps some signs should be disregarded.

3. ﬁinurÓi 120 [L.87-451] (not copied; fragment with only address preserved) obv. a-na ti-la-ab-nu-[ú] qí-bí-m[a] ‚um-maŸ Íi-nu-ur-Ói (break)

Say to Till-Abnû: Thus (says) ﬁinurÓi: [.... break ....]

G. Acephalous Letters 121 [L.87-546] The sender reports that Till-Abnû’s enemy, AÍki-Addu, is in his power. obv. (break) ‚x x xŸ an ‚ki-a-am xŸ[...... ] aÍ-Íum IÁﬁ-KI-dim 1-Íu 2-Íu ta-aÍ-pu-ra-am lú Íu-ú i-na qa-ti-ia i-ba-aÍ-Íi mi-im-ma i-na pí-i-ka lo.e. 5' ú-ul e-et-ti-iq ki-ma a-na-ku ù mu-ti-ia i-Ía-ri-iÍ ni-id-bu-bu rev. a-na-ku ù at-ta i-Ía-ri-iÍ i ni-id-bu-ub aÍ-Íum lú Íu-a-tu 10' li-ib-ba-ka lu-ú Óa-de a-nu-um-ma ˇe4-ma-am ga-am-ra-am (break)

[.... break ....] You wrote to me both once and twice about AÍki-Addu. This man is in my hands, and I will not depart from your instruction. Just like Mutiya and I had good 172 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

relations, you and I—let us have good relations. Concerning this man your heart should rejoice! Hereby [I have sent you] a complete report [.... break ....]

122 [L.87-628] Despite the virtually complete profile, this tablet is damaged in such a way that no consecutive text is preserved. This is unfortunate since the mention of both Bin-Dammu and Abban, the (later?) king of °alab, indicates contents of some interest. It may be noted that the tablet is of a unique physical type (very hard, dark reddish clay), and clearly distinct from, e.g., the tablets sent from Hammurabi and from Bin-Dammu himself. The traces of the name of the addressee preserved in line 3 do not seem to fit a reading “Abban.” obv. [a-na ti-la-a]b-ni [qí-bí]-ma [um-ma]‚x x x x xŸ [ki-ma b]i-in4-da-am-mu 5[a-na m]a-at a-pí-im ‚ú?Ÿ-‰í-ú ‚IŸab-ba-an i-na ma-Ói-ir ‚zi-baŸ-a[tki] i-na é [PN?...... ] lo.e.10 id-b[u-ba-am(?)...... ] (break; ca. 3–4 lines) rev. [Ía-n]i-tam a-n[a?...... ] [ˇup-p]í lugal ù ˇu[p-pí-ia] [a-na ‰]e-e[r ...... ] [x x a]m iˇ-bi-a 5' [x x x]‚x x xŸ [...... ] [x x x Í]u?-bi-il [x x x iˇ]-bi-a [x x x x bi-i]n4-dam-mu [x x x x]‚xŸ-ti-im 10' [x x x x x]-Íi l.e. [...... ] eÍ-me-ma (1–2 more lines on left edge lost)

Say to Till-Abni: Thus (says)...... : [That] Bin-Dammu left [for] the country of Apum, Abban told me in the market of Zibat(?), in the house of [PN?...... ] (rest too broken for translation).

(8) One is obviously tempted to restore Óa-la-ab at the end, and although this solution cannot be entirely excluded, the reading proposed here is epigraphically sounder. For the town Zibat (ﬂ‹bat), located in the Beq’a Valley, see Charpin 1998. THE LETTERS 173

123 [L.87-643] (not copied) Fragmentary letter addressed to Till-Abnû, but completely illegible.

124 [L.87-1311] (not copied) Fragmentary letter addressed to Till-Abnû, but completely illegible. 174 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

III. LETTER TO YAKáN-AﬁAR

A. From “Neutral” 1. °alu-rabi 125 [L.87-966] °alu-rabi reports that he has reached the “armies” and made an agreement with Bin-Dammu (the °alab agent/general) “for your (pl., i.e., probably addressee Yak›n-AÍar, Till-Abnû, and(?) Mutiya) sake.” obv. a-na ia-ku-[un-a-Íar] qí-bí-‚maŸ um-ma Óa-‚luŸ-ra-bi-ma Ía-al-ma-ku [a]k-ka-Íum 5 lu-ú Íu-‚ul-muŸ-um a-nu-um-ma Ía ‚x x x xŸ/-‚xŸ a-wa-ti-ia lo.e. la te-qí-ip-pu a-na li-ib-bu rev. 10 um-ma-na-tim ak-Íu-ud-ma qa-at bí-in4-dam-‚muŸ [aÍ]-Íu-mi-ku-nu ‚aŸ-na dam-‚qa-timŸ ‚x xŸ[x x]‚x xŸ 15 i-na-an-n[a (....) ˇe4-ma-am] ga-am-r[a-am...... ] a[k-...... ] ma-t[i-...... ]‚x-nu-ÍuŸ-[nu] ‚2Ÿ li-im ‚‰a-xŸ[...... ]

Say to Yak›[n-AÍar]: Thus (says) °alu-rabi: I am well; may (it) be well with you! Hereby you should not take notice of the one who [...... ] my word. I have reached the midst of the armies, and [seized] the hand of Bin-Dammu with good terms for your sake. Presently a full [briefing ...... ] I have [...... ] 2000 sol[diers ...... ].

(8f.) The preference for -u in teqipp› (for teqipp⁄, 2nd pers. pl.) and libbu (for libbi; could be sandhi with following umman⁄tim) is an isolated phenomenon in these texts. (14) The broken passage may contain a form of ‰ab⁄tum, but the line ends with something else (…- K]I?-‚ka?Ÿ). THE LETTERS 175

IV. LETTERS TO BàLUM

A. Address Preserved 1. AÓ‹-mara‰ 126 [L.87-972] (lines 16–19 quoted in Eidem 1996b, 84 n. 7) The sender refers to an earlier report of Yak›n-AÍar’s victory and now relates how the Óabb⁄tum, presumably allies of the defeated enemy, have gathered and asked Yak›n-AÍar either to let them go free or accept their service himself. Then follows discussion of a legal case. No doubt, b¤lum here refers to Till-Abnû. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma [u]m-ma a-Ói-ma-ra-‚a‰Ÿ [ìr]-ka-a-ma 5[aÍ-Íum d]a-aw-de-em ia-ku-un-a-Í[ar i-du-ku] [i-n]a mu-ba-‚siŸ-[r]u-tim a-na ‰[e-e]r b[e-l]í-ia aÍ-pu-ur-ma i-na-an-[n]a a-Ía-‚riŸ-iÍ [n]u-uÍ-Í[a-ab-ma] lo.e.10 [l]i-ib-b[i] ‚aŸ-l[i-im ˇà-ab(?)] [‰]a-bu-um Óa-[ab-ba-tum] rev. Ía i-na ‚daŸ-aw-[di-im id-du-ku] i-n[a w]a-ar-ka-‚xŸ[...... ] ‚ipŸ-Óu-ra-am-ma a-‚naŸ ‰[e-er] 15 be-lí-ia ‚aŸ-Ói-ka ki-‚aŸ-am iÍ-[pu-r]a-‚amŸ um-ma Íu-ú-ma ú-lu-‚maŸ wa-aÍ-Íe-er ú-lu-ma ‚pa-niŸ-[ni5] ‰a-ba-at-ma! a-Íar li-ib-b[i-ka] re-de-in-‚ni5Ÿ ‚anŸ-ni-t[am] a-na ‰[e]-er 20 a-Ói-ka iÍ-pu-ra-[am] u.e. Ía-ni-tam di-in [...... ] b[e-l]í an-na-nu-um i-d[i-in] i-‚naŸ-an-na ‚lú-nagar? Óa-lu-a-bi(?)Ÿ u.obv. aÍ-ra-nu-um [i]‰-ba-at be-lí d[i-nam] 25 i-Ía-ra-am l.e. li-[di-in-ma lú Íu-ú] ‚la-aŸ ‚iÓ-Óa-abŸ-b[a-al]

Say to my lord: Thus (says) AÓ‹-mara‰, your servant: Since Yak›n-AÍar [won] a victory I sent words to my lord with mubassiru-messengers. Now we are staying there; the interior of the [town is calm(?)]. The Óabb⁄tum troops who were [defeated] afterward(?) [...... ] gathered and sent words to my lord, your brother, as follows: “Either let (us) go free, or take command of us and lead us where you please!” This (message) they sent to your brother. 176 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Another matter: the verdict of [...... ] my lord rendered here; now he has seized the carpenter(?) °alu-abi(?) there. Please will my lord render a just verdict, [so that this man] is not wronged.

(6) mubassirum designates a messenger used in connection with “sending good news” (bussurum). This ad hoc title occurs fairly infrequently in texts from Mari and is attested here also in [150], 3. See Fisher 1992 and cf. Eidem 1993, 24 n. 4. (10) The reconstruction here is very tentative. (24f.) These two lines are squeezed into vacant space on the upper obverse.

2. Abbutt⁄nu 127 [L.87-382] Abbutt⁄nu is conducting a campaign and apparently finds himself in a desperate situation. He urges his lord to have the letter read before the high officials Tak2, Bayy⁄nu, and TiÍwen-atal, who, he supposes, may have intrigued against him, and he reminds his lord of his services. On the reverse, the sender refers to the immediacy of the situation and stresses the urgent need for reinforcements. If these arrive, however, he promises great success. No doubt, b¤lum here refers to Till-Abnû. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma ‚abŸ-bu-ta-nu ìr-ka-a-ma ma-Óa-ar be-lí-ia Ita-ke-e Iba-a-ia-nu ù ti-iÍ-we-en-a-tal li-iz-zi-zu-ma 5[ˇup]-pí an-né-em li-iÍ-mu-ú [Í]a ìr be-lí-ia ti-la-ab-nu-ú la i-qa-ab-bu-ni-in/-ni [a-na-k]u lugal-meÍ ka-la-Íu-nu a-na Íe-ep be-lí-ia [ú-k]a-an-ni-iÍ i-nu-ma lú-‚ÍuŸ-gi-meÍ [Ía a-pí]-imki a-na ka-Óa-atki 10 [a-na ‰e-er] be-lí-ia ‚il-liŸ-ku-‚nimŸ [...... ]‚xŸ-ma ú-‚kiŸ-i[l] (break; ca. 8 lines) rev. [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚a-naŸ be-lí-i[a] ú-ul e-p[u-uÍ] 5' [...... b]e-lí i-qa-ab-bi a-nu-u[m-ma] [...... -d]u? ù na-ap-sú-na-d[im]‚x xŸ ‚ùŸ 5 me ‰a-bu-um ur-ra-am ul-l[i-i]Í i-ka-aÍ-Ía-‚damŸ ù Íum-ma be-lí ‰a-ba-am la i-na-ad-‚di-naŸ-am 10' [i-n]a a-wa-at pí-i-im-ma li-sa-ar<-ri>-du-Íu-nu-ti aÍ-Íum la ib-ba-la-ka-tu a-di ‰a-bu-um an-nu-um i-ka-aÍ-Ía-‚damŸ THE LETTERS 177

‰a-bu-um ki-ma ka-Ía-di-im Ía e-ep-pé-Íu be-lí i-im-mar Íum-ma i-na li-ib-bi u4-1-kam 15' [ur]u‚kiŸ ka-la-Ía ‚laŸ [...... ]‚x x x xŸ ù lugal-meÍ k[a-la-Íu-nu.....] u.e. ‚x xŸ[...... ] ù [...... ] [Í]a-ni-tam am-m[i-nim]‚xŸ[x x]‚xŸ[...... ] 20' ‚aŸ-na Óa-lu-ra-bi ‚iq-biŸ l.e. [x (x)] e-li ‚xŸ[...... ] [.....]‚x xŸ[...... ]

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Abbutt⁄nu, your servant: Let Tak2, Bayy⁄nu, and TiÍwen-atal stand before my lord and hear this letter of mine. They must not say anything against me who is a servant of my lord Till-Abnû. (It was) I (who) made all the kings bend to my lord’s feet. When the elders of Apum went to KaÓat to my lord, [...... ], and I held [.... break ....] (rev. 3') [...... ] I did not do to my lord [...... ] my lord will say. Now [...... ]-du, and Napsu-na-Addu [.....], and 500 troops will reach me in a few days, and if my lord cannot give me any troops, let them by word of mouth be made ready for departure so that there is no desertion before these (other) troops arrive. As soon as the troops arrive my lord shall see what I can achieve. If—in one day [I have not conquered(?)] the whole town, and [...... ] all the kings [.... 2 lines broken ....] (19') Another matter: why [...... ] to °alu-rabi [has said .....] over [...... ].

(8f.) This passage seems to be historiographic, i.e., the sender reminds Till-Abnû of services rendered perhaps at the time of his (probably still recent) accession. The implication that Till-Abnû was staying in KaÓat at the time and was approached by the elders of Apum is interesting, but no firm conclusions can be drawn from this evidence alone. In texts from Mari several gods, as well as men, claim major credit for Zimri-Lim’s accession. The historicity of such claims must be treated with some caution. (6') The reading at the end of this line is not clear, but the PN is virtually certain to be correct. Since the name Napsuna-Addu is not rare, it must be left undecided whether our individual could be identical to his namesake in an administrative text dated to °abil-k2nu or perhaps with the prominent correspondent of Iltani at Rimah (sender of OBTR letters nos. 20–56). (10') The verb at the end is interpreted as sar⁄dum (with haplography), a verb used almost exclusively in Old Assyrian texts (and not yet attested from Mari) with a meaning “load/pack/harness (animals),” here in a rare D-stem (see CAD S, 171b). The meaning seems to be this: if the king cannot spare troops, in order to improve morale in Abbutt⁄nu’s corps, he can, at least, create the impression that they are on their way. 178 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

3. BaÓdi-Lim 128 [L.87-626] BaÓdi-Lim congratulates Mutiya’s successor on his accession to the “golden throne” He further reports that MeÓilum, during his stay in QirdaÓat, did not see his lord’s messengers, and also apparently warns his lord against entering KaÓat. No doubt, b¤lum here refers to Till-Abnû. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma ba-aÓ-di-li-im ìr-ka-a-ma 5 dutu ù dnin-a-pí-im be-lí aÍ-Íu-mi-ia li-ba-al-li-ˇú ia-ap-ˇur? ‚ÍaŸ be-lí-ia Imu-ti-ia lo.e. [Í]a i-ta-ti-ia ‚la Ÿ Óu-‚ruŸ a-na Íi-ma-ti-Íu it-[t]a-la/-ak rev. 10 i-na-an-na be-lí til-na4 dutu ù dnin-a-pí aÍ-Íu-mi-ia giÍ i-na gu-za kù-sig17 uÍ-te-Íi-ib-Íu be-lí me-Ói-lum i-na qir-da-Óa-atki u4-5-kam ú-Íi-ib-ma 15 a-na dumu-meÍ [Íi]-ip-ri-ka ú-ul il-li-kam Ía-ni-tam a-na ka-Óa-atki u.e. be-lí la-a i-ru-ub a-wa-at eÍ<<-me>>-mu 20 aÍ-pu-ra-ak-kum l.e. [ì]l-ka i-na bi-ri-ni lu-ú Ía-al-Íu-um

Say to my lord: Thus (says) BaÓdi-Lim, your servant: May ﬁamaÍ and B2let-Apim for my sake give my lord a long life! (It is) redemption of my lord! Mutiya, who did not accept my reports, is dead. Now my lord (is) Till-Abnû. ﬁamaÍ and B2let-Apim have for my sake put him on the golden throne. My lord MeÓilum stayed 5 days in QirdaÓat, but he did not come to your messengers. Also, may my lord not enter KaÓat! The word I heard I have written to you, may your God between us indeed be a third (party)!

The text contains a number of mistakes or peculiarities: Óu-ru (l. 8), eÍ<<-me>>-mu (l. 19), l⁄ for ⁄ in vetitive (l. 18), sing. for pl. in uÍt¤Íib (l. 12), the peculiar configuration of sign NI with a tall vertical in be-lí (ll. 10, 13, 18); also the expression on the left edge “May your god (stand) between us as a third party” is not otherwise known to me. It seems possible to understand this in terms of the very popular “introduction scenes” on seals in this period. Presumably BaÓdi- Lim hopes that the personal(?) god of Till-Abnû will intercede for him with Till-Abnû (just as THE LETTERS 179

the same god intercedes for Till-Abnû before the “great gods”?). For a discussion of the “personal god,” see Groneberg 1986 with further literature. (6) The last word in this line is problematic. The last sign is formally best read ‡UR, which would yield an Amorite word yapˇur(um) (from root P‡R “redeem,” and in Akkadian more specifically, as often in our texts, “ransom”) and could be understood as a verbal form used as a noun “he has redeemed” = “redemption,” which would refer to Till-Abnû’s succession. Given the other peculiar features in the text, however, the sign ‡UR could be an intended BI, which would yield ia-ab-bi!, but this is hardly better. (10) The name of Till-Abnû is written this way also in [105], 1—a letter sent from MeÓilum; a king who in the present letter may be seen as the sender’s “second” lord; cf. next note. (13) It is not quite clear whether b¤l‹ here refers to MeÓilum or to Till-Abnû as a vocative introduc- ing the new section of the letter, but the former seems the most likely; cf. I.1.2.5.

4. °ammi-EpuÓ 129 [L.87-568] °ammi-EpuÓ fears an unnamed enemy and asks his lord to be ready to assist him. B¤lum here is probably Till-Abnû (cf. [130]). obv. [a-na] be-lí-ia [qí]-bí-ma [u]m-ma Óa-am-mi-e-pu-uÓ ìr-[k]a-‚aŸ-ma 5 be-lí [...... ]‚x xŸ ‚xŸ[...... ] (break) rev. ‚ùŸ a[Í-Íu]m ‰a-bi-i[m ˇà-ra-di-im] a-na [‰]e-er be-lí-ia aÍ-p[u-ra-am] um-ma-mi a-na-ku-ma a-al-[kam] i-na-an-na as-sú-ur-ri [(....)] 5' ú-da-ba-ba-an-<>ni a-na ni-Íi di-pa-ri-ia ù na-aÍ-pa-ar-ti-ia u.e. be-lí ‚li-qúŸ-<>ul ‚ùŸ be-lí Ía e-pé-Íi-‚ÍuŸ 10' [l]i-pu-<>uÍ

Say to my lord: Thus (says) °ammi-EpuÓ, your servant: My lord [.... break ....] (rev.) ... and about [sending] troops I wrote to my lord as follows: “Come!” Now I fear that he will cause me trouble. My lord should please look out for my fire signals and my dispatches, and may my lord please do what he can!

(5') The subject for udabbabanni must be an anonymous enemy (perhaps mentioned in the break). 180 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

130 [L.87-692a] °ammi-EpuÓ has been instructed to transfer certain people from Sabb⁄num to Amaz. Probably having already done this, he now sends some people to his lord for questioning. The action could well be related to that reported in [116] sent from Zimri-.... to “my lord Till- Abnû.” obv. a-na [be-l]í-ia [q]í-bí-ma [um-m]a Óa-am-mi-e-p[u-uÓ] [ì]r-‚ka-aŸ-ma 5 aÍ-Íum a-la-ki-‚xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ[( )] a-na ‰e-e[r ...... ] [n]i-‚iÍ-puŸ-ra-am a-na uru sa-ab-ba-nimki aÍ-Íum ‚naŸ-sa-Ói-Íu-nu 10 a-na a-‚maŸ-àz‚kiŸ ù lú-‚meÍŸ ‚ÍaŸ m[a-...... ] (break; ca. 3 lines) rev. a-n[u-u]m-ma [lú-meÍ Íu-nu-ti] a-[na ‰]e-er [be-lí-i]a ‚ùŸ-[Ía]-bi-l[am-ma be-l]í li-mu-[u]r-Í[u]-/nu-ti [li-t]u-ur [wa-ar-k]a-tum 5' [li-i]p-p[a-r]i-i[s-ma] [Íum]-ma-a[n mi-im]-m[a] [ar]-nam ‚Ía ÓiŸ-ˇim i-[ba-aÍ-Íi] [a-n]a-aÍ-Íi an-ni-tam be-lí [lu-ú] i-‚diŸ

Say to my lord: Thus (says) °ammi-EpuÓ, your servant: About the march of [...... ] to [.....] we wrote to Sabb⁄num to transfer them to Amaz, and the men of [.... break ....] (rev.) Hereby I have sent [these men(?)] to my lord, and may my lord see them. Let the matter be looked into again, and if [there is] any guilt of fault, [I shall be]ar (it). May my lord know this!

(5ff.) The construction is obscured by the breaks; another possible translation is: “About the march of […] we wrote to […]. To Sabb⁄num …” etc. (1'ff.) The rather bold reconstruction of text on the reverse is, of course, tentative. THE LETTERS 181

5. Il‹-EpuÓ 131 [L.87-748+1377] The sender describes his joy at receiving an earlier message from his lord and then proceeds to discuss a legal matter that is not clear: apparently a man is charged with stealing wood(en implements?), but the sender refers to evidence that should effect his “release” from these charges. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-b[í-ma] um-[ma] ì-lí-e-pu-uÓ ìr-[k]a-a-ma i-na pa-ni-tim lú-tur-ri 5 a-na ‰e-er be-lí-ia aÍ-p[u]-ra-[a]m-ma Ía-ap-ti be-lí-ia Ía ba-la-‚ˇí-iaŸ ù wu-ur-ti be-lí-ia ú-te-er-r[a-am-ma] lo.e. u4-mu it-tu-[ur] i-na-an-na li-na-‚aŸ[.....] 10 ‚aŸ-na be-l[í-ia aˇ-ˇar-dam] rev. [be-lí Í]a e-p[é-Íi-Íu] l[i-pu-uÍ] [lú Íu-ú] a-na ‰i-[bu-tim] [Ía b]e-lí-ia na-‰a-ri-[im] [x x]‚xŸ giÍ ‚i-naŸ ‚x xŸ[...... ] 15 [x x-r]i-ia il-te-[qe] [ú]-‚ulŸ [i]-Ía-ri-i[q] [...... ]‚x xŸ[...] [...... ]‚xŸ-Óa-a a-na 2 ‚gínŸ kù-babbar u.e. [...... Í]a 4 giÍ KU-Í[i-.....] 20 [x]‚x x x xŸ ‚ùŸ a-na-[ku] i-‚diŸ l.e. ‚iŸ-na-an-na ‚damŸ-gàr-Íu ú-ul wa-Íi-ib [x]‚xŸ lú Íu-gi-meÍ i-‚xŸ[.....] [i-na] ‚u4-miŸ-Íu l[i-wa-aÍ-Íe-er]

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Il‹-EpuÓ, your servant: Previously I sent my retainer to my lord, and he brought me back blessings from my lord’s lip and my lord’s instruction, and broad daylight has returned! Now [I have sent] Lin⁄(-)[.... ] to my lord. [Will my lord please do what he can! This man] in order to comply with the [wish] of my lord has taken [...... ] wood in [...... ], he does not steal (it)! [.... 4 lines too broken for translation ....]. And I know (this)! Now his creditor is not available. [....] the elders [...... On] that day let [(him) be released!]

(8) This expression is attested on the reverse (negative) in the example ›mam ana m›Íim lit¤rÍum (CH, cited AHw, 1335b s. târum D, 21d). 182 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

6. Inganum 132 [L.87-395] Inganum sends a man to his lord concerning a legal case, which, due to the broken condition of the tablet, cannot be elucidated. The text on the reverse also seems to involve a legal case, perhaps the same, and it is, therefore, uncertain whether the man AÍtamar-Adad mentioned is identical to the king of Kurd⁄ by this name. obv. a-na be-lí-[ia] qí-‚bíŸ-[ma] um-ma in-ga-nu-[um] ìr-‚ka-aŸ-[ma] 5 a-nu-u[m-ma] ‚xŸ[x x]‚x xŸ[.....] a-na ‰[e-er be-lí-i]a [aˇ-ˇar-dam] aÍ-Íum ni-Íi-‚ÍuŸ ‚Ía x x xŸ[...... ] [x]-‚x-xŸ ù a-na-‚kuŸ ki-[a-am] [a-pu]-ul-Íu ‚umŸ-ma a-na-k[u-ma] 10 [...... -t]a-ar-ma a-n[a...... ] [a-Ía-a]p-pa-‚raŸ-am-[ma] lo.e. [...... ]‚x x x xŸ [...... ]‚xŸ-KI rev. [...... ] 15 [id?-d]i?-nu-m[a...... ] Iki-ip-ra-am ‚ùŸ[x]‚xŸ iz-zi-in-n[i] e-li-Íu id-du-ú ù aÍ-‚ÍumŸ aÍ-ta-mar-dim [k]i-a-am iq-bi um-ma-a-m[i] 20 [...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ] (break; ca. 5–6 lines) u.e. [be-l]í-ia [...... ] [I]aÍ-ta-mar-dim [...... ] l.e. [x x i]q-bu-ma di-nam ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ] an-ni-tam a-d[i-in(?)...... ]

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Inganum, your servant: Hereby I have sent [...... ] to my lord. Concerning his people who [...... ], and I gave him this answer: “[...... ], and I shall send words to [...... ” .... break ....] (15) previously [...... ] Kipram and ...izzinni heaped [...... ] on him, and he said concerning AÍtamar-Adad: “[.... rest too broken for translation ....].

(16) The reading at the end of the line is not clear. The sequence presumably forms the object for eli+suffix nadûm, which in a legal context means “accuse someone of.” THE LETTERS 183

133 [L.87-587] (not copied; tablet with very effaced, worn surface) Inganum reports that certain people referred to as “sons of °idûtum” were pleased by his lord’s letter. After a broken section, the sender turns to a report that the town NiÓru has been taken—presumably by enemies—and because messengers came from ﬁurnat, he has dispatched a relief force. obv. a-na be-lí-ia ‚qí-bí-maŸ um-ma in-ga-nu ìr-ka-a-ma ˇup-pí be-lí-ia dumu-meÍ Ía Ói-du-tim iÍ-mu-ma ma-di-iÍ iÓ-du-ú 5 ù Ía be-lí iÍ-pu-ra-am um-ma-a-mi as-sú-ur-ri [ˇe4]-ma-am an-‚niŸ-e-em [...... -m]a lo.e. [...... ] 10 [...... ] ‚eŸ-li Í[a p]a-na-nu-u[m(...)] rev. [x]‚x xŸ[...... ] ‚xŸ[...... ]‚x x xŸ e-l[i Ía pa-na-n]u-‚umŸ ‚x x x x xŸ 15 mi-im-[ma n]i-de a-Ó[i-i]m ú-ul ‚aŸ-ra-aÍ-[Í]i Ía-ni-tam ‚urukiŸ ni-[iÓ]-ru il-qú-ú [d]umu-meÍ Íi-‚ip-riŸ [...... ] iÍ-tu Íu-‚ur-na-atŸki il-l[i]-‚kaŸ-am 20 ‚ùŸ ‰a-ba-am ni-iÓ-ra-am l.e. aˇ-ru-da[m] aÍ-Íum mi-im-ma la-a i-qa-bu-ú

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Inganum, your servant: The sons of °idûtum heard the letter of my lord and were much pleased, and as my lord wrote: “God forbid that this message [.... ll. 8–12 too broken for translation ....] (rev. 13). More than [previous]ly I shall not be negligent at all. Another matter: They took the town NiÓru. Messengers [...... ] came from ﬁurnat, and I sent off a relief force, so that they can make no complaint.

(3) °idûtum could be a PN (cf. PN °idâtum in administrative text dated IÍme-El), but an identification is not likely. “Zärtlichkeitsnamen” of this type are usually female (see Stamm 1968, 247f.). Otherwise (and in view of Óadûm in the following line?) we are left with a term “sons of joy”—beneficiaries? (17) A town NiÓru in Apum is attested in ARMT XXIII, 594 (see I.1.2.4), and in the following letters [134] and [135]. 184 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

134 [L.87-757] Inganum reports that dissatisfied mercenaries from ﬁimurrum have left °alu-rabi’s service and entered the town NiÓru, which is now filled with “outlaws.” He advises his lord to do something about the situation. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma in-ga-nu ìr-ka-a-ma 5 lú-meÍ Íi-mu-ur-ru-ú Ía it-ti IÓa-lu-ra-bi [ki]-ma Ó[i-i]m-ma-ra-yiki lo.e. [la im-t]a-aÓ-Óa-ru Í[a pa-n]i-im-ma rev. 10 a-na [ur]u ne-eÓ-ruki i-te-er-bu ù sà-ar-ra-ru-um im-ti-id Ía i-na li-ib-bi uruki Ía-a-‚tuŸ i-ru-bu 15 be-lí la-a ‚iÍ-ta-apŸ-pu ki-ma Ía i-le-ú li-pu-uÍ

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Inganum, your servant: ﬁimurreans who do not receive from °alu-rabi like the °immareans(?) have entered NiÓru on their own initiative, and the (number of) outlaw(s) who entered this town has increased. My lord should not remain silent, but do all he can!

Geography: fiimurrum must be sought in northeastern Iraq, and Frayne (1997) suggests a location on the Sirw⁄n river (in any case, as pointed out by Frayne and in Eidem 1985, 97 n. 67, the Bit- wâta inscriptions alone are insufficient evidence for a location). For the Old Babylonian evidence, see Eidem and Læssøe 2001, 24. Particularly relevant in the present context is the fragmentary OBTR 11, which refers to ‰⁄bum Ía iÍtu fiimurrum illikam (rev. 4f.), providing a parallel to our text, where troops from fiimurrum also are operating far from their “homeland”— probably as mercenaries. A town °immar⁄(n) is attested in the district of Terqa, but may here be a homonym in the Habur. (12) sarr⁄rum is used here in a collective sense. (15) For *Íapûm, Gt “be silent,” cf. Durand 1988, 107. THE LETTERS 185

135 [L.87-1346] Inganum informs his lord that all instructions have been carried out and the district gathered in AzamÓul for the harvest. The second part of the letter indicates that the town ﬁatÓura is threatened. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma in-ga-nu-um ìr-ka-a-ma 5 i-na e-bu-ri-im aÍ-Íum Óal-‰í-im ‚aŸ-na a-za-am-Óu-ulki ka-ma-si-‚imŸ [b]e-lí iq-bé-e-em-ma [a-n]a a-wa-at be-lí-ia [m]a-‚diŸ-iÍ a-qú-ul lo.e.10 ‚ùŸ Ía qa-bé-e be-lí-ia [e-pu]-‚uÍ iŸ-na-an-na rev. [x x x]-ma ka-am-sú-ma [x x x m]a-‚a‰Ÿ-‰a-ra-tum [iÍ-Ía-ak]-na ù a-na-ku wa-aÍ-ba-ku 15 aÍ-Íum lú-meÍ ni-iÓ-ra-yu[ki] ìs-ki-lu lú-meÍ Ía-at-Óu-ra-y[iki] ú-wa-aÍ-Íe-er as-sú-ur-ri ‰a-ba-am i-la-ap<-pa>-tu-nim-ma ‚uruŸ Ía-at-Óu-riki i-‰a-ab-ba-tu-/ma 20 i-‚maŸ-ar-r[a]-‚‰úŸ-né-Íi u.e. an-ni-tam be-lí ‚luŸ-ú i-di

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Inganum, your servant: At harvest time my lord instructed me about gathering the district in AzamÓul, and I paid good attention to the instruction of my lord. Now [...... ] are gathered and [...... ] guards posted, and I am at my post. Because men from NiÓru had appropriated (them) illegally, I released the men from ﬁatÓura. (But) I fear they will recruit the(se) troops and take the town of ﬁatÓura, and make trouble for us. May my lord know this!

(15ff.) The syntax of this passage is not entirely clear, but apparently Inganum fears that the men from ﬁatÓura/i “kidnapped” (the use of sak⁄lum here is unique in these texts) by men from NiÓru will now be recruited by the enemy and used to seize their own home town. An enemy threat to ﬁatÓura is also discussed in [157]. This town in Apum is not attested outside the Leilan texts. 186 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

7. YaÍub-[....] 136 [L.87-574] YaÍub-Addu asks his lord to send him certain items. obv. a-na be-lí-i[a] qí-bí-[ma] u[m-m]a ia-Íu-ub-[...... ] ì[r]-ka-a-[ma] 5 dumu [x x]-‚me-er-maŸ[x x] [x x]‚x xŸ [x x] lo.e. ‚be-líŸ 1 giÍ/é [...... ] li-Ía-ar-Í[a-am] rev. ù-lu-ú-ma [...... ] 10 be-lí li-Ía-bi-[lam] ugu Ía be-li Óa-aÍ-[Óu] lu ú-Ía-bi-la[m]

Say to my lord: Thus (says) YaÍub-[....], your servant: [.... 2 lines broken ....] please will my lord let me acquire a [...... ], or will my lord please send me [.....] I have certainly sent more than my lord desires!

8. Kuzuzzu 137 [L.87-1397] (published in Eidem 1991c, 121) Kuzuzzu assures his lord that he sends only trusted messengers to him, reviewing in detail the case of a certain Tirukkanu. He then reports that an unnamed enemy force is confronting Till-Abni (=Till-Abnû), and that AÍtamar-Adad (of Kurd⁄) is expected to arrive in the town °ur⁄‰⁄ the same day the letter was dispatched. B¤lum here is Mutiya. obv. [a-na] be-lí-ia [qí]-bí-ma [um-ma] ku-zu-uz-zu [ìr]-ka-a-ma 5 be-lí ki-a-am iÍ-pu-ra-am um-ma-a-mi lú-tur-meÍ-ka Ía ú-wa-ad-du-ú ma-aÓ-ri-ka ú-ul wa-aÍ-bu-ú-ma 2 lú-tur-ka Ía la ‚ú-waŸ-ad-du-/ú a-na ‰e-ri-ia ta-Ía-ap-pa-ra-am an-ni-tam be-lí iÍ-pu-ra-am 10 Iti-ru-uk-ka-nu lú-tur-ri lo.e. Ía a-na ma-Óar be-lí-ia aÍ-pu-ru-Íu THE LETTERS 187 rev. lú Ía-a-ti i-na Íe-‚eÓ-naŸ-aki iÍ-tu ne-pa-ri-im ú-Íe-‰í-Íu 15 ìr be-lí-ia Ía ke-na-tim Íu-ú mí-dam-sú dumu-Íu i-na é-ti-ia-ma i-ba-aÍ-Íu-/‚úŸ ma-ti-ma a-na ma-Óar be-lí-ia ú-ul aÍ-pur-Íu-ma be-lí ú-ul ú-wa-ad-du-Íu 20 ù ‚iŸ-na pa-ni-tim lú-tur Ía a-na ma-‚ÓarŸ be-lí-‚iaŸ [i-n]a lú-tur-meÍ-ia ú-ul qé-er-bu-m[a] [lú Í]a-a-tu i-na bé-‚eÓŸ-ri-im-ma aÍ-pur-Íu u.e. [Ía-ni-ta]m érin-meÍ lú-kúr [ma-Óar t]i-la-ab-ni-ma wa-Íi-ib 25 [ù u4-um ˇup]-pí an-ni-‚imŸ [a-n]a ma-Óar be-‚lí-iaŸ l.e. [aÍ-pu-ra-am] aÍ-ta-mar-dim [a-na Ó]u-ra-‰a-aki i-il-la-ka[m]

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Kuzuzzu, your servant: My lord wrote this to me: “Is none of your retainers that I know well staying with you, since you send two of your retainers that I don’t know?” This my lord wrote to me. Tirukkanu, my retainer that I sent before my lord, this man I took out of the palace workshops in ﬁeÓn⁄; he is indeed a faithful servant of my lord. His wife and son are living in my own house. (It is only because) I have never before sent him before my lord, that my lord does not know him, but previously there were no retainer(s) who (used to go) before my lord at hand among my retainers, and I sent this man after careful selection. Another matter: the troops of the enemy are confronting Till-Abni, [and the day I sent] this letter of mine to my lord AÍtamar-Adad will come to °ur⁄‰⁄.

(14) For nep⁄rum “palace workshop” (also used for ad hoc confinement of prisoners/criminals), see Scoufflaire 1989, and cf. [142] and [188]. (22) Or “and this man—I sent him from the b¤Órum (elite force).”

138 [L.87-650] Written shortly after [137]. Kuzuzzu reports that he and his party left °ur⁄‰⁄ the previous day and went to Ag⁄. A messenger from Kurd⁄ arrived and reported that: Buriya (of Andarig) raided the country of Kurd⁄; Óabb⁄tum had entered Alil⁄num and have continued to Razam⁄; AÍtamar-Adad (of Kurd⁄) went off to Kasap⁄; Buriya went to Razam⁄, left his main force, and will raid the interior of the land (of Kuzuzzu’s lord). B¤lum here is Mutiya. obv. [a-na] be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma [um-m]a ku-zu-uz-zu ìr-ka-a-‚maŸ 188 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[am-Í]a-li iÍ-tu Óu-ra-‰a-a‚kiŸ ‚nuŸ-‰í-ma a-na a-ga-a‚kiŸ 5 ni-il-li-ik dumu Íi-ip-ri iÍ-tu ku[r-d]a‚kiŸ il-li-kam-ma um-ma Íu-ma Ibu-ri-ia ma-a!-tam a-di kur-daki iÍ-Ói-iˇ lo.e.10 ù ‰a-bu-um Óa-ab-ba-t[um] a-na a-li-la-nimki ‚iŸ-[ru-bu(?)] ù u4-ma-am an-[ni-am] rev. a-na ra-za-‚makiŸ [i-t]i-q[ú] ù IaÍ-ta-mar-‚dimŸ 15 a-na ka-sa-pa-‚akiŸ it-ta-la-ak ù ‚ke-em iq-bu-nimŸ Ib[u-ri-i]a a-na ra-za-‚makiŸ i-il--ma ka-bi-it<-ta>-Íu i-zi-ib-ma a-na Íà-ba ma-tim 20 i-Ía-aÓ-Ói-iˇ be-lí Óal-la-tam ù mi-i[m-m]a la ú-wa-a[Í]/-Ía-a[r]

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Kuzuzzu, your servant: Yesterday we left °ur⁄‰⁄ and went to Ag⁄. A messenger came from Kurd⁄ with this message: “Buriya raided the land toward Kurd⁄, and the Óabb⁄tum troops [entered(?)] Alil⁄num, and today continued(?) toward Razam⁄; and AÍtamar-Adad went away to Kasap⁄, and it is said: Buriya went to Razam⁄, left his heavy forces, and will raid the interior of the land. My lord should not let out the Óallatum or anything else!

This tablet is of the same type as [139], and we may conclude that both were written in Ag⁄, and not by Kuzuzzu’s usual scribe (see Appendix 1). (4) A town Ag⁄ is not attested elsewhere. (11, 13) The restorations proposed for the ends of these lines seem the best solutions (also in view of the limited space available close to the edges). (18) The third sign is definitely MA, and emendation is required. For (‰⁄bum) kabittum, see ad [26], 5. (21) For Óallatum, see Durand 1987b, 171 sub c. It is a term for “transhumant group” (animals and people), entering (er¤bum) the walled towns (dann⁄tum) in time of unrest and sent out (wuÍÍurum) when the trouble is over.

139 [L.87-783] Written shortly after [138]. Kuzuzzu reports on a conversation with ﬁepallu, who is annoyed that the enemy raids his land and that none of his allies provides help. He states that AÍtamar-Adad (of Kurd⁄) did arrive, but left again. The allies should be urged to come so that the enemy will take THE LETTERS 189 fright. ﬁepallu adds that the allies must appear so that Till-Abnû will be convinced of getting support. B¤lum here is Mutiya. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma ku-zu-uz-zu ìr-ka-a-ma IÍe-pa-al-lu ia-ti ù Óa-zi-ip-‚naŸ-an 5 is-si-né-ti-ma ke-em iq-[b]i um-ma Íu-ma am-mi-nim aÓ-Óu-ia la i-la-ku-nim ù IaÍ-ta-mar-dim il-li-kam-ma it-ta-la-[ak] 10 i-na-an-na mi-[n]u-um an-ni-tum lo.e. ‚iÍ-tu u4-xŸ-kam lú-kúr i-na Íà-ba ma-a-‚timŸ rev. wa-Íi-ib Íe-em i-za-‚abŸ-[ba-al] ù uru-meÍ-‚iaŸ ‚ú-ÓaŸ-[la]-‚aqŸ 15 ù Íu-nu ‚úŸ-[ul i-l]a-[ku-ni]m ma-a ke-em ni-‚idŸ-bu-‚ubŸ i-na-an-na ‚Íu-upŸ-ra-ma li-il-li-ku-nim i-na ke-na-tim-ma i-nu-ma 20 ‚ÍuŸ-nu i-la-ku-ni lú-kúr an-nu-‚umŸ ú-ul i-Ía-aÓ-Óu-ut ù Ía-ni-tim ke-em iq-bi li-il-li-ku-nim-‚maŸ an-ni-ke-em lu-wa-Íi-r[a-am] u.e. 25 ù ti-la-ab-ni Ía i-la-kam lu i-‚deŸ l.e. Íum-ma Íu-nu la i-la-ku-nim ‚ùŸ ‚at-tuŸ-nu ‚atŸ-la-‚kaŸ-ma

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Kuzuzzu, your servant: ﬁepallu called me and °azipna-El (in audience) and said this to us: “Why will my brothers not come? AÍtamar-Adad came, but left again. Now what is this? Since ... days the enemy is settled in the midst of the country. He carries away grain, and destroys my towns, but they do not come (to help me). Is it this we agreed on? Now send words that they must come here. In truth when they arrive here, will this enemy not take fright!” And he also said this: “Let them come and I shall march out, and Till-Abni shall know who is coming. If they do not come, then (the pair of) you (had better) push off!”

(22) Ían‹tim for Ían‹tam? (28) This seems explicit enough: if the allies don’t show up, their envoys will be sent away (cf. [8]). 190 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

140 [L.87-1286] Kuzuzzu is sending to his lord an officer, ﬁanigi, whose main complaint is about missing rations, in particular—in view of the onset of winter—wool. obv. ‚aŸ-[na be-lí-ia] qí-[b]í-m[a] um-ma ku-zu-uz-zu ìr-‚ka-aŸ-[ma] érin-meÍ lú-diri-ga Ía IÍa-ni-gi 5 ip-Óu-ur-ma a-na IÍa-ni-gi ki-a-am iq-bu-nim um-ma-a-mi iÍ-tu iti-4-kam ka-ra-Íu-um a-na ka-ra-Íi-im ‚itŸ-ta-na-di-‚naŸ-an-né-ti ú-‚luŸ-ú Íe-ba ‚úŸ-ul ni-ma-aÓ-Óa-ar lo.e.10 ú-l[u]-ma sig-ba ú-ul i-na-ad-di-nu-/né-Íi-im ù ku-u‰-‰ú-um rev. ik-ta-áÍ-dam an-n[i-t]am id!-bu-bu-nim [i-na-an-n]a a-nu-um-ma 15 [IÍa]-ni-gi a-na ‰e-er be-lí-ia ‚ilŸ-la-kam be-lí a-wa-ti-Íu li-iÍ-me (lower reverse vacant)

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Kuzuzzu, your servant: The auxiliaries under fianigi gathered and said this to fianigi: “For four months one fieldcamp has taken us (only) to (another) fieldcamp. We do not receive grain-rations, nor are we given wool rations, and winter has set on!” This they said. Now hereby fianigi will come to my lord. Please will my lord listen to his word.

(7) For kar⁄Íum, see ad [58] 33.

141 [L.87-238] Kuzuzzu has been asked by his lord about a certain Ma‰i-El from Il⁄n-‰ur⁄. obv. [a-na] be-lí-i[a qí-bí-ma] [u]m-ma ku-zu-uz-zu ìr-k[a-a-ma] aÍ-Íum Ima-‰í-an lú i-la-an-‰[ú-raki] be-lí iÍ-pu-ra-am 5 ki-a-am i-Ía-la-an-ni um-ma-a-mi a-wa<<-wa>>-tum lo.e. la da-mi-iq-tum ‚iŸ-na é-‚ti-ÍuŸ im-qú-ut [x x]‚xŸ[...... ] THE LETTERS 191

(reverse illegible)

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Kuzuzzu, your servant: My lord wrote to me about Ma‰i-El, the man of Il⁄n-‰ur⁄, asking me the following: “Has bad news come to his house?” [.... rest broken or illegible....]

(3) Ma‰i-El is known only from this text.

9. Qarr⁄du 142 [L.87-497a] B¤lum has asked about a certain man. Qarr⁄du reports that he has absented himself, but is now known to be in ﬁeÓn⁄; he should be arrested and taken to the nep⁄rum. obv. [a-na] be-lí-[i]a [qí]-bí-‚maŸ [u]m-ma ‚qarŸ-ra-du ‚ìrŸ-[k]a-a-ma aÍ-Íum lú Ía i-na pa-ni-tim 5[a]-‚na beŸ-lí-ia aq-bu-ú lo.e. [um-ma] ‚a-na-ku-maŸ [i]n-na-ab-‚ta-amŸ rev. ‚iÍ-tuŸ 4 iti la-[aÍ]-Íu i-na-an-na a-nu-um-‚maŸ 10 [a-na] uru Íe-eÓ-na-aki [il-l]i-kam li-i‰-ba-/tu-Íu-ma [be-lí l]i-sa-ni-iq-‚Íu-maŸ u.e. [ù a-na ne-p]a-ri-i[m] [li-Íe-r]i-ib

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Qarr⁄du, your servant: Concerning the man that I earlier told my lord about, saying: “He has run away; he has been absent for 4 months!” Now, however, he went to ﬁeÓn⁄; have him apprehended, and [my lord himself] should question him, and have him placed in the palace workshop.

10. Sangara 143 [L.87-513] Sangara greets the town and district of his lord. He assures him that he sends only trusted messengers and that he has not leaked confidential information. Ya‰‰ib-°atnû has written to Sangara that °alu-rabi reached Irbinazu and that he has gathered his district in Urgina (=UrkiÍ?). Yak›n-AÍar is 192 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN mobilizing the region against the threat posed—presumably by °alu-rabi—and Sangara asks his lord to be ready to assist him. B¤lum here is probably Mutiya. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma sa-an-ga-ra ìr-ka-a-ma a-na uruki ù Óal-‰í-im Ía be-lí-ia Íu-ul-mu 5 aÍ-Íum lú-tur-ri-ia Ía a-na ‰e-er be-lí-ia aÍ-ta-na-pa-ra-am ìr-di be-lí-ia aÍ-ta-na-pa--am Ía-na-am-ma ú-ul a-Ía-pa-ra-am-ma ù pí-ri-is-ti be-lí-ia 10 ú-ul ú-Íe-‰í rev. IÓa-lu-ra-bi a-na ir-bi-na-zuki ik-Íu-da-am ù ia-‰í-ib-at-nu-ú a-na ‰é-ri-ia iÍ-pu-ra-am 15 aÍ-Íu-mi-ka ù aÍ-Íum Óal-‰í-ka Iia-ku-un-a-Ía-ar a-Ía-ri-iÍ i-Ía-da-da-na-ti ù a-na-ku a-na uruki ur-ki-naki ka-am-sa-ku 20 as-sú-ri lú-meÍ pa-na-am i-Ía-ka-nu-ni-im-ma u.e. be-lí a-na ni-iÍ di-pa-r[i-ia] ù ne-eÓ-ra-ri-ia li-qú-ul

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Sangara, your servant: May all be well for the town and district of my lord! As for my retainers that I send to my lord—it is servants of my lord I send; I shall send no one else, and I shall not reveal the confidential plans of my lord. °alu-rabi has reached Irbinazu and Ya‰‰ib-°atnû wrote to me: “It is because of you and your district that Yak›n-AÍar pulls us together there—and I have retreated into Urgina.” I fear that these men will march against us, so please will my lord be attentive to my fire signals and my need for relief.

(12) For the town ir-bi-na-zu, cf. the administrative text [L.87-461],8, which lists lú-meÍ ia-ar-bi-na- zu who deliver supplies in AÍnakkum; hence Yarbinazu, which is not attested previously, should be sought in this general direction within the Habur Plains. (14) Note the sign ZI for [‰e] in ‰¤riya. (15) The change from third- to second-person singular must mark a quotation from Ya‰‰ib-°atnû, which probably ends with line 19. (17) Note na-ti for -ni⁄ti/nêti. THE LETTERS 193

(18) A town ur-ki-na (NA certain!) is attested also in an administrative text (limmu °abil-k2nu), and possibly this is a Hurrian spelling of the well-known town UrkiÍ (cf. the spellings u-ur-ki-ni-in, u-ur-ki-ni listed in del Monte and Tischler 1978, 463).

144 [L.87-681] Sangara greets the town and district of his lord. He reports that the previous day Yak›n-AÍar sent Z›ni to Ya‰‰ib-°atnû and the king of AÍnakkum(?), hoping to get help to make a sortie against the enemy. B¤lum here is probably Mutiya. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma sa-an-ga-ra ì[r-k]a-a-ma a-na uruki ù Óal-‰í-im Ía be-lí-ia Íu-ul-mu 5 am-Ía-li zu-ú-ni a-na ‰e-er ia-‰í-ib-at-nu rev. ù lugal Ía aÍ-Íak-ki-imki il-li-ik al-ka-nim-ma it-ti-ku-nu ú-‰í-i 10 e-di-Íi-ia wa-‰a-am ú-ul e-li-i a-wa-tam an-ni-<>tam Iia-ku-un-a-Ía-ar u.e. [i]Í-pu-ur-Íu-nu-Íi-im 15 be-lí lu i-di

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Sangara, your servant: May all be well for the town and district of my lord! Yesterday Z›ni went to Ya‰‰ib-°atnu and the king of AÍÍakkum. “Come, and I will march out with you; alone I cannot march out.” This message Yak›n-AÍar wrote to them; may my lord know this.

(7) A town *AÍkakum is not attested elsewhere, and we must perhaps read aÍ-Íak-ki-im for aÍ-na-ak- ki-im, although such an assimilated form of the GN is unique—also within the Leilan texts. (10) The verb wa‰ûm is used here in specific military jargon about “marching out to meet the enemy (from a besieged city or similar).”

145 [L.87-781] Sangara greets the town and district of his lord. He is busy with administrative work in the district of Irpap⁄, and will next arrive in the district of IbnaÓi. obv. a-na be-lí-ia 194 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

qí-bí-ma [u]m-ma sa-an-ga-ra ìr-ka-a-ma a-na uruki ù Óal-‰í-im 5 Ía be-lí-ia Íu-ul-‚muŸ IÓa-wi-li-ia a-na ir-pa-pa-aki iÍ-pu-ra wa-ar-ki dumu Íi-ip-ri-ia [i-ib-n]a-Ói a-ka-Ía-dam 10 ‚i-naŸ Óal-‰í-[i]m Ía i-ib-na-‚Ói xŸ a-na pa-‚qí-idŸ ninda ù kaÍ ‚úÍŸ-te-ri-is-sú ‚a-wa-tamŸ an-n[i]-tam [be-l]í ‚luŸ i-di-e

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Sangara, your servant: May all be well for the town and district of my lord! °awiliya wrote (that I should go) to Irpap⁄. Following my messenger I will reach IbnaÓi, and in the district of IbnaÓi I will prepare it for the handing over of bread and beer. My lord should be aware of this matter.

Geography: Neither IbnaÓi nor Irpap⁄ is attested elsewhere.

146 [L.87-785] (upper part of tablet) Virtually no content preserved. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma sa-an-ga-ra ìr-ka-a-[ma] ‚a-na uruŸki ù Óal-‰í-im Ía [be-lí-ia] 5[Íu-ul-mu]‚x x xŸ[...... ] (break) rev. [1] lú-tur-ri ‚Ía?Ÿ be-l[í ...... ] ‚ú?Ÿ-mu Íu-um-‚ÍuŸ li-[li-kam-ma] li-r[u-ub...... ] li-im-nu-um ù a-ia-[bu-um] 5' li-iÍ-me-ma li-‚xŸ[...... ]

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Sangara, your servant: May all be well for the town and district of my lord! [.... rest of obverse and upper reverse missing ....] let my retainer whom my lord [has ....] [come?] any day(?), and let him enter [...... , (and)] let the evildoer and the enemy hear (about it) and then [be deterred?...... ]. THE LETTERS 195

11. fiupram 147 [L.87-237] fiupram is with Kiriya. News of approaching Óabb⁄tum arrived, and Kiriya urged fiupram to warn his lord to let the enemy reach the city gate, but not to make a sortie and fight an open battle. B¤lum here is probably Mutiya. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma Íu-up-ra-am ìr-ka-a-ma 5 ˇe4-mu-um Ía lú Óa-ab-ba-ti im-qú-tam-ma ù Iki-ri-‚iaŸ lo.e. ki-a-am iq-bi/-né-Í[i-im] um-ma<<-a-[mi]>>-a-m[i] rev. 10 a-na [‰]e-er be-lí-ku-nu Íu-up-ra um-ma ni-nu-ma ˇe4-mu-um it-ti-ka-ma at-ta-ma Ía ‚taŸ-qa/-ab-bi-né-Íi-‚imŸ um-ma Íu-ma giÍtukul la ‚teŸ-ep/-‚péŸ-eÍ 15 a-na ká-ka li-ìs-ni-qa-am/-m[a] u.e. ‚giÍŸtukul la te-e[p-p]é-eÍ ù i-na ˇup-pí-im pa-ni-im ‚6Ÿ li-mi ‰a-ba-am l.e. [a]-na be-lí-ia aÍ-pu-ur 20 [i]-na-an-na 10 li-mi ‰a-bu-u[m] [b]e-lí la i-ta-na-aÍ-Ía-aÍ a-‚x x x xŸ[....]

Say to my lord: Thus (says) ﬁupram, your servant: News of the Óabb⁄tum arrived and Kiriya spoke to us like this: “Send words to your lord”; we (said): “This is your decision; and you yourself must tell us (what to write)!” He (said): “You should not give battle! Let them advance to your city gate, but do not give battle!”—And in my previous letter I wrote to my lord (about) 6.000 troops, (but) now (it is) 10.000 troops; my lord should not worry ......

(15) The town gate is sometimes mentioned in association with battles fought (e.g., in the gate of Andarig: ARMT XXVI/2, 303: 27'), clearly a consequence of the predominant siege warfare during this period. (22) The faint traces in the last line are not intelligible despite repeated collation. 196 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

148 [L.87-1384] ﬁupram is on a mission for his lord. On the obverse, he complains about missing provisions or equipment. On the reverse, he reports that his lord’s message has been extremely well received by a certain Da-[...]. The tablet, which is of light pinkish-brown clay, is a unique type quite different from the previous text. The mention of Kiriya in line 13' indicates that the context of the mission may be related to that of the previous letter. B¤lum here is probably Mutiya. obv. ‚aŸ-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma Íu-up-ra-am [ì]r-ka-a-ma iÍ-tu be-lí ‚ú-waŸ-e-[r]a-an-ni [k]askal Ía be-lí [ú-wa-e-r]a-[an-n]i ú-Ía-al-l[i-im] 5 aÓ-Óu-ia Ía [it-ti...... ]-ia [i]l-li-ku i-na qa-tim-ma ma-l[i-tim i]l-li-ku ù a-na-ku i-na [q]a-tim ri-iq-tim al-lik ù a-na b[e]-lí-ia aÍ-pu-ra-am-ma 10 be-‚líŸ ‚ú-ulŸ iÍ-Íe20-en-ni [i-na-an-na] ‚u4Ÿ-um ˇup-pí a-na be-lí-ia [ú-Ía-bi-lam i]Í-tu uru na-al-ma-atki [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ-am dam-qa-am (break) rev. [a-na ‰e]-er Ida-‚xŸ-[...... ] [be-lí ú]-wa-e-ra-an-ni [ù a-wa-a]t be-lí-ia ù wu-ú-ur-ti [be-lí-ia] ma-di-iÍ i-in-Íu 5' im-Óu-ur [ki-ma Í]a-me-em la-pa-ti-im [...... ]‚xŸ-Óu-uÓ li-ib-ba-Íu Óa-de [ù li-ib]-bi be-líŸ-ia lu-ú Óa-de [...... ]-ti it-ti be-lí-ia 10' ú-wa-du [...... ]be-lí p[u-r]u-sà!-am-ma [li-ip-ru-sa]-am [...... ]‚xŸ ‚kiŸ-ri-‚iaŸ [...... ]-ma 15' [...... -a]m

Say to my lord: Thus (says) ﬁupram, your servant: Since my lord dispatched me, I have successfully proceeded on the route that my lord instructed me. My brothers who travel with [...... ] went away with full hands, while I started empty-handed, and I wrote to my lord, and my lord did not support me. Now on the day [I sent] this letter to my lord, [I have travelled ...... ] from the town Nalmat [...... ] the good [.... break ....] THE LETTERS 197

(rev.) my lord dispatched me to Da-[...... ], and the word of my lord and the instruction of my lord was met by his complete approval. [Like] a sunrise he [...... ] his heart was glad, and may [the heart of] my lord be glad. [About the ...... ] they have made known to my lord, will my lord [please make] a decision [...... ] Kiriya [...... ].

(7f.) For q⁄tum mal‹tum/r‹qtum, cf. ARMT XXVI/2, 411 (=ARM II, 39), which provides a parallel for ina q⁄tim r‹qtim al⁄kum “go empty-handed.” (12) A town Nalmat is otherwise unattested. (6') For this line, see the comment ad [41], 9.

12. Tak2 149 [L.87-540] Tak2 is sending two people to his lord: a retainer sent by MeÓili of Yapˇur with a letter, and an important person from QirdaÓat. The rest of the letter concerns a certain Arip-alla from °⁄laba(?), resident in QirdaÓat, who, during the reign of Mutiya, brought news of the ruler of Yapˇur and Ya‰‰ib-°atnû to Mutiya. This has now apparently brought him into trouble with Il‹-EpuÓ. B¤lum here is Till-Abnû. obv. [a-na be-l]í-ia qí-bí-ma [um-ma] ta-ke-e ìr-ka-a-ma [lú-tur me-Ó]i-li lú ia-ap-ˇú-urki [Ía ˇu]p-‚paŸ-am a-na ‰e-er be-lí-ia na-Íu-ú 5‚ùŸ lú qir-da-Óa-atki qa-aq-qa-ad q[ir-d]a-Óa-atki Íu-ú it-ti ‚lúŸ-tur me-Ói-li a-na ‰e-er be-lí-ia wu-ú-ur i-na-an-na a-nu-um-ma a-na ‰e-er be-lí-ia ‚aˇ-ˇarŸ-da-Íu-nu-ti lo.e. 10 [be-l]í a-[na ˇ]e4-m[i-Í]u-nu [m]a-di-iÍ li-qú-ul Ía-ni-tam a-ri-ip-al-la ?ki rev. lú Óa-a-la-[b]a iÍ-tu u4-mi-im ma-du-tim i-na uru qir-da-Óa-atki é wa-Íi-ib 15 i-nu-ma mu-ti-ia a-wa-at lú ia-ap-ˇú-urki ù ia-a‰-‰í-ib-Óa-at-nu-ú a-na ‰e-er mu-ti-ia iz-bi-‚ilŸ Iì-lí-e-pu-uÓ i-mu-ur-Íu-ma ‚aÍ-ÍumŸ a-wa-at lú ia-ap-ˇú-urki 20 [ù i]a-a‰-‰í-ib-Óa-at-nu-ú [a-na ‰e]-er mu-ti-ia iz-bi-lu [...... qir-d]a-Óa-atki [...... ]‚xŸ-ta-di-Íu [...... ] x ma-na kù-babbar 198 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN u.e. 25 [...... -a]m-ma [...... Iì-l]í-e-‚pu-uÓŸ l.e. [...... ]‚xŸ-li-im [...... Iì-l]í-e-pu<-uÓ> i-mu-ur-Íu-ma at-[ta] [it-ti Á]ﬁ-KI-dim tu-Íi-ib a-wa-a[t] 30 [...... b]e-lí la i-Íe-em-me

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Tak2, your servant: A retainer of MeÓilum, the man of Yapˇur, who is bringing a letter to my lord, and a man of QirdaÓat, an important man of QirdaÓat—he was sent with instructions together with MeÓilum’s retainer to my lord—hereby I have sent them (on) to my lord. Please will my lord pay close attention to their message! Another matter: Arip-alla of °⁄laba has for a long time lived in a house in QirdaÓat. Under Mutiya(’s reign) he brought the word of the man of Yapˇur and Ya‰‰ib-°atnû to Mutiya. Il‹-EpuÓ saw him, and because he brought the word of the man of Yapˇur and Ya‰‰ib-°atnû to Mutiya, [...... ] QirdaÓat [...... ] he [...... ] him [...... ] ... mina silver he [...... ], and Il‹-EpuÓ [...... ] Il‹-EpuÓ saw him, and you were staying [with(?)] AÍki-Addu. My lord should not listen to the word of [...... ].

(13) Probably this GN should be connected with Óa-a-la-ba-a south of Leilan, near the wadi al-Radd (cf. ARMT XXVI/2, p. 135 ad 358b and see Ismail 1991 about [L.87-971]).

150 [L.87-560] Tak2 has sent to his lord a messenger from AÓi-DabaÓ (from °alab, cf. [41]), who is en route to Andarig with 6,000 men and requests free passage through the steppe south of the Habur Plains. Tak2 reports that the messenger has previously visited °alu-rabi and Ea-malik. B¤lum here is Till-Abnû. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma ta-ke-e ìr-ka-a-ma lú-tur a-Ói-da-‚baŸ-aÓ mu-ba-ás-si-rum a-na ‰e-er IÓa-[lu]-ra-bi il-li-kam-ma 5 ki-a-am iq-bi um-‚maŸ-a-mi qa-du-um 6 li-mi ‰a-bi-im ‚aŸ-na an-da-ri-igki e-te-ti-iq [i-n]a bi-ri-it Óa-na-meÍ [e-t]i-iq-ma i-na udu-Óá 10 [...... ]‚ùŸ Óa-‰í-ra-at Óa-n[a(-meÍ)] lo.e. [...... ]‚xŸ [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ ú-ul i-ba-a[Í-Íi] rev. [lu-ú Ó]a-di-ta an-ni-[tam] 15 [a-na IÓ]a-lu-ra-bi iÍ-p[u-ra-am-ma] [l]ú-tur a-Ói-da-ba-aÓ ‚xŸ[x]‚x-aŸ THE LETTERS 199

[a-n]a ka-Óa-atki il-[li-ka]m-ma 1 gín Óur kù-babbar Idé-a-ma-lik [i]d-di-in-Íu i-na-an-na a-nu-um-ma 20 a-na [‰]e-er be-lí-ia aˇ-[ˇ]ar-da-aÍ-Íu ma-Óar be-lí-ia a-ka-lam ‚ÍaŸ-ta-am li-pu-úÍ u.e. ‚ùŸ [be-l]í 2 gín Óur kù-babbar 25 li-‚id-di-inŸ-Íum-ma 1 lú-‚turŸ [Ía] be-lí-ia Ía Íu-ul-mi-Íu l.e. it-ti-Íu a-na ‰e-e[r a-Ói-da-ba-aÓ] li-il-li-[kam (...... )]

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Tak2, your servant: A retainer of AÓi-DabaÓ, a mubassirum-messenger, came to °alu-rabi, and said as follows: “I have crossed through to Andarig with 6000 soldiers; I shall cross between the °aneans and among the sheep, [the ...... ], and the camps of the °aneans [.... 2 lines broken ....] there will be no [violation(?)—be pl]eased!” This he sent words about to °alu-rabi, and the retainer of AÓi-DabaÓ [...... ] went to KaÓat, and Ea-malik gave him a one-shekel piece of silver. Now hereby I have sent him to my lord. Let him dine and wine before my lord, and may my lord give him a two-shekel piece; also let a retainer from my lord who carries with him his greetings go with him to AÓi-DabaÓ [(...... )].

(3) For mubassirum “conveyor of good news,” see ad [126], 6. (9) For Ó⁄‰ir⁄tum “sheepfolds (particularly of nomads),” see Durand 1990b, 634. (23) The last two signs are written over an erasure.

151 [L.87-437] (not copied; small fragment from upper right corner of tablet) Only address preserved. obv. [a-na] be-lí-ia [qí]-bí-ma [um-ma t]a-‚ke-eŸ ‚ìrŸ-ka-a-ma [...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ] (break) rev. [...... ]-it (u.e. vacant)

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Tak2, your servant: [.... break ....] 200 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

13. TiÍwen-atal 152 [L.87-567] TiÍwen-atal related some news to Ea-malik that agitated him. He was annoyed at not having been told before, and now wants a meeting with TiÍwen-atal’s lord, who is asked to set off immediately, so that they can meet mid-way. Unfortunately, the letter contains no hint as to the nature of this alarming news. B¤lum here is probably Till-Abnû. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma ti-iÍ-we-en-a-tal ìr-ka-a-ma aÍ-Íum ˇe4-mi-im Ía a-na ‰e-er Idé-a-ma-lik tu-wa-e-ra-an-ni 5 ki-ma ˇe4-ma-am Ía-tu ú-te-er-ru-Íum Idé-a-ma-[l]ik ma-di-iÍ uÍ-ta-ar-Ói-‚ibŸ ù ki-i pa-‚niŸ-Íu-ma a-na lú bé-eÓ-ri-im iÍ-ta-pa-ar ‚ùŸ ki-a-a[m] iq-bé-em u[m-m]a-a-‚miŸ 10 [ˇe4-ma]-am Ía-‚a-tuŸ iÍ-[me(-ma)] lo.e. [ù am-m]i-ni[m] ‚aŸ-di i-na-an-na [i-ka]-al-[la] ‚IdŸé-a-ma-lik an-ni-tam iq-bi rev. i-na-an-na ki-ma ˇup-pí an-ni-a-am 15 te-Íe-em-mu-ú a-na uru Ía pa-nu-ka Ía-ak-nu a-la-kam e-pu-úÍ la tu-la-ap-pa-at Idé-a-ma-lik ù a-na-ku 20 pa-an lú bé-eÓ-ri-im ni-‰a-ab-ba-tam-ma a-‚naŸ pa-ni-ka a-la-kam ni-ip-pé-eÍ u.e. ‚i-naŸ m[u-Í]i-tim an-[n]i-tim 25 ‚a-na igi al-la-kamŸ ‚ùŸ ta-pa-aˇ-[ˇà-a]r

Say to my lord: Thus (says) TiÍwen-atal, your servant: Concerning the message you sent me off with to Ea-malik: as soon as I gave him this message, Ea-malik became much agitated and immediately sent for the guard, and he said to me: “He has heard this news, and why did he keep it to himself till now.” This Ea-malik said. Now when you hear this letter, march to a town placed before you. Do not hesitate! Ea-malik and I will take charge of the guard and march off to join you. This very night I will go forward, and you too will depart!

(5) For târum, D, “tell someone,” with the dative suffix, cf. AHw, 1334b, 8e. THE LETTERS 201

(7) From ra’abum, ﬁt-form, “become trembling.” (14) The administrative text [L.87-698+] (see Ismael 1991) refers to a meeting between Ea-malik and Till-Abnû in NilibÍinnum that might well be the meeting planned in this letter.

14. Warad-IÍtar 153 [L.87-457] Warad-IÍtar is on a mission to an unnamed king to ransom someone and reports that negotiations have been successful. obv. a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-[ma] [um-ma] ìr-eÍ4-tár ìr-ka-a-ma [i-nu-ma wu-ú]r-tam Ía be-el-ni 5[ú-wa-e-ra-n]é-ti [iÍ-mu-ú] a-an-nam i-pu-la-an-né-ti ‚i-naŸ mu-uÍ-te-er-ti-‚maŸ ˇe4-m[a-a]m iÍ-me-ma mi-im-ma ú-ul is-sú-uÓ 10 ù ˇe4-ma-am ‚ÍaŸ be-lí rev. ú-ra-ad-du-ú im-ta-Óa-ar a-an-nam i-pu-ul ù aÍ-Íum 11 ‚gínŸ kù-babbar ip-ˇe4-ri ni-iq-bi-Íum-ma ki-a-am i-pu-ul 15 um-ma Íu-ma lu-úÍ-pu-ur lú Íu-gi-meÍ li-ip-Óu-ru-nim-ma ‚a-ap!Ÿ-[pa]-al [u4-u]m ˇup-pí an-né-em ‚a-naŸ ‰e-er be-lí-ia ú-Ía-bi-lam 20 ‚i-naŸ pa-an nu-ba-at-ti-Íu 11 ‚gínŸ a-na qa-tim ni-na-‚ad-di-inŸ ù [ur-r]a-am ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ n[i-z]a-[k]a-ar u.e. a-na lú Íu-gi-meÍ<<‚xŸ>>-Íu ù lú sú-ga-gi-Íu 25 ‚iÍ7Ÿ-ta-pa-ar l.e. a-na ‰[e-ri-ni(?) be-lí li-i]Í-pu-ra-am

Say to my lord: [Thus] (says) Warad-IÍtar, your servant: [When he heard] the instructions our lord [gave] us, he agreed; in the early morning he heard the message, and did not make any objection. And the message that my lord added, he then received (and) agreed to; and we told him about the 11 shekels in ransom and he answered thus: “I will send words that the elders must gather and I shall give an answer.” The day I had this letter of mine sent to my lord, this evening, we shall pay out the 11 shekels and tomorrow we shall swear; he has sent words to his elders and his local officials. [Please will my lord] write to [us?]! 202 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

154 [L.87-931] (not copied; fragment from upper part of tablet with only address legible) obv. [a-n]a ‚be-líŸ-ia [qí]-b[í]-‚maŸ [um-m]a ì[r]-‚eÍ4-tárŸ ‚ìr-ka-aŸ-[ma] (traces of 2 more lines on obverse and of 5+2 more lines on reverse and left edge, but illegible)

15. Warad-[.....] 155 [L.87-672] The sender is hard pressed by enemies and requests troops from his lord. obv. a-na be-[lí-ia] qí-bí-[ma] um-ma ìr-[dx] ìr-ka-a-[ma] 5 i-mi-i[t-tam ù Íu-m]i-lam na-ak-rum [x x x]‚x xŸ be-lí ˇe4-[ma-am ga-am]-ra-am li-iÍ-p[u-ra-am-ma] lo.e. Ía be-[lí iq-bé-em] 10 [l]u-pu-[uÍ-ma] [ù] ma-t[um?...... ] rev. [...... ] 10 lú aga-ú[s (....)] ù ‰í-in-na-ti[(-Íu-nu)] 15 be-lí li-Ía-bi-lam-m[a] lu-Íi-ib an-ni-tam la an-ni-tam be-lí ˇe4-ma-a[m ga-am-ra-am] li-iÍ-pu-ra-[am]

Say to my lord: Thus (says) Warad-[.....], your servant: Left and right the enemy [harass me?]. Please will my lord send me full instructions, and I will do as my lord orders, [and the] land [will be calm(?). Now] please will my lord send me 10 soldiers with (their) shields, so that I can stay (here). Please will my lord write full instructions to me in any case!

(14) For ‰innatum “shield,” see DEPM II, p. 391. THE LETTERS 203

16. [...... ] 156 [L.87-745a] The sender quotes a report sent to him by a certain Il‹-as‹. This man was warned by a sug⁄gu-official not to go to °azip-TeÍÍup of Razam⁄, since this man has evil intentions. It is reported that 500 troops from NumÓa joined him and that he will now proceed from Razam⁄ against the town ﬁatÓuri with 1500 men. The sender now fears for the safety of his lord’s country and plans how he will alert it for evacuation by torch signals three times during the night. obv. a-na b[e-lí-i]a qí-bí-m[a] um-ma ‚xŸ[x x]-‚xŸ ìr-ka-a-[ma] IÓ[a?-zi-ip-te-Íu-up lú] ‚raŸ-z[a-ma-aki] ‚xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ 5 ‚x xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ-ru [i]t-ti ‚xŸ[...... -Ó]u?-da?Ÿ-ni-im‚kiŸ Ía i-da-ma-ra-a‰‚kiŸ [i]l-li-ik [i-n]a-an-na I[ì]-lí-‚a-síŸ a-na [‰]e-ri-ia ‚kiŸ-a-am iÍ-pu-ra-‚am-maŸ 10 um-ma ‚Íu-maŸ lú ‚súŸ-ga-gu Ía a-na ‚qa-timŸ i-Ía-la-an-ni um-ma Íu-ma a-i-iÍ ta-al-la-ak ‚um-maŸ a-na-ku-ma a-na ‰e-er Óa-zi-i[p-t]e-‚Íu/-upŸ um-ma Íu-‚maŸ a-na ‰e-er Óa-[z]i-ip-‚te-Íu-upŸ 15 a-na mi-nim ta-al-la-ak lo.e. IÓa-zi-i[p-te-]Íu-u[p] -ni-tam e-li-‚ku-nu i-‰aŸ-ab-bá-at ‚5 meŸ erín-meÍ lú n[u-um-Ó]a-a-yu‚kiŸ rev. a-na ‚uruŸ li-‚xŸ[...... ] a-na ‰e-‚erŸ Óa-zi/-ip-te-‚ÍuŸ-up 20 i-ti-iq ù Óa-zi-ip-/te-Íu-up qa-du 1 li-im erín-meÍ pa-Ói-ir i-na-an-na Óa-zi-ip-te-Íu-up ‚qa-duŸ 1 li-im 5 me erín-meÍ ‚iŸ-na uru ra-za-ma-aki il-li-kam 25 ‚um-maŸ-mi a-na uru Ía-at-Óu-riki a-‚laŸ-ak an-ni-tam ì-lí-[a]-sí ‚iÍŸ-pu-ra-am ‚asŸ-sú-ur-ri a-na li-ib-bi ma-tim ni-‚ÍaŸ-tam ú-wa-aÍ-Ía-ra-am!-m[a!] 30 4 ‚di-paŸ-ri ‚aŸ-na ba-ra-ar-tim qa-ab-l[i-t]im ù na-wa-a[r-tim] u.e. a-na-aÍ-Íi an-ni-tam be-lí aÍ-Íum ma-a-tum a-na dan-na-tim i-ka-am-mi-s[ú] 35 lu-ú i-[di] l.e. ˇup-pí an-né-em be-lí li-iÍ-me-ma a-la-kam li-pu-Ía-am 204 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Say to my lord: Thus (says) [...... ], your servant: °[azip-TeÍÍup of Razam⁄(?) [.... 2 lines broken ....] with [...... of ...... -Ó]ud⁄nim of Ida- Mara‰ went off. Now Il‹-as‹ wrote to me as follows: “A local official at hand asked me this: “Where are you going?”; and I said: “To °azip-TeÍÍup!” He said: “Why will you go to °azip-TeÍÍup. °azip-TeÍÍup has evil in mind for you: 500 NumÓa soldiers went to the town Li-[...... ] to °azip-TeÍÍup, and °azip-TeÍÍup is mobilized there with 1000 men. Now °azip-TeÍÍup with 1500 men came to Razam⁄ saying: “I will march to the town ﬁatÓuri!” This Il‹-as‹ wrote to me. I fear that he will spread panic in the midst of the country, and I will light 4 torches at the first, second, and third nightwatches. May my lord know this—that it is because the country should gather in the strongholds. Please will my lord listen to this letter of mine and come here.

(1–10) The surface of the upper obverse on this tablet has been partly erased, probably post-depositional damage. The reconstruction of line 3 is, of course, quite tentative. The GN in line 6 is perhaps the same as the [...... -Ó]u?-‚da?Ÿ-nim in [157], 4, but both readings are very uncertain. (29) niÍÍatum = nissatum “anxiety”; the closest parallel is found in a local letter from Shemsh⁄ra (Eidem and Læssøe 2001, no. 63, 41f.) nissatum ana m⁄t Utêm la ibaÍÍi “(then) let there be no anxiety for the country of Utûm.” (30ff.) Four torches three times during the watches of the night is an unusually high number. The three divisions of the night covered the time from (early) dusk to (early) dawn.

157 [L.87-542+593] The sender quotes a report sent to him by the brother of a certain Kabizzari: A group of soldiers under °azip-TeÍÍup was mustered by Giriya, and he asked them where they were going. The soldiers claimed that they were going to Dîr, but this is not believed; rather they will go to ﬁatÓuri as °azip-TeÍÍup(?) did. obv. [a-n]a [be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma] [u]m-m[a...... ìr-ka-a-ma] a-na uru Í[e-e]Ó-na-a[ki ù ] ‚é?Ÿ dingir-meÍ ‚ÍuŸ-ul-[m]u Ika-bi-‚izŸ-za-ri [lú x x-Ó]u?-da?Ÿ-nimki 5lú Íu-ú iÍ-tu pa-na it-t[i-i]a ˇà-‚abŸ ‚iŸ-na-an-na a[m]-Ía-li a-Óa-Íu [a-n]a [‰e-ri-i]a ki-a-am iÍ-pu-ra-am um-ma [Íu-ma] 40 ‰a-bu-um Ía Óa-zi-ip-t[e]-Í[u-up] lú ia-ás-sa-ni-imki 30 giÍ na-zi-‚niŸ 10 ù gi-ri-ia lú ia-ás-sa-anki pa-ni-Íu-nu ‰a-bi-it ù a-na-ku ki-a-am a-Ía-al-Íu-nu um-ma a-na-ku-ma a-i-iÍ ta-al-la-ka um-ma Íu-nu-ma a-na uru di-ir‚kiŸ ni-la-a[k] 15 [lú-meÍ Íu-nu a-n]a uru ‚diŸ-irki ú-ul i-‚la-kuŸ [...... a-na Ía-at-Ó]u-riki i-ta-l[a]-ak THE LETTERS 205 lo.e. [an-ni-tam (.....)k]a-bi-iz-za-ri [lú x x-Óu?-da?-nim]‚kiŸ iq-bi-e-e[m] [...... Í]a-‚at-ÓuŸ-[riki] rev. 20 [...... m]a-at ‚be-lí-iaŸ [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ an-ni-tam [...... ]‚x x xŸ ‚18? lúŸ-meÍ ‚ÍaŸ[...... ] ù a-‚si-rumŸ lú Íu?-t[a?-x x] pa-ni-[Íu-nu] ‰a-bi-it 25 i-na ‚li?-timŸ a-na ‰[e-er b]e-lí-ia [iÍ-pu-]ra-am-ma a-nu-um-ma ‚x xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ ù ì-lí-u‰-ra-a[n-ni...... ] a-na ‰e-er be-l[í-ia i/aˇ-ˇar-dam]

[Say to my lord]: Thus (says) [...... , your servant]: Greetings to the town ﬁeÓn⁄ [and the temple of] the gods! Kabizzari of [...... -Ó]ud⁄nim(?)—this man is a long-standing friend of mine(?). Now yesterday his brother wrote this to me: “(There are) 40 soldiers of °azip-TeÍÍup of Yass⁄num (among them) 30 lancers. Giriya of Yass⁄n has taken command of them, and I asked them this question: “Where are you going?,” and they said: “We are going to Dîr!” [These men(?)] are not going to Dîr; [...... ] he has gone to ﬁatÓuri!” [This (the brother of) K]abizzari [of ....Óud⁄nim] said to me [.... lines 19–22 too broken for translation ....] (23) (There are) 18(?) men from [...... ] and As‹rum from the town ... [...... ] has taken command of [them]. In a strong position(?) [he] has written to my lord and hereby [...... ] and [he/I has/have sent] Il‹-u‰ranni [...... ] to my lord.

(4) A man Kabizzari lú °ur⁄‰⁄ is attested in administrative texts dated to the reign of Yak›n-AÍar. Since the remains of the GN here pertain to another locality, our individual may be a homonym, or Kabizzari may simply have changed residence. (9) For the (giÍ)n⁄zinum, a kind of lance, see Durand 1987b, 185ff. The short-hand style of the passage makes a translation slightly precarious: either thirty (men carrying) lances are in excess of the forty ‰⁄bum, or—more likely—the meaning is that three-quarters of the troops are equipped with this particular weapon. (14) A town Dîr is not mentioned elsewhere in these texts. There were (at least) two different Old Babylonian towns Dîr in northern Mesopotamia, one in the region of Mari and another in the Balih valley (see ARMT XXVI/1, p. 587 s.v.). Without further evidence it seems impossible to identify which town is referred to here, but at least the remote location of either of the two known candidates seems to fit the context: the soldiers, to hide their real purpose, indicate that they are going on a mission outside the local region. (24) As‹rum is a quite common name, and the evidence does not permit certain identification with namesake(s) in the letter [83] (a tamk⁄rum), or in the administrative texts. 206 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

17. [...... ] 158 [L.87-1434] (not copied; surface flake from upper part of tablet. It may be noted that the type of clay/ writing is similar to that of letters sent from °alu-rabi. Nothing of the left edge is preserved, and the proposed reconstruction is tentative with regard to the length of lines.) The manner in which Till-Abnû is mentioned here indicates that he was not the recipient of the letter. obv. [a-na be-l]í-ia qí-bí-ma [um-ma...... ] ìr-ka-a-ma [aÍ-Íum...... ti-la-a]b-nu-[ú] [be-l]í [ki-a-am iÍ-pu-r]a-am 5[um-m]a-[(a-)mi] [...... at?-t]a Íi-ir Iti-la-a[b-nu-ú] [...... ]‚a-naŸ ˇe4-em um-‚maŸ-[na-tim(?)] (break)

Say [to] my lord: [Thus (says) ...... ], your servant: [About...... Till]-Abnû [my lord wrote thus] to me: “[You should] make Till- Abnû [...... ] for a report on the armies(?) [.... rest broken ....]

159 [L.87-564] (not copied; fragment from upper left corner of tablet) The sender is apparently in need of military assistance (l. 4'). obv. [a-na be-lí-ia (...... )] qí-[bí-ma] um-ma [...... ] ìr-[ka-a-ma] 5 aÍ-Íum ‚lú?Ÿ [...... ] ‚ú-xŸ-[...... ] (break) rev. an-ni-tam a-n[a...... ] ‚i-na-an-na xŸ[...... ] [i-b]a-aÍ-Íu-ú a-d[i...... ] [ti-i]l-la-ti ù n[é-eÓ-ra-ri...... ] 5' [...... ]‚xŸ a-n[a...... ] u.e. (broken) l.e. [....]‚xŸ lú-tur ‚xŸ-mi-ú-u[q-...... ] [a-Í]a-al-ma um-ma ‚aŸ-na-ku-ma [...... ] [...... ]‚ÍuŸ-ú la-mi an-[...... ] THE LETTERS 207

Say [to my lord (...... )]: Thus (says) [...... ], your servant: Concerning the (men) [.... break ....] (rev.) this to [...... ] now [...... ] are present. Until [...... ] auxiliaries and relief [...... ] to [.... break ....] (l.e.) [...... ] the retainer ...... [I] asked—saying: “[...... ] he (is) not [the one (?) ...... ]

B. Fragments 160 [L.87-218] (not copied; small fragments from tablet of reddish clay found in room 2. The only piece with more than isolated signs is from a corner.) obv.? [...l]ú-tur Ía it-‚tiŸ [...] [...]‚xŸ il-li-kam lo.e.? [...]‚aŸ-na ‰e-er be-lí-ia [...] be-lí-ia (break) rev.? line 1 ends in [...-r]i-iÍ (on edge)

161 [L.87-594] (not copied; fragment from the left edge of the tablet) The sender refers to an investigation conducted by Tak2’s retainer.

(break) obv. ‚xŸ[...... ] aÍ-Íum é ‚x xŸ[...... ] be-lí iÍ-pu-ra-a[m...... ] i-na pa-ni-tim-ma lo.e. 5' [l]ú-tur Ita-ke-e il-li-kam-ma egir-tam a-na 2-Íu rev. ip-‚ruŸ-ús ki-ma i-n[a...... ] (break) u.e. 1'' [...... ]-ru

[.... break ....] concerning the house of [...... ] my lord wrote to me [ (....) ] Previously the retainer of Tak2 came here and investigated the background a second time. Because in [.... rest broken ....]. 208 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

162 [L.87-724] (not copied; fragment from the upper right corner of the tablet; clay of the same type as tablets sent from ﬁun⁄ [cf. Appendix 1]) obv. [a-na be-lí-ia (...)] ‚qíŸ-[bí-ma] um-ma ‚xŸ[...... ] lú ‚ÍuŸ-Óa [...... ] 5 be-lí [...... ] (break) l.e. [...... ] ‚x x i/iaŸ[...... ] [...... be-l]í-ia [...... ]

163 [L98-924b+925] (not copied) A group of small fragments from a letter to b¤lum; no consecutive text preserved (the distinctive dark grey clay precludes a join with other fragments). THE LETTERS 209

V. MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS

1. To AÓam-arÍi from Warad-IÍtar 164 [L.87-666] Warad-IÍtar gives instructions for supervision of horticultural work and the requisition of foodstuffs for the palace official Bayy⁄nu. obv. a-na a-Óa-am-ar-Íi qí-bí-ma um-ma ìr-eÍ4-tár-ma ki-ma ˇup-pí an-né-em 5 te-Íe-em-mu-ú a-na giÍkiri pa-ga-ar-ka li-il-[li-ik]-ma rev. ‚ter-di-támŸ [uÍ]-zi-iz-ma ma-‚aÓ-riŸ-ka 10 ‚li-‰úŸ-ú ú-u[l ú-‰]ú-ú-ma mi-n[am t]a-ap-pa-la-an-ni ù a-na ‚éŸ dim-i-ba-al qí-bí-ma Íe-em ‚ùŸ gàr-Íu u.e. 15 a-na qa-at ba-a-ia-nu li-im-du-du ù i-nu-ma ˇup-pa-am l.e. tu-Ía-aÍ-mu lugal Íu-qí-il

Say to AÓam-arÍi: Thus (says) Warad-IÍtar: When you hear this letter of mine, you yourself shall go to the garden, and instruct an additional work gang, and let them start (the work) in your presence. If they do not get on with it, how will you answer to me? Also give instructions to the house of Addu- ibal that barley and leeks must be measured out for Bayy⁄nu’s disposal; and when you have had this letter read out (then) inform the king.

(5) The end of this line is written over erased -ak-kum(?). (13) Addu-ibal is not attested elsewhere in the Leilan texts. (14) For gàr-Íu (Akk. kar(a)Íum) “leek,” see Stol 1987, 62f. 210 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

2. To AÓatani from Sîn-tukult‹ 165 [L.87-402] Sîn-tukult‹ wants naplaÓtum-coats sent with his messenger. obv. a-na fa-Óa-at-a-ni qí-bí-ma um-ma den-zu-tu-kúl-ti-ma Ía-al-ma-ku 5 aÍ-ra-nu-um lu-ú Ía-al-‚ma/-tiŸ lo.e. Íum-ma gú-è-a uÍ5-te-‰ú-ú rev. a-na mu-tu!-a-Óa-am i-di-in-ma 10 it-ti dumu <<Íi>> Íi-ip-ri [a]n-nu-ut-ti-in li-il-li-kam

Say to AÓatani: Thus (says) Sîn-tukult‹: I am well; may you be well there. If the coat(s) are ready, give (them) to Mutu-aÓam and let him come to me together with this messenger.

3. To AÍtamar-Adad from ﬁepallu 166 [L.87-476] ﬁepallu and AÍtamar-Adad are apparently considering Till-Abnû’s chances of asserting his power. The letter seems out of place in the archive, but could, perhaps, have been sent (in copy?) by AÍtamar-Adad to prove his friendly attitude. obv. a-na aÍ-ta-mar-dim qí-bí-ma um-ma Íe-pa-al-lu a-Óu-ka-a-ma 5 ˇe4-ma-am mi-im-ma Ía a-Ói i-Íe-em-mu-ú a-na ‰e-ri-ia lo.e. li-iÍ7-tap-pa-ra-am Ía-ni-tam ˇe4-ma-am 10 ki-i ‰a-ab-ta-at rev. [a]n-na ti-la-a[b-nu-ú Í]u-te!-eb-ru ù ul-lu-tam l[ú Íu-ú] e-pé-ˇum-ma i-te-ep-p[i!-iˇ] ki-i ta-áÍ-ta-la ˇe4-m[a-am] 15 ù mi-il-ka-am ‚ÍaŸ ‚iŸ-na qa-ti-ka THE LETTERS 211

‰a-ab-ta-‚atŸ a-na ‰e-‚riŸ-ia Íu-up-ra-am-ma a-na-ku lu-pu-úÍ

Say to AÍtamar-Adad: Thus (says) ﬁepallu, your brother: Please may my brother write continually any news that he hears. Also you have come to this conclusion: “For now Till-Abnû is holding out, and in future [this man] will steadily grow big.” This is what you think; the decision and advice that you have at hand, you must write to me and I will act accordingly.

(11ff.) This key passage is difficult and the suggested reconstruction tentative: the signs written on the edge at the end of line 11 do not produce a clear reading, and the one proposed here is more of a guess based on the context (and assuming a form of berûm, ﬁt); in line 13 it is assumed that the verb is eb¤ˇum, which is actually found in similar paranomastic construction in AbB 1, 125 (incidentally a letter sent from a man named Yak›n-AÍar!): (4) Íattam, ana Íattim, namdattaÍunu, e-bé- ˇú-um-ma, i-bi-iˇ, and translated by Kraus: “Jahr ein, Jahr aus, ist das von ihnen Dargemessene stark angeschwollen.” Otherwise, the verb is a medical term for organs and limbs “swelling” (see AHw, s.v.). However, in the Mari letter A.250 (= DEPM II, no. 813) it is also used about water “rising” in irrigation canals (see Lafont 1992, 98 ad 2). AÍtamar-Adad’s statement about Till-Abnû would fit a context at the beginning of his reign, alluding to difficulties accompanying his accession, but predicting that he would be able to assert his power. Subsequent collation of the tablet has failed to improve the copy of last signs in lines 11–13, which are written on the edge and slightly “deformed.”

4. To Inganum from AÓ‹-mara‰ 167 [L.87-663] The sender suggests a temporary solution to a dispute about personnel “until Adad establishes peace for the country.” obv. a-na in-ga-nim qí-bí-ma um-ma a-Ói-ma-ra-a‰ ra-im-ka-‚a-maŸ d d 5 utu ‚ùŸ saggar2 li-b[a]-a[l-li-ˇ]ú-ka aÍ-‚Íum xŸ[...... ] am-[mi-nim...... ] ù [...... ] lo.e. di-nu-u[m...... ] 10 ú-ul ‚xŸ[...... ] i-nu-ma dim be-e[l...... ] rev. sa-li-ma-am a-na ma-a-t[im] i-Ía-ak-ka-an u4-ma-am Ía-tu 15 di-na-am an-né-em nu-úÍ-ta-a‰-bi-[iˇ-ma] 212 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

nu-za-ak-ka i-na-an-na a-di sa-li-mi-im pu-Óa-at ni-Íi-Íu 3 sag-ìr li-id-d[i-n]a-kum-ma 20 ni-Íi-Í[u i-na é-ká]l-lim u.e. [l]a-a ‚xŸ[...... -d]u aÍ-Íum ki-[...... ] an-ni-im [x]‚x xŸ[x-i]m-ma wa-aÍ-Íu-ur ni-Íi-Íu l.e. 25 e-pu-úÍ an-ni-tam la-a an-ni-tam me-Óe-er ˇup-pí-ia Íu-bi-lam ù be-lí-ka a-ia-tam la-a ú-dá-ab-bá-ab

Say to Inganum: Thus (says) AÓ‹-mara‰, who loves you: May ﬁamaÍ and Saggar grant you long life! Concerning [...... ] why [...... ], and [...... ] the dispute [...... ] not [...... ] (11) When Adad, the lord of [...... ], establishes peace for the country, on that day let us concern ourselves with this case and clear (ourselves). Now until (there is) peace, let him give you three slaves as replacement for his people, and let not his people be [...... in(?)] the palace. Concerning [...... ] and you must effect the release of his people. In any case send me a reply to my letter and I shall not bother your lord.

5. To ‡⁄biya from Warad-IÍtar 168 [L.87-163] This letter was found in room 12. The addressee is probably identical to the official ‡⁄biya mentioned in administrative texts dating the limmus °abil-k2nu and Amer-IÍtar. The letter should, therefore, be more or less contemporaneous with the texts from rooms 17/22. obv. a-na ˇà-bi-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma ìr-eÍ4-tár a-Óu-ka-a-ma dutu ‚ùŸ dnin-a-pí-im ‚li-baŸ-al-‚li-ˇúŸ-ka i-na ˇup-[p]a-ti-ka ki-a-[am ta-aÍ-p]u-ra-am 5 um-ma at-ta-ma k[i...... ] (break) rev. [x]‚x xŸ[ x x] a-na ma-an-nim lu-u[d-di-in] ù a-na ma-an-nim me-Óe-er ˇup-pí-ka 5' lu-Ía-bi-il i-na-an-na ‚it?Ÿ-tu-uÓ u.e. dingir ‚ÍaŸ be-lí-ia [(...)] THE LETTERS 213

un-ni-ni5-‚iaŸ i[l-qé] Íu-lum lugal ù Íu-l[um-ka] 10' Íu-up-ra-am l.e. ù tu-muÍen-Óá ‚xŸ[...... ] la tu-Ía-b[a-lam?]

Say to ‡⁄biya: thus (says) Warad-IÍtar, your brother: May ﬁamaÍ and B2let-Apim grant you long life! In your letters you wrote to me as follows: [.... break ....] (rev. 2') to whom shall I give, and to whom shall I send an answer to your letter? Now he has recovered(?). The god of my lord [(....)] has accepted my prayer. Send me news about the king and news of [yourself]; and [why] do you not send me the doves [...... ]?

(12') tu-muÍen, summatum, “dove”; although this may not be the purpose here, birds like these were occasionally used for divination, see Durand 1997.

6. To ﬁupram a) from Inganu 169 [L.87-762] Inganu is apparently worried about the safety of ﬁupram, who is probably away on official business. obv. a-na Íu-up-ra-am qí-bí-ma um-ma in-ga-nu ra-i-im-ka-a-[ma] i-na pa-an wa-‰í-ia 5 ki-a-am aq-bi-e-kum lo.e. um-ma a-na-ku-ma pá-ga-a[r-ka] ú-‰ú-ur i-na-an-na ki-a-am [a-qa-ab-bi] um-‚maŸ-a-mi d[a-ri-iÍ u4-mi(?)] rev. 10 Íu-lum-ka Íu-u[p-ra-am]

Say to ﬁupram: Thus (says) Inganu, your friend: Before I left I told you this: “Be careful!” Now [I say] this: “Send me your greetings [continually]!” 214 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN b) from S⁄mum 170 [L.87-575] S⁄mum is in need and asks ﬁupram to send him oil for his servants. obv. a-na Íu-up-ra-am qí-bí-ma um-ma sa-mu-um a-Óu-ka-a-ma d d 5 utu ù eÍ4-tár li-ba-‚alŸ-li-ˇú-ka at-ta ti-de ki-ma i-na ka-ra-Íi-im lo.e. [x+]1 gín kù-babbar e-zi-bu kù-babbar i-na qa-ti-ia 10 ú-ul i-ba-aÍ-Íi rev. ù lú-tur ‰ú-Óa-ru ì ú-ul i-Í[u]-ú a-Ói li-ig-mi-la-an-ni5-ma 2 bán ì li-Ía-bi-lamx(LUM) 15 gi-mi-il-li pa-ni a-na a-Ói-ia e-ri-ib

Say to ﬁupram: Thus (says) S⁄mum, your brother: May ﬁamaÍ and IÍtar grant you long life! You know that I left ... shekels of silver in the fieldcamp. I have no silver handy, and my retainer has no oil. Will my brother do me a favor and send me 20 liters of oil— please, I make a direct plea to my brother!

(15f.) The translation is rather free; lit. “My face has entered the presence of my brother.” This expression is a variation of the usual ana p⁄n PN er¤bum “enter someone’s presence,” but the exact connotation is not clear.

7. To Tak2 from Ewri 171 [L.87-566] Ewri has written to AÓ‹-mara‰ for information on the Óabb⁄tum. They are in the town ﬁuprum, rav- ishing the country of NumÓum, and AÍtamar-Adad has reached his capital Kurd⁄. In view of this, the sheep of the country have been moved elsewhere (presumably north-northwest). This letter is virtually contemporaneous with [110], which Ewri sent to Till-Abnû. obv. ‚a-naŸ ta-ke-e qí-bí-ma um-ma e-ew-ri ra-im-ka-a-[m]a tu-uk-ka-am Ía ‰a-bi-im Óa-ab-ba-tim eÍ-me-‚maŸ a-na ‰e-er a-Ói-ma-ra-a‰ THE LETTERS 215

5 aÍ-pu-ur-ma ˇe4-ma-am ga-am-ra-am iÍ-pu-ra-am 6 li-mi ‰a-bu-um Óa-ab-ba-tum i-na uru Íu-up-ri-imki wa-Íi-ib ma-a-at nu-ma-Ói-imki im-ta-la-[a]l lo.e.10 [g]iÍ-gag i-na i-ga-ri-im na-ás-Óa-at rev. IaÍ-ta-mar-dim a-na kur-daki i-te-ti-iq ˇe4-ma-am Ía eÍ-mu-ú aÍ-tap-ra-ak-kum 15 lu-ú ti-de ù at-ta ˇe4-ma-am Ía te-eÍ-mu-ú a-na ‰e-ri-ia Íu-up-ra-am Ía-ni-tam udu-Óá ma-a-tim ‚ÍaŸ pa-an ˇe4-mi-im an-ni-i-im 20 a-Ía-ri-iÍ ud-da-ap-pí-ru as-sú-ur-ri lú-sipa-meÍ u.e. ú-da-ab-ba-bu-‚ÍiŸ-na-ti a-na lú ú-tu-ul-lim qí-bí-ma la ú-da-ba/-bu-‚Íi-naŸ-ti l.e. 25 ‚úŸ-la-Íu-ma ‚taŸ-qa-ab-bi an-ni-ke-em-ma li-iz-zi-za

Say to Take: Thus (says) your friend Ewri: I heard rumors of the Óabb⁄tum troops and wrote to AÓ‹-mara‰, and he sent me a complete report: 6000 Óabb⁄tum troops are staying in the town ﬁuprum and have eaten the land of NumÓum clean. (Even) the nail has been torn out of the wall! AÍtamar-Adad has gone off to Kurd⁄. I have written the news I have heard to you. Know this, and you must write the news you have heard to me. Also in view of this news the sheep of the country were moved toward (you). I fear the shepherds will harass them. Give orders to the chief shepherd that they must not harass them. Otherwise you must say (so), and they shall remain as they are.

(9) mal⁄lum “consume, eat clean” is used in Old Babylonian omen texts about officials who “eat up the palace”; see CAD M/1, 160b. (10) “tear the sikkatum peg/nail out of the wall”: this expression is known from an unpublished Old Babylonian letter cited by CAD S, 250b (sikkatka ina igarim anassaÓ; Lowie Museum, 9-2322:10) in a section with references to sikkatum as a (peg) “driven in on a property, or placed in the wall of a house, as indication of ownership.” In view of the context in our letter, however, it seems unlikely that the expression here has the same legal connotations. Rather, the sentence is a logical sequel to the verb used in the previous line “eat clean,” i.e., to the extent of even tearing out the nails or pegs in the houses. (25) TA in taqabbi (inadvertently) erased. 216 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

8. To Warad-IÍtar 172 [L.87-563] (not copied) The sender discusses personnel problems. obv. [a-na] ìr-eÍ4-tár [qí]-bí-ma [um-ma.....-a]n?-Óa-li a-Óu-ka-ma (break) rev. [...... ] ri im [...... ] [a-Ói] ki-ma ˇe4-em um-ma-ni-Í[u] ‚úŸ-Íe-‰í-Íi-ma ‚úŸ-lu-ma kù-babbar ip-ˇe4-ri-Ía u.e. 5' ú-lu-ma pu-Óa-ti-Ía [a-n]a a-Ói-ia lu-ud-d[i-in] [....a-w]a-at a-Ói-ia [(...)] (1–2 lines on left edge completely broken)

Say to Warad-IÍtar: Thus (says) [...]-Óali, your brother: [.... break ....] (rev. 2') [My brother] removed her according to the regulations for his staff, and I shall give either silver for her ransom, or her replacement to my brother. [...... ] the word of my brother [.... break ....]

173 [L.87-517] The sender, who lives in Kasap⁄ (in Kurd⁄), needs furnishing for his house and requests items, including a chair and a door, from the addressee. obv. ‚a-naŸ ìr-[d...... ] qí-bí-m[a] um-ma ia-ku-un-a[r-....] a-Óu-ka-a-ma d d 5 utu ‚ùŸ saggar2 da-ri-iÍ u4-mi-i[m] li-ba-‚alŸ-lí-ˇú-ka am-mi-nim ma-ti-ma Íu-lu[m-k]a a-na ‰e-ri-ia ú-ul t[a]-Í[a-a]p-pa-ra-am lo.e. a-na Íu-ul-mi-ka aÍ-‚puŸ-ra-am 10 Íu-lum-ka Íu-pur rev. ‚ù! at?Ÿ-ta ti-de ki-ma qé-‚erŸ-bi-iÍ é uru ka-sa-pa-aki é-tum ma-a-ˇú ù e-nu-tum ú-ul i-ba-aÍ-Íi THE LETTERS 217

15 i-na-an-na a-nu-um-ma lú-tur-ri aˇ-ˇar-dam 1 giÍgu-za ‚a-na waŸ-Ía-bi-ia a-Ói la i-ka-al-la ‚ù ÍumŸ-ma giÍig a-na Íi-mi-im [x x-r]i-is giÍig Íi-i[m-ma] 20 [ù a]n-na-nu-um Íi-im [giÍig] [lu-Ía-b]i-la-a[k-kum] u.e. [x x]‚x xŸ-lu[m ...... ] [ia]-ri-‚imŸ-dutu a-na ‰[e-ri-ia] ú-te-er-[ra-am] 25 ‚IŸia-Íu-ub-Óa-lu-[ú il-li-kam] l.e. ù ‚kù-babbarŸ-pí i-Íu-ma ú-ul i-pu-úÍ

Say to Warad-[...... ]: Thus (says) Yak›n-a[r-....], your brother: May ﬁamaÍ and Saggar grant you life forever! Why do you never send me your greetings? I have written about your greetings— send me your greetings! Indeed you know that (I am) nearby (in) a house in Kasap⁄; the house is wretched, and there are no furnishings. I have now sent my servant to you. A single chair so that I can (at least) sit down my brother will (surely) not deny me, and if a door is for sale [.....], buy a door and I will send you the price for the door. Yarim- ﬁamaÍ returned [...... to me]. YaÍub-°alû [came (back) to me] and he (still) has my silver, he has not spent (it).

(3) The name of the sender is not clear. After Yak›n- one expects a DN, but the partly broken sign AR is certain.

174 [L.87-1332b] Very fragmentary tablet with little consecutive text preserved. obv. [a-n]a ìr-‚eÍ4-tárŸ qí-bí-ma [um-ma] lú-mar-‚tuŸ ù Ói-‚x-xŸ [x]‚xŸ-ka-‚a-maŸ [...... ] [li-b]a-al-li-ˇú-[ka] 5 [x x] ‚an-né-emŸ ni5-nu [...... ] (rest of obverse and most of reverse either broken or illegible) rev. 3'' a-na dumu Íi-ip-‚ri-imŸ Ía be-l[í-ni5] ú-ul ni-‚il-li-ikŸ né-pé-Ía-am an-[né-em] u.e. 5'' ‚i-puŸ-úÍ i-na-an-n[a x x]‚xŸ ù dutu-‚xŸ-[....] ? a-na be-lí-ni5 i[Í-pu-r]a-‚am Ÿ ‚Ía-ni-tamŸ [m]e-Óe-er ˇup-pí-im Ía [l]i-ib-bi-n[i] ‚eŸ-Íe-Íi-im Íu-bi-lam-ma la ni-ta-‚naŸ-aÍ/-‚ÍaŸ-[aÍ] 218 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Say to Warad-IÍtar: Thus (says) Aw‹l-Amurrim and °i[...... ], your [...... ]: May [DN and DN] grant you long life! (lower rev. 3'') we did not go to the envoy of our lord. This act he committed. Now [...... ], and ﬁamaÍ-[...... ] sent words to our lord. Another matter: Send us a reply to the letter that can cheer our heart(s), and we shall not worry! THE LETTERS 219

VI. LETTERS IN WHICH THE NAME OF ADDRESSEE IS LOST

A. Sender aÓum 1. From ﬁepallu 175 [L.87-406+439] Letter sent, no doubt, to either Mutiya or Till-Abnû. ﬁepallu discusses a dispute over a donkey pur- chased in Apum. obv. [a-na...... ] ‚qí-bí-maŸ um-ma Íe-pa-al-lu a-Óu-ka-a-ma lú-meÍ sà-ar-ra-ru i-nu-ma i-na bi-ri-ni 5 i-ba-aÍ-Íu-ú mi-nu-um ku-Íi-ir-ni du-lu-‚uÓŸ-tam-ma i-na bi-ri-it ma-ti-ni ‚x xŸ Ía-ak-nu mi-im-ma ku-Íi-ir-Íu-nu [la-a i-b]a-aÍ-Íi anÍe iÍ-tu uru ap-pa-ri-[i]mki [...... ]‚a-na naŸ-ga-bi-im[ki] 10 [...... ] ‚xŸ [...... -m]eÍ? [...... a-na ‰e-e]r ta-ke-e [(...)] [...... ] iÍ-pu-‚ur-maŸ lo.e. [...... ]-‚e/iaŸ lú ap-pa-ri-imki 15 [...... ]‚xŸ-ma a!-Íar anÍe!-Íu [iz]-za-az-zu rev. [ú-ka-a]l-‚li-muŸ-Íu-ma [ki-a-am iq-bi]‚um-ma Íu-ú-maŸ [...... ] 20 ‚lúŸ Ía-a-‚tu a-ra-am lúŸ-m[eÍ...... ] lú Íu-gi-meÍ ù lú na-g[a!-bi-imki] i-ba-aÍ-Íu-ú i-na-an-na a-nu-um-m[a lú] ù anÍe a-na ‰e-ri-ka uÍ-ta-re-e[m] [lú]-dam-gàr Ía anÍe Ía-a-tu 25 ‚xŸ[x]‚xŸ i-Ía-mu li-ka-al/-lim-ka-ma [ù at-t]a ki-ma ri-it-tim Íu-Íe-er [lú-meÍ s]à-ar-ra-ru ki-la-al-la-am-ma [lú-tur-ri] ù a-ri-ip-al-la [x x x aÍ-ra]-nu-um [x x]‚xŸ Íu-ú (break) l.e. [a-na ‰]e-ri-ia ˇú-u[r-da-Íu]-‚nu-tiŸ-[ma] [ù lu]-‚Íe-erŸ-Íu-nu-ti an-‚naŸ-nu-um ‚xŸ[...... ] [x x x]‚xŸ-ku-sa-‚Íu-nu-tiŸ[(....)] 220 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Say to [...... ]: Thus (says) ﬁepallu, your brother: When outlaws are among us, what chance of success do we have? ... they have made trouble between our countries. Let there be no chance of their success. A donkey from Apparum [...... ] to Nagabum [.... 2 lines broken .... (12) ...... to] Tak2 [...... ] he wrote, and [...... ] the man from Apparum [...... ] .... and [they] showed him the place where his donkey was, and [he said] as follows: “[...... ] I love this man.” The men [...... ], the elders, and the man from Nag[abum] are present here. Now hereby I have had [the man] and the donkey led to you. Let him point out to you the merchant [...... ] who bought this donkey, and you (yourself) settle (the matter) fairly; they are both outlaws! [My retainer(?)] and Arip-alla [...... ] there [.... break ....] Send them to me, and I shall sort them out. Here ......

Unfortunately the details are obscured by the many breaks, but the basic story seems to be this: A man claims that he legally bought a certain donkey in Apum. Someone disputes the ownership and ﬁepallu, therefore, sends both the man and the donkey to Apum to have the affair settled. A town Apparum is not attested elsewhere, but Nagabum occurs in several administrative texts and was presumably located in Apum. It may be identified also with the town Nagab- biniwe in ARMT XIII, 142 and 149, both letters sent from ﬁubat-Enlil. (27) A man with this name from °⁄laba and resident in QirdaÓat is mentioned in [149], but may be a homonym.

176 [L.87-1303] (fragment from upper obverse of tablet) ﬁepallu writes, presumably, to Mutiya or Till-Abnû, who is to come from ﬁubat-Enlil. obv. [a-n]a [...... ] [qí-bí-ma] [um-m]a Íe-p[a-al-lu (a-Óu-ka-a)-ma] [ˇu]p-pa-ti-ka Í[a tu-Ía-bi-lam eÍ-me] 5[me-Óe]-er ˇe4-mi-im ‚xŸ[...... ] [Ía aÍ-p]u-ra-kum ta-aÍ-p[u-ra-am...] [...... ] [aÍ-Í]um ˇe4-mi-im Ía a-[na...... ] [a-l]a-ak-ni ta-a[q-bé-em-ma] 10 ‚ùŸ ur-ra-am iÍ-tu Íu-ba-a[t-den-lílki] [a-na (x) x x-B]u?ki ta-al-l[a-kam] (break)

[Say to ...... ]: Thus (says) ﬁepallu, [your brother]: [I have heard] the letters [you sent me. The answ]er to the matter of [...... which I] wrote to you about, you sent [to me ...... ]. Concerning the plan that we should march together to [...... ] you spoke [to me], and tomorrow you will go from ﬁubat- Enlil [to ....-p]u(?) [.... break ....]. THE LETTERS 221

(11) It is particularly unfortunate that the beginning of this line is broken, since it might supply the name of ﬁepallu’s capital—or at least a clue to the context of the fragment. There is hardly room for more than two or three signs in the GN before BU(?).

2. From ﬁinurÓi 177 [L.87-1284] (not copied) ﬁinurÓi has sent his retainer to claim a ten-year-old debt with interest. The obverse is very worn and difficult to read. Since the parties involved are otherwise unknown, the affair and its background remain obscure. obv. a-na [...... ] qí-bí-[ma] um-ma Íi-nu-[ur-Ói] ‚aŸ-Óu-ka-‚aŸ-[ma] 5 Ibu-nu-ma-dim a-Ói [.....] (ll. 6–13 completely illegible; l.e. vacant) rev. [x] ma-na kù-‚babbarŸ [x]‚xŸ[...... ] 15 [i]Í-tu mu-10-[kam] kù-babbar Íu-ú a-na 16≈ ma-[na] it-tu-u[r] a-nu<-um>-ma ia-‚al-aŸ-dim ‰ú-‚Óa-riŸ aˇ-tà-ar-‚daŸ-ak-kum 20 lú Ía-tu li-iÍ-sú-ni-ik-kum-ma lú Ía-a-tu sí-ni-iq-ma kù-babbar li-id-di-in

Say to [...... ]: Thus (says) ﬁinurÓi, your brother: B›numa-Addu brother [.... rest of obverse broken ....] (rev.) ... minas of silver [...... ]. In 10 years this silver has turned into 16≈ minas. Hereby I have sent my retainer Yal’a-Addu to you. Let this man be summoned before you, and interrogate this man, and let him hand over the silver. 222 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

B. Unclassified 1. From Kanis⁄nu 178 [L.87-514] Kanis⁄nu claims to have captured the addressee’s enemy and has turned him over to him, but complains that he is not being shown more consideration by his “big brother.” obv. a-n[a...... ] qí-‚bíŸ-[ma] um-ma ka-ni-sa-n[u...... ] iÍ-tu u4-mi ma-du-tim tu-da-a[b-ba-ab/banni] 5 um-ma at-ta-a-ma Íum-ma lú-lam be-‚elŸ a-wa-ti-ia qa-ti ik-ta-Ía-a[d] i-na u4-mi-Íu ra-i-mu-tum i-na-an-na be-el a-wa-ti-ka a-na-ku qa-ta ra-ma-ni-ia a‰-ba-[at-ma] lo.e. 10 a-na qa-ti-ka ú-ma-al-l[i-Íu] i-na-an-na lú-meÍ ma-du-tum rev. ir-ˇú-pu-ni-i[k-k]um Íu-ta-a[r-...... ] ù a-na-ku be-el a-wa-a-tim Ía ˇ[e4]-‚ma-amŸ Ía-a-ti ‚eŸ-pu-Íu 15 a-na la mi-im-ma at-tu-u[r-Íu] pa-na-nu-‚umŸ la-ma ‚ˇe4Ÿ-ma-am Ía-a-[ti e-p]u-Íu ‚Íu-lum-kaŸ ù dumu Íi-ip-ri-k[a] ‚a-naŸ ‰e-ri-ia ka-a-[ia-an] i-na-an-na ‰í-bu-ut-ka t[a-ak-Íu-ud] 20 Íu-lum-ka ù ˇe4-e-‚emŸ-k[a Íu-up-ra-am] Ía-ni-tam Íum-ma i-na k[e-na-tim] u.e. a-Ói ra-bu-ú-um [at-ta] giÍ-[...... ] [...... ] l.e. 25 Ía i-na qa-tim i-ba-aÍ-Íu-ú Íu-bi-lam ‚la-aŸ ta-ka-al-la-am

Say to [...... ]: Thus (says) Kanis⁄nu, your [...... ]: You have argued to me for a long time saying: “If I can catch the man who is my opponent, then there will be friendship!” Now I have caught your opponent myself, and turned him over to you; and now many people started to make you [...... ], but am I your opponent who have done this? Have I caught him for nothing? Previously before [I] did this, you (sent) news and your messenger regularly to me. Now you have [achieved] your objective, and you must send your greetings and news to me. Also—if truly [you] are a “big brother” then send to me the [... wooden implements etc. ...]—those that are available; do not withhold (them) from me. THE LETTERS 223

The sender, Kanis⁄nu, is presumably identical to the namesake writing to Mutiya as “son,” and could well have used a slightly less deferential style to Till-Abnû, who is probably the “big brother.” The opponent who Kanis⁄nu claims to have eliminated is unfortunately not named. (12) The construction with the suffix added to raˇ⁄pum is unusual; it is followed by the infinitive of a verb in ﬁt(n), but, since only one radical (R) is preserved, a secure reconstruction of the sentence is not possible. 224 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

VII. LETTERS/FRAGMENTS WITH BOTH NAMES IN ADDRESS LOST

A. Letters/fragments with substantial remains preserved 179 [L.87-428] (tablet with upper edge missing) A letter discussing a legal case, sent, probably, from a foreign king to either Mutiya or Till-Abnû. obv. [a-na...... ] [qí-bí-ma] [um-ma...... ] ‚a-Óu-ka-aŸ-m[a] 5[aÍ-Íum di-i]n Iku-uz-zu-ri [lú x x x x Í]a ta-aÍ-pu-ra-am [wa-ar-ka-at a-wa-t]i-Íu ap-ru-ús lo.e. [ù be-el] a-wa-ti-Íu [iz-zi]-iz rev. 10 [ki-ma x]-‚xŸ-ti-ia [Ía]-‚a-tiŸ [i]-pu-ul-Íu a-na u4-3-kam e-da-nam iÍ-ku-un-Íu um-ma Íu-ma lú Íu-gi-meÍŸ-ka tu-ra-am-ma ku-u[z-zu-ri...... ] 15 i-na-an-na [...... ] (break; 1–3 lines mising on reverse and upper edge; left edge vacant)

[Say to ...... :Thus (says) ...... ], your brother: [Concerning the ca]se of Kuzzuri [from GN(?)] that you wrote to me about: I looked [into his case, and his] opponent was [present, and in accordance with] my [....] he gave him an answer; he set him a term to the third day (of next month) saying: “Bring your elders, and Kuz[zuri ...... ].” Now [.... break ....]

(6) Kuzzuri may be identical to the sender of [17] and with a namesake mentioned in administrative texts as lú ﬁurnat.

180 [L.87-500] (fragment from left side of tablet) The sender has been requested to release people belonging to Mutiya, but apparently declares that they are not with him, explaining that when Mutiya (ruled?), Bin-Dammu sent them away to °alab. The impression is that the reference to Mutiya is retrospective, in which case the letter was probably addressed to Till-Abnû. obv. [a-na...... ] qí-[bí-ma] THE LETTERS 225

um-ma [...... ] [aÍ]-Íum ni-‚Íi muŸ-t[i-ia...... ] 5 wa-aÍ-Íu-ri-i[m t]a-aÍ-p[u-ra-am] mi-im-ma ni-Íu Íi-na i-n[a ma-ti-ia] ‚úŸ-ul i-ba-aÍ-Íe-[e] [i-n]u-ma Imu-ti-ia [...... ] I bi-in4-dam-mu k[a-li-Íi-na] lo.e.10 a-na ma-a-tim i[t-ra-am-ma] dumu-meÍ uru Ó[a-la-abki...... ] rev. a-na KU-u[l-...... ] (2 lines with traces) (break)

[Say to ..... ]:Thus (says)[...... ]: You wrote to me concerning the release of the (female) personnel of Mutiya [...... ]. None of this personnel is present in [my country]. When Mutiya [...... ] Bin-Dammu [took them all away] to (his) country, and citizens of °alab [.... break ....]

(11f.) This passage must describe what happened to the women in °alab; presumably they were sold or married to “sons” of °alab.

181 [L.87-579] (not copied; fragment from lower part of tablet) The sender urges the addressee, presumably Mutiya or Till-Abnû, to come and participate in negotiations with Buriya (of Andarig).

(break) obv. [i-na-an-na a-n]a ‚‰eŸ-er bu-ri-‚iaŸ [a-na na-a]n-mu-ri-im ni-il-la-ak d ‚ùŸ ur-ra-am la-ma utu ‚ÍaŸ-Óa-ˇi4-im [ku-u]Í-dam-ma ˇe4-ma-am lo.e. 5' [i] ni-iÍ7-ta-a[l]-ma [p]u-Óu-ur i ni-in-na-me-[er] rev. mi-im-[m]a a-na ˇe4-mi-im an-ni-im la ta-á[Í]-ta-al ‚ur-raŸ-am a-di sí-ma-an 10' [ˇup-pi-ia a]n-ni-[i]-im [a-na ‰e-ri-ia al]-‚kaŸ-‚amŸ (break)

[.... break .... Now] we will go and have a meeting with Buriya; and tomorrow before dawn you must arrive here, and then we shall discuss a plan and have a joint meeting. Do not think twice about this plan! Tomorrow at the time set in this [letter come] here! [.... break ....] 226 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

182 [L.87-596] (upper edge broken) The sender reports on a retainer of the addressee’s envoy who has absented himself, and further discusses the management of cattle(?). obv. (break) (7 lines with isolated signs/traces) ú-ul ‚taŸ-na-ad-d[i-in...... ] ù mu-Íe-‰é-em [...... ] lo.e.10' ar-Ói-iÍ ú-‚xŸ[...... ] i-na-an-na an-na-nu-um lú-tur-Íu Ía dumu Íi-ip-ri-/ka rev. i-na uru ú-zu-ma-aki a-Íar li-ib-bi-Íu il-li-ik 15' Iuk-ku-un-ni mi-nam te-pu-úÍ ? Ía-ni-iÍ lú Ía ‚gu4 Ÿ-Óá ta-aˇ-ru-dam a-na uru Óu-u[l-Ó]iki aˇ-ru-us-sú-ma um-ma a-na-ku-ma Íum-ma lú-meÍ Í[a?...... ] 20' 14 lú-m[eÍ...... ] (break)

[.... break ....] you will not give [...... ], and an overseer [...... ] I/he [sent(?)] quickly. Now here the retainer of your messenger left in Uzum⁄ to a place of his own choice. What have you done to Ukkunni? For the second time you sent me a man to take care of the oxen(?); I sent him to the town °ulÓi saying: “If there are men who [...... , then let] 14 men [.... break ....]

(9') For the muÍ¤‰ûm “official,” see CAD M/2, 268; the two Old Babylonian references (one is ARM XIV, 80: 10), however, suggest that the title was not connected with any particular office, but that people were appointed “prodder,” lit. “one who makes (others) go out (to start work),” in particular situations. Same conclusion in DEPM II, p. 405. (13'ff.) The towns Uzum⁄ and °ulÓi are not attested elsewhere.

183 [L.87-632] (not copied; lower half of tablet. Of type rare in this material: hard dark reddish clay, very rounded profile, and small fine writing; join excluded) The sender refers to previous letter from the addressee informing him of his lord’s victory. He then states that he has sent the “travel” stool that the addressee requested.

(break) obv. ‚x xŸ[...... ] aÍ-Íum da-am7-[de-e]m Ía ‰a-ab be-lí-ia i-du-ku THE LETTERS 227

ù Íu-ma-am ra-bé-em lo.e. 5' [b]e-lí iÍ-ta-ak-nu [ta-a]Í-pu-ra-am [ù ma-di-i]Í aÓ-du rev. [Ía-ni-tam aÍ-Íum giÍg]u-za kaskal-‚kaŸ [Ía ta-aÍ-p]u-ra-am 10' ‚aŸ-[nu-um-ma giÍ]gu-za kaskal-ka u[Í-t]a-bi-la-ku[m] (break)

[.... break ....] you wrote to me about the victory that the troops of my lord won and that my lord made a big name for himself, and I was much pleased. [Further concerning] your travel stool [which you wrote about] to me; hereby I have sent you your travel stool [.... break ....]

(3') The “lord” here is presumably not the addressee, since text changes to 2. p.s., and the letter was probably exchanged between two officials. (8'ff.) For the “travel stool” (kussû Ía Óarr⁄ni), see Salonen 1963, 69 and 79.

184 [L.87-834] (not copied; lower part of tablet) The sender reports a meeting with °alu-rabi and someone else; the problems of provisions for a journey or campaign are discussed, but the context is unclear.

(break) obv. [x]‚x xŸ[...... ] ‚iŸ-na ma-ri [...... ] la-ma ‚Íi-Ói-iˇŸ dutu-Í[i...... ] ‚itŸ-ti Óa-‚luŸ-ra-bi ‚ùŸ [...... ] 5' at-ta-an-‚marŸ a-wa-tu[m...... ] ‚lú ÍuŸ-gi-meÍ ‚ù lú súŸ-g[a-gi...... ] [x x x] at-ta-‚an-mar-maŸ lo.e. ‚a-wa-tamŸ a-na pa-ni-[Íu-nu] a[d-bu-ub] um-ma a-n[a-k]u-ma ‚x xŸ[...... ] 10' li-iÍ7-te-er-sú-ú um-ma [Íu-nu-ma] rev. ‰i-di-‚tumŸ a-na ge-er-r[i-im] ú-ul i-ba-[aÍ-Í]i-i Ía [...... ] li-iÍ7-te-er-sú-ú-[ma] ‚x xŸ[ x x]-Óá Íu u[m...... ] (break)

[.... break ....] in Mari(?)[...... ] before sunrise [...... ] I have met with °alu-rabi and [...... ]; the matter is [urgent?] the elders and the local [officials ...... ] I have met, and 228 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

I put the matter before [them] as follows: “Let them prepare the [provisions]!” and [they] said: “There are not (sufficient) provisions for the journey; let them prepare what [there is(?)], and [.... break ....].

(2') For a town Mari in the territory of Apum, probably on its southern borders, see [43], 9. Another possibility here would be to restore the name of Mar2tum/Mari⁄tum, a town located in the central part of the Habur Plains (cf. [42], 17).

185 [L.87-937] (upper edge missing) The sender reports the speech of a foreign king, probably °alu-rabi. This king is preparing an alliance with Till-Abnû for a campaign against unnamed adversaries. The conclusion of the alliance is mentioned in interesting details as the “touching” of the blood of the two kings and the swearing of oaths. The historical context is unclear, but presumably the letter was sent from an Apum official to the king Till-Abnû.

(break) obv. IÓa-l[u-ra-bi(?)...... ] ù lú-meÍ Í[u-gi-meÍ...... ] lú sú-ga-gi-meÍ ‚x xŸ[...... ] um-ma Íu-ma kaskal a‰-ba-a[t-ma] 5' ù d[a]-mi ti-la-ab-‚nu-úŸ ú-Ía-‚biŸ-l[am] la-ma a-na kaskal nu-Íe-‰ú-ú da-mi-Íu i nu-la-ap-pi-it ù ni-[i]Í [din]gir-[me]Í i ni-ì[z-ku-ur i-nu-ma da]-mi-Íu [n]u-la-ap-pa-tu ù n[i-iÍ dingir-meÍ] 10' ni-‚izŸ-za-ak-ru lo.e. Iia-Ói-‚ilŸ-pí-‚dŸ[x] Ibe-el-Íu-nu ‚ùŸ Iia-as-ra-aÓ-dda-g[an] rev. [nu-b]a-at-ta-Íu-nu l[i-li-k]u-ma 15' [ki]-ma ur-ra-am [ti-la-ab-nu]-‚úŸ dumu-meÍ-Íu ù ‚lú sú?-ga?-gu?Ÿ[(...)] Ía Óa-al-‰í-Íu [Í]a wa-a[r-ki-Íu] i-la-ku da-mi ú-la-a[p-pa-tu-ma] ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ i-za-ak-‚ka-ru-maŸ 20' nu-ba-at-ta-Íu-nu [ki]-‚iŸ li-‚itŸ-ru-nim-ma ul-li-ti-i[Í l]i-ir-‚xŸ-[x x]-ma a-la-kam e-[pé-eÍ] Íu-‚xŸ[...... ] i-na-‚anŸ-n[a...... ] (break)

[.... break ....] °al[u-rabi(?) to ...... ,] the elders [of ...... ], and the local officials [said] as follows: “I undertook a journey and brought (back) blood of Till-Abnû. Before we THE LETTERS 229

start on the campaign let us touch his blood, and let us swear an oath. [When] we touch his blood and have sworn the oath, (then) let YaÓil-p‹-..., B2lÍunu, and YasraÓ- Dagan go there the same evening, and the next day [Till-Abn]û, his sons, and the local officials(?) [(...)] of his district who follow him, will touch my blood and swear an oath, so they can return the (same) evening, and the following day ... [....], and [I can] march [...... ]. Now [.... break ....]

(5'ff.) The blood of kings is here transported to be exchanged and “touched” in alliance ceremonies. The establishment of “blood ties,” referred to as damuttum in [89], 39, is a feature that has only recently surfaced from unpublished Mari texts. The role of this phenomenon within the framework of treaty and alliance ceremonies in this period is discussed in II.1.2.1.

186 [L.87-1293] The sender discusses a legal case. A man stands accused, and Tak2 decided that he must “compensate” the king and the country. The sender has sent the man to fiun⁄ together with a retainer. He promises to impale the accuser if the man can effect the “compensation” demanded and urges that the case should proceed. The context and details are unclear, but it would appear that the letter was written to someone in fiun⁄, perhaps the king, and either was not dispatched or is a copy. The sender could be a king or high official in fieÓn⁄. obv. a-na [...... ] qí-b[í-ma] um-ma ‚xŸ-[...... ] mi-nu-um i-du-u[m...... ] 5lú a-lam sa-‚di-xŸ[...... ] Ita-ke-e i-n[a-...... ] um-ma-mi lugal [ú ma-a-tam] li-Ía-al-lim aÍ-r[a-nu-um a-na] Óu-ul-lu-qí-im [...... ] 10 [i]‰-ba-at a-ia-nu-u[m] [x x (x)]-in Ía lugal lo.e. [ú-Í]a-al-la-m[u] a-nu-um-ma lú-tur-ri I a-ki-ia i-na u4-mi-Íu-[ma] rev. 15 it-ti-Íu a-na Íu-na-a[ki] aˇ-ru-ud Íi-ta-al-[Íu-ma] Íum-ma lugal ù ma-a-[tam] lú Íu-ú ú-Ía-a[l-la-am] ma-Ói-i‰ qa-qa-di-Íu [...... ] 20 a-na-ku-ma i-na giÍga-[Íi-Íi-im] lu-úÍ-ku-un-[m]a a-na [...... ] ma-a-tim ù lugal ‚ú?Ÿ-[...... ] [i-na-a]n-na aÍ-Íum 14 [...... ] 230 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[Óu-u]l-lu-qí-im [...... ] 25 [...... ] u.e. (broken) l.e. ‚iŸ-na-an-na qí-bí-ma lú-lam 30 [a-n]a ba-bi-im li-wa-aÍ-Íe-ru [ù di]-in-Íu li-id-di-nu

Say to [...... ]: Thus (says) [...... ]: What is the reason that [PN(?)] a man (living) in the town Sadi-[...... ] Tak2 [told in judgment]: “Let him compensate king [and country]!” (But) it was there [he took to] removing [...... ]. Where should the [...... ] of the king be compensated? Hereby I have sent my retainer Akiya this very day with him to ﬁun⁄. Question [him, and] if this man compensates king and country, [this] accuser of his I shall indeed impale, and to [the ...... of] the country and the king he/I [will ...... ]. Now concerning the removal of the 14 [shekels of silver(?) .... ca. 3 lines broken ....]. Now give orders that this man be released to the city-gate and given his verdict.

(8) The exact meaning of Íarram u m⁄tam Íullumum is not clear to me. The translation “compensate” is tentative. Possibly a ritual intended to clear the defendant is involved. (19) For m⁄Ói‰ qaqqadim “accuser,” see CAD Q, p. 81a.

187 [L.87-1370] (lower part of tablet; same distinct type of clay/shape, writing as (only) [117]) A certain Dadukkan ransoms a captured woman and this somehow causes him trouble—probably with a certain ﬁattum-atal.

(traces) il-qú-Íi-ma I‚daŸ-du-u[k-ka-an] im-Óu-ur-Íi-ma ‚x xŸ kù-babbar a-n[a ...... ] [i]Í-qú-ul-ma munus Ía-a-ti ip-ˇú-u[r-Íi] 5' [munus Ía i]l-qú-ú ki-ma mí a-Óa-as-sú ‚xŸ [...... ] [...... d]a-du-uk-ka-an ‚x AB x xŸ [...... ]‚xŸ Ía IÍa-at-tu-um-‚a-talŸ [...... k]i-ma munus a-Óa-as-sú lo.e. [ma-Óa-a]r IÍa-at-tu-um-a-tal 10' [x x x]‚xŸ-ma um-ma-a-mi [...... ] KI i-‚naŸ ‚xŸ ma-na kù-babbar [...] rev. [x x x]‚x x xŸ[...... ] [...... ] munus a-Óa-as-sú [...... ] [x x] ul-la-nu-uk-k[a...... ] 15' ‚ú-ul am-ÓuŸ-ur ‚xŸ[...... ] (in ll. 16'–21' and on left edge only traces preserved) THE LETTERS 231

[.... break ....] they took her and Dadukkan received her and he paid ... shekels of silver to [....] and ransomed this woman .... [rest too broken for translation]

188 [L.87-1400] (lower part of tablet) The sender relates how he was detained for two years in the palace workshops, but now has been released (and perhaps listed with the “reservists”). The letter probably ended with a petition, which is not preserved. The addressee seems likely to have been an official, resident in ﬁeÓn⁄.

(break) obv. [d x] ‚ùŸ dne-èri-gal ? [da-r]i-iÍ u4-mi -im [li-b]a-al-li-ˇú-ka [at]-ta di-te ki-ma lo.e. 5' [ma]-Íi-ia [u]Í-ta-ab-la-an-ni ù u4-mi mu-2-kam rev. i-na Íà-ba ne-pa-ri be-lí ik-la-an-ni 10' ‚i-naŸ-an-na ú-ta-[ar]-ru-ni-in-ni [an]-n[a-ka]m a-na lú diri-ga [x x x]‚x x xŸ-ma [...... ]-‚ni-iqŸ (break)

[To ... say: Thus (says) ...]: May [DN] and Nergal grant you long life! You know that MaÍiya(?) brought me here, and it is now two years ago my lord detained me in the workshop. Now I have been released [...... ] here to reservist [.... break ....].

(4') DI-TE = ti-de. (5') The restoration is tentative; MaÍiya could be the figure mentioned in [69]. 232 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

B. Miscellaneous Fragments. 189 [L.87-404] (not copied; fragment from upper left corner) The reconstruction of consecutive text is not possible. obv. a-na [...... ] qí-[bí-ma] ‚umŸ-[ma...... ] (break) rev. ‚aŸ-[...... ] Íu-ú ‚xŸ[...... ] Íum-ma ‚xŸ[...... ] Óa-aÍ-Ó[a-...... ] (break) u.e. i-na ‚xŸ[...... ]

190 [L.87-433] (not copied; fragment from lower right corner) The reconstruction of consecutive text is not possible.

(break) obv. [...... ]-IB-Íi-im lo.e. [...... ] [...... ]-ka rev. [...... i]b-ba-Íu [...... ] i-na-an-na [...... ]‚xŸ ki-it-tim [...... ]-ma (break) 191 [L.87-443] (fragment from lower right corner) Fragment of a letter sent to a woman.

(break) obv. [x x (x) ˇu]p-pa-am [Í]a ‚xŸ[...... ] ‚úÍ-taŸ-bi-lam ub-lu-ni ‚ikŸ-ki-i i-na-an-‚naŸ la ta-‚aÍ-ÍuŸ-Íi lo.e. 5' i-[nu-ma] ‚ilŸ-li-kam [u4]-2-kam i-[...... ] rev. ‚aŸ-qa-a[b-bi...... ] THE LETTERS 233

[x]‚xŸ[...... ] (break)

[.... break ....] the letter that [PN?] brought me did they bring it to you? You should not worry now. When he came 2 days(?) [...... ] I will say [.... break ....].

(4') The form of aÍ⁄Íum, second-person singular feminine, shows that the letter was sent to a woman.

192 [L.87-448] (not copied; fragment from left side of tablet) This tablet is of the same type of clay and writing as letters sent from °alu-rabi. It is a short note in which the sender probably asks the addressee for a meeting (rev.). obv. a-na [...... qí-bí-ma] um-ma [...... ] ki-ma ‚xŸ[...... ] a-na ‚xŸ[...... ] 5 ù ‚xŸ[...... ] ‚xŸ[...... ] lo.e. (broken) rev. [ú]-Ía-bi-‚laŸ-a[k-kum-ma] Ía-ni-im u4-um-Í[u...... ] a-al-la-a[k...... ] it-ti-ia n[a-an-mu-ur..] 5' ù ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ] u.e. ù [...... ] ma-l[a...... ] l.e. (vacant)

(obv.) The signs marked ‚xŸ are all small bits of beginnings of signs just before the break.

193 [L.87-516a] (not copied) Letter from an aÓum, broken into many pieces. Only traces of isolated signs are preserved. 234 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

194 [L.87-521] (not copied; fragment [of reddish clay] from lower left corner) This fragment probably belonged to a letter sent to a man recognized as abum (l. 2'), i.e., presumably Mutiya or Till-Abnû.

(break) obv. ‚ù x xŸ[...... ] a-bi-ia la [...... ] lo.e. mu-ka-a[r/Íi...... ] rev. ‚a-na?Ÿ-kam [...... ] 5' (illeg. traces) (break) (faint traces of 2 lines on l.e.)

195 [L.87-545] (not copied; small fragment from upper left corner of letter) obv. a-na [...... ] ‚qíŸ-[bí-ma] (break)

196 [L.87-603b] (not copied; 4 small fragments from different tablets) a. Fragment from an upper right corner. (break) [...... ]‚xŸ pa-nu-Íu Ía-ak-n[u] [...... ]‚x xŸ-a-ka [...... ]-ra-am-ma [...... ]-‚ÍuŸ-n[u(-ti)] (break) b. Surface fragment from left edge of reverse. (break) li-‚xŸ[...... ] ìr-di i[t-...... ] ù a-Óa-a[s-s...... ] [x]‚x xŸ[...... ] (break) l.e. (remains of 2 lines) c-d. Only a few signs preserved. THE LETTERS 235

197 [L.87-789] (two unjoined fragments both probably from obverse of fairly large tablet; type close to [156]; reddish clay with greyish surface) This letter was apparently sent to an abum (l. 2''). The sender seems to state that his “father” writes to someone as “brother” (atÓûtam Íap⁄rum closely parallel to aÓûtum Íap⁄rum, for which cf. the remarks ARMT XXVI/2, p. 156; for the term atÓûm/atÓûtum see also Durand 1992, 116). a. (break) [...... ]‚x ù a-na xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚x xŸ-di ˇup-pí-ia an-‚ni-imŸ [...... ]‚xŸ lú-meÍ a-ˇà-ar-‚xŸ[...... ] [...... -a]d?-bu-ba-tim giÍ-x-me[Í.....] 5' [...... giÍ] x é-tim ‚x xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ sa-am-si-ma-lik [.....] [.....]‚x-ad?-buŸ-ba-tim [...... ] (3 lines with traces) (break) b. (break) [...... ] ù a-n[a...... ] [ù] a-bi da-ri-[iÍ ...... ] [...]‚xŸ a-bi at-Óu-tam [...... ] [iÍ-ta]-na-ap-pa-a[r...... ] 5'' [...... at-Ó]u-tam la [...... ]

198 [L.87-790b] (not copied; small surface flake from close to right edge of tablet)

(break) [...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ-nam li-[...... ] [...... ] ku-sa-am-ma [...... -r]e-e-e[m (...)] (break) 236 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

199 [L.87-793a] (not copied; small fragment from lower left corner)

(break) lo.e. ‚x xŸ[...... ] rev. a-wa-tu[m...... ] a-Óa-Íu w[u-uÍ-Íe-er] la iÓ-Óa-[ab-ba-al...... ] (break)

200 [L.87-801b] (not copied; fragment from right corner) Mention of Ea-malik and sacrifices to Adad.

(break) obv. [...... ]‚xŸ ‚KIŸ ‚xŸ [...... ] ni-qí a-na ‚dimŸ lo.e. [...... -i]n i‰-‰a-ab-t[u] [...... ]‚xŸ-nu-um-ma 5' [...... ]‚dŸé-a-ma-lik rev. [...... a-na ‰e-r]i-ia iÍ-pu-ra-am (1 line with faint traces) (break)

201 [L.87-837] (fragment from upper right corner; reddish clay) obv. [a-na...... ]‚xŸ-te-eb-ru qí-‚bí-maŸ [um-ma...... ]‚xŸ-na [x x] [...... i]a? ‚x xŸ[.....] (break) rev. [...... ]‚x xŸ [...... -p]í-Íu um-ma u.e. [...... ]-ap-ti Ía iq-bi-a-am [...... -Í]a-bi-la-am 5'' [...... ] sag-ìr Ía ‚úŸ-Íe/-bi-lu-‚nimŸ THE LETTERS 237

202 [L.87-838] (not copied; fragment from left corner)

(break) obv. Ía ma-[...... ] li-ˇi4-i[b...... ] ú-‰ú-u[r...... ] lo.e. te-‚diŸ a-di [...... ] 5' a-na be-e[l...... ] rev. Ía i-pa-r[a-...... ] ga-am-ra-a[m...... ] (break) l.e. [...... -l]am [...... ]‚xŸ ma la [...... ]‚xŸ-ma

203 [L.87-840] (not copied) Letter from an abum, very likely from Hammurabi to Mutiya or Till-Abnû. obv. [a-na...... ] [qí-bí-ma] [um-ma...... ] ‚a-bu-ka-a-maŸ 5‚ˇup-pa-ka Ía tu-Ía-bi-lam [eÍ-me] [a]n-ni-ki-a-am ‰e-‚Óe-eŸ-[ku] [i-na] ‚Óal-‰í-ka ‰a-biŸ-[...... ] (break) rev. (illegible; traces of 7 lines)

(6) For seÓûm “be busy, preoccupied,” see ad [24], 2' (letter sent from Hammurabi).

204 [L.87-848] (not copied; group of very poorly preserved fragments from fairly large tablet; one surface fragment has a few lines of consecutive text preserved)

(break) [IÓ]a-‚luŸ-ra-[bi it-ti ‰a-bi-Íu (?)] ‚aŸ-na u[t-r]a-Ói-ia‚kiŸ [il-li-ik(?)] ‚ùŸ at-ta 1 lú ták-la[m] ‚wuŸ-e-er-ma pa-an ‰a-bi-‚imŸ [li-i‰-ba-at-ma] 5' ‚a-naŸ ut-‚raŸ-Ói-ia ‚arŸ-Ó[i-iÍ...... ] 238 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

(2 lines with faint traces) (break)

[.... break ....] °alu-rabi [with his troops went(?)] to UtraÓiya, and you must instruct a trusted man and [let him take] command of the troops and quickly [proceed?] to UtraÓiya [.... break ....]

(2') This GN is otherwise unattested.

205 [L.87-930] (not copied; fragment from corner of tablet with traces of 9 lines; apparently from letter, but illegible)

206 [L.87-933] (not copied; lower part of tablet)

(break) obv. Ía ˇe4-[...... ] am-mi-nim ‚xŸ[...... ] ‚iŸ-[na] sa-li-ma-ti[m...... ] a-na ˇe4-mi-i[m ...... ] lo.e. 5' [x]‚la xŸ[...... ] ‚eŸ-li ‚xŸ[...... ] rev. [a-nu-u]m-ma dumu-m[eÍ...... ] ‚x xŸ-Íu-nu ‚a-naŸ ‰[e-ri-ka] aˇ-ˇà-ar-da[m] 10' a-wa-ti-Íu-nu Íi-me-[ma] di-nam Ía dutu Ía ú-ba-a[l-la-ˇú-ka di-in] a-d[i...... ] u.e. (broken)

[.... break ....] why [...... ] in peacetime [...... ] to (such) a plan [.... break ....] (rev. 7') Hereby I have sent the “sons” of [...... ], their [...... ], to you. Listen to their word and render a verdict worthy of ﬁamaÍ, who grants you long life. Until(?) [.... break ....].

207 [L.87-943] (fragment from upper(?) part of tablet) Mention of someone sent to Ea-malik in KaÓat(?), and of the town Nagabum. obv.(?) (no writing preserved) THE LETTERS 239

(break) rev.(?) [...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ] [...... ] ‚xŸ ZA ‚xŸ[...... ] [a-nu-um-m]a pa-ni-[Íu(-nu)] [i/a‰-b]a-at ‚ùŸ a-na ur[u ka-Óa-atki(?)] 5' [a-na ‰]e-er Idé-a-[ma-lik...... ] [x x x]‚x x x xŸ[...... ] [a-na uru n]a-ga-bi-imki [....] [...... ]-iB-[...... ] (upper(?) edge vacant)

(7') For the town Nagabum, see ad [175].

208 [L.87-964] (not copied; small surface fragment)

(break) [...... ]‚xŸ-ka pa-an érin-me[Í-ka] [li-i‰]-ba-ta-am-m[a] [a-l]a-ka-‚amŸ [...... ] (break)

[.... break ....] let your [...... ] take command of [your] troops and [make] a march [.... break ....].

209 [L.87-1299] (not copied) Fragment from a letter of type close to [4], to which it could belong as a theoretical join, but no legible writing preserved.

210 [L.87-1306] (fragment from lower edge and upper reverse of tablet)

(break) lo.e. [a-n]u-um-[ma(?)...... ] [...... -i]l-la-[...... ] rev. [...... ]‚xŸ wa-ar-[...... ] [.....i]l-li-[ku..] 5' [gi-mi]-il-lum i-na a-‚xŸ[...... ] [....]‚xŸ-ma um-ma Íu-[ma Íum-ma] 240 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[lú-meÍ(?) Í]a ‚u‰Ÿ-‰ú-ú m[a-di-iÍ] [la uÓ]-Óu-ru-ú ma-du-um lu [.....] [Íum-ma u]Ó-‚ÓuŸ-ru-ú-ma ma-[.....] 10' [...... ]‚xŸ-a-tum Ía i-n[a...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] (break)

[.... break ....] (5') a good deed in [...... ] and he (said) as follows: [“If the men] who leave are not much delayed there will be much [joy(?). If] they are delayed [.... break ....].

211 [L.87-1328] (not copied; fragment from lower left corner of tablet)

(break) obv. ‚x x xŸ[...... ] i-za-a[z-...... ] ‚anŸ-ni-tam [...... ] lo.e. ú-Íe-e‰-‰[ú-...... ] 5' uruki-Óá Í[a...... ] rev. ta-na-[...... ] ˇú-ur-[...... ] a-na a-wa-t[im...... ] (break) l.e. [...... ka?-ia?]-an-tam [...... Íu?-up?]-ra-am

No consecutive text can be reconstructed, but the letter seems clearly to have had political contents and could well be a royal letter.

212 [L.87-1330a] (not copied; small surface fragment)

(break) ‚x x xŸ[...... ] an-na-nu-um [.....] a-na a-Ói-ia [...... ] ‚1Ÿ dumu Íi-ip-r[i-ia....] 5' (traces) THE LETTERS 241

213 [L.87-1340b] (not copied; 4 small fragments from at least 2 different letters) a. probably from the same text as (b):

a-na [...... ] qí-[bí-ma] (break) b. (break) ù ˇe4-[...... ] a-l[a-...... ] qa-du-u[m...... ] ‚xŸ[...... ] (break) c. Lower part of letter, perhaps same as (a) + (b); one side with remains of 5 lines illegible; second side has: (break) ki-ma i-‚na-an-naŸ[...... ] ù ˇe4-ma-am Ía i-na ‚aŸ-[Ói-ti-ka] ‚te-Íe-emŸ-mu-ú [a-na] ‰e-ri-ia Íi-tap-pa-r[a-a]m (edge vacant) d. From tablet other than (a) or (b)

(break) ‚aŸ-Óu Ía Í[a?-.....] a-na lú w[a-bi-il ˇup-pí an-ni-im] il-li-kam [ki-a-am iq-bi] [um]-ma-a-m[i...... ] l.e. [....-r]a-ad-du [...... ]

214 [L.87-1373] (not copied; fragmentary tablet; address and most of obverse missing or illegible)

(break) rev. lú-meÍ Íu-‚nuŸ-ti a-na qa-at ú-du-‚gaŸ i-di-in-Íu-nu-ti-ma a-na ‰e-ri-ia li-ir-di-‚aŸ-aÍ-‚Íu-nu/-tiŸ 5' ap-[pu]-tum 242 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[l]a ta-kal-[la]-Íu-nu-ti (rest vacant)

[.... break ....] these men—turn them over to Uduga and let him lead them to me; please do not withhold them!

(2') Uduga is not attested elsewhere. A connection with the rare word udugum “stick” (cf. L.T.-3 iii, 20) seems possible. Note also the name ú-du-Óu (OBTR 319, 8).

215 [L.87-1382] (not copied; fragment from upper left corner of tablet) obv. a-n[a...... ] um-ma ‚x xŸ[...... ] da-am-qa an-[...... ] a-na-‚ku ùŸ at-[ta...... ] 5‚aKŸ-[...... ] (break) rev. [pa]-an be-[lí-...... ] i-Íu-ú [...... ] a-na be-l[í-...... ] ‚ùŸ [...... ] 5' Ía-‚x xŸ[x]‚x xŸ[...... ] a-‚waŸ-tam ‚xŸ[...... ] u.e. ‚iŸ-[n]u-ma [...... ] la [...... ] ‚xŸ[...... ] l.e. 10' Íu-ri-a-am k[i-...... ] ‚it-ti-iaŸ[...... ] ‚x xŸ[x] ka ‚xŸ[...... ]

No consecutive text can be reconstructed. The first part of the letter seems to contain a reproach with the rhetorical question, “Is it good what you have done” or similar. (2) The first sign in the name of the sender is perhaps A or ZA; only faint traces of the second sign remain.

216 [L.87-1389] (not copied; corner flake with remains of endings of 6 lines) THE LETTERS 243

217 [L.87-1421] (not copied; small fragment from reverse with traces of one line on left edge) rev. (break) ù ‚lú-meÍŸ [...... ] i-ir-ru-[...... ] ‚x x xŸ[...... ] (break) l.e. [...... ] a [...... ]

218 [L.87-1436b] (not copied; very small bit from a lower corner; the word ‰a-ba-am can be read, which shows that fragment probably belongs to a letter)

219 [L.87-952] (not copied; small flake close to lower right edge with remains of 4 lines on reverse(?))

[...... -a]p?-Ói-imki [...... -n]u-um ‚waŸ-aÍ-bu [...... l]i-ik-‚miŸ-sa-Í[u(...)] [...... ] DA [...... ]

(1') The broken GN could be SapÓum. Mari texts show that there were two settlements with this name, one in Apum and another south of the Jebel Sinjar (see Charpin, ARMT XXVI/2, p. 135 ad no. 358 c). A less likely candidate would be ArrapÓum (modern Kirk›k). APPENDIX 1 PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TABLETS

The Leilan letters, coming from many different localities both within and beyond the Habur Plains, exhibit a surprisingly great variety of physical characteristics, i.e., composition/color of clay, size/ shape of tablet and writing, characteristics that have been of considerable importance for the establishment of “joins.” Apart from helping to achieve direct joins, the material observations can also in many cases exclude theoretical joins (consequently the possibility for joins among the tablets and fragments presented here can be considered virtually exhausted). In wider perspective, the physical aspects of the texts obviously raise a host of questions on various levels of analysis, such as the tech- nical aspects of the production of tablets (what guided the choices of clay, tablet shapes, etc.), the problem of local scribal “schools” versus scribal idiosyncrasies, and, not least, the variables relating to the context of the scribal process. Such questions cannot be solved here where the effort is much more modest. Below we have gathered some scattered observations on different styles found among the letters, but no exhaustive or complete analysis has been attempted, and the following remarks are a preliminary and impressionistic contribution to this aspect of the evidence (see also the observations on “cuts” in Appendix 2). In general it can be stated that there is a fairly close correlation between the number of writers attested in the letters and the number of “styles.” Writers attested often can be observed to use a style so consistent that in most cases only one scribe seems to have been involved. Particularly in the case of some of the more powerful kings, this is interesting since it seems to reveal a context of fairly limited epistolary activity handled by a single secretary. I believe this conclusion to be generally valid and also consistent with the very formalized contents of many (but not all!) of the letters, which really must be regarded as “notes of introduction” for clients or envoys delivering a basically oral message rather than intended to relate fully developed “stories,” “opinions,” etc. It must in fairness, however, be admitted that we could certainly in some cases mistake a strictly disciplined “school” of scribes for the “same scribe,” and we do, of course, have evidence for scribal schools in the region in the Old Babylonian period (like in Andarig; see OBTR 150). The letters sent from KaÓat, for instance, although sent by three different individuals (one of them a visiting Apum official!), are very similar in style, but with some variations primarily in tablet shape. Since there is no apparent contextual system to these variations, we are free to speculate whether they reflect the whims of a single scribe, the work of different scribes—or perhaps two different assistants shaping the tablets! In the case of the KaÓat letters the senders can be securely associated with the same locality, but in a few instances fairly isolated texts appear to share traits with some major “style,” which, if suffi- ciently distinct, may help to locate the writer. The best example is probably [113] (see below sub “ﬁun⁄ Style”).

245 246 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Another interesting feature consists of cases in which the same writer can be seen to use several distinct styles. The best example is the letters sent from Kuzuzzu, where internal evidence allows us explicitly to correlate a change of style with travel from one locality to the next. Other examples are [11] sent from ﬁepallu while on campaign and [125] from °alu-rabi in a similar situation.1

“°alab Style” All the letters from Hammurabi of °alab [1]–[4], [23]–[24], and [203]? are unfortunately in a very poor state of preservation, but, as far as can be ascertained, they show some similar traits, the most distinctive being a more curving obverse and flat reverse than is otherwise usual among our texts. This trait is consistent both for the smaller tablets and the larger [4]. The letters of the °alab agent Bin-Dammu have a style of their own, confirming that they were dispatched locally and perhaps written by the same (accompanying) scribe.

Yak›n-AÍar Both the letter sent to Mutiya [13] and those to Till-Abnû [59]–[61] are similar, which indicates that Yak›n-AÍar did not change locality or scribe between the two reigns.

“Till⁄ Style” The letters from Sangara [112] and [142]–[145] are all very similar.

“Andarig Style” The tablets sent from the king of Andarig [41]–[50] are doubtless the most attractive of the Leilan letters. The tablets are of different sizes, but all of fine medium grey clay and carefully shaped. They are all very clearly and beautifully written. A similar type is not connected with other correspondents and the single acephalous fragment [50] has, therefore, been grouped with the letters from Buriya on the physical evidence alone.

“KaÓat Style” All the letters sent from the king of KaÓat, Yam‰i-°atnû, [62]–[76] and from Ea-malik (a prince?) [28]–[32] are very similar in style, but some different sub-types can be distinguished: A. With very elegant, small writing; tablets are of greyish-brown clay, and the edges are neatly rounded with almost no corner “flaps” [63], [64], [66], [75] (all from Yam‰i-°atnû). Interestingly, [152] sent from TiÍwen-atal on a mission to KaÓat is of the same type. A.1. With the same writing, but the tablet clay is reddish and the shape squarish/flat; the only example is the long letter from Ea-malik [28].

1. A final aspect is the prospect of coupling both the external and internal evidence from the tablets with the neutron-activation analyses of Leilan clays carried out at the Smithsonian Institution (by J. Blackman). Preliminary tests of a few Leilan letters seem to show that it is possible to correlate tablet clays to compositions found in the western and eastern tributaries of the wadi Jarrah. Such investigations carried out with an integrated approach may provide important evidence for historical geography. THE LETTERS 247

B. With still elegant, but larger, more deeply incised signs; the tablets are less rounded with small, but distinct corner “flaps”; all other letters from Yam‰i-°atnû and Ea-malik are of this type.

“Kurd⁄ Style” All the letters from AÍtamar-Adad [5]–[8] and [36]–[40] are of the same type, and may indeed have been written by the same scribe. The writing is fairly large, sprawling, and the signs sometimes deeply incised. Most of the letters are fairly short, but the longer [7], [8] (to a lesser degree), and [39] are written on very distinct elongated, unusually flat tablets. Further it may be observed that [33], written by a certain Yan‰i-[.....], is very similar in both shape and writing to the “longer” Kurd⁄ letters.

“fiun⁄ Style” All the letters sent from Aya-abu [93]–[102] are of the same type. The most distinctive trait is the clay of the tablets, which is invariably gritty in composition with a pale-reddish color. Also of this type of clay is [22], sent from fiinurÓi to Mutiya, but the other letter (fragment) sent from fiinurÓi [119] is quite different and made of dark-grey, hard clay. Further [113] (Sumu-ditana to Till-Abnû) is made of the same kind of clay. Sumu-ditana’s background cannot be defined in any detail, but from the contents of his letter he is connected with events referred to in the letters of Aya-abu and could well have written his letter close to, or in, fiun⁄. On the other hand, we must mention [117], sent to b¤lum from a certain [...]-Adad, which together with the acephalous [187], forms a separate unique style (brown clay with reddish tint; small “fat” writing in which parallel wedges seem almost to converge producing a blurred impression difficult to read). At least [117] reports on an event in fiun⁄, but, of course, the letter may not have been written there.

°alu-rabi The letters from this man are easy to separate as a special type. The clay of the tablets is very fine and the surface hard. The writing is small and neat and the wedges impressed more broadly than in other letter groups. An obvious exception is the single letter sent to Yak›n-AÍar [125], which, judging by internal evidence, was probably not written “at home.”

Kuzuzzu The letters sent from this man can be divided into three different types: A. [137] and [140] are almost identical in size, shape, clay type, format, and writing. B. [138] and [139] are almost identical, but of unique type: very long, narrow shape with large rather clumsy writing. From internal evidence we know that these letters were written in a town named Ag⁄, whereas [137] was written in °ur⁄‰⁄ just prior to Kuzuzzu’s departure for Ag⁄ (cf. I.1.3.2). C. [141] the type of clay is very similar to A, but the writing is larger and the size and shape different. 248 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

MaÍum The letters from MaÍum form a very homogeneous group with fairly small, compact signs. Only [78] seems to have been written by a different scribe.

ﬁepallu The letters from ﬁepallu [10]–[11], [87]–[88], [166], and [175]–[176] are generally very elegant as regards both the shape of tablet and writing. The one exception in this group is [11] sent to Mutiya from the campaign and thus evidently not made “at home.” This particular tablet is very squarish and thick and the writing clearly betrays a different scribe.

ﬁupram The two letters [147]–[148] sent from this official are remarkably different, the latter tablet being very large and of light-pinkish clay—a unique type. Both letters were presumably written while ﬁupram was on military/diplomatic missions, and the difference is, therefore, easily explained.

Tak¤ All the letters from this individual, [114]–[115] and [149]–[151], were written by the same scribe, but it is of interest to note that the tablet used for [149] is quite different from the rest, being exceptionally thick and rounded and of reddish clay (as opposed to the normal medium to dark grey/ brown).

Warad-IÍtar The letters [153]–[154], [164], [168] (all from Warad-IÍtar), and [155] (from Warad-[...]), are of different types, a feature that can be explained by homonymy and/or the itinerant occupation of the writer(s).

Other Correspondents As stated above, most writers have their own “style,” but observations on these are of little specific value without further comparative material.

In sum, it can be stated that investigation of the material aspects of tablets in an archive like this can provide interesting insights, and that such procedure deserves serious and systematic attention when new archives are found. One wonders also whether observations on the material aspects could not provide new information on some older archives of letters like, e.g., the Iltani archive from Rimah, where such observations, if made, did not find their way into the editio princeps (OBTR). It is reas- suring, however, that the French Mari team has recently taken up this line of research (see D. Charpin, ARMT XXVI/2, p. 51f.), which should prove of great value for the vast Mari material. The Leilan letter tablets should ideally be compared to the many letter tablets from kings of Habur or Jezira towns published in ARMT XXVIII, but the stylized hand-copies and the limited selection of appended photos (all the tablets treated with chemicals to highlight the writing) do not allow this except in very provisional fashion. As such it may be noted, for instance, that letters sent from KaÓat (e.g., ARMT XXVIII 123–33) exhibit similarities in format to the KaÓat letters from Leilan. If further corroborated, this is interesting evidence, pointing to the existence of distinct local traditions (cf. Eidem 2002). APPENDIX 2 THE ENVELOPE FRAGMENTS

Introduction The corpus of envelope fragments from the Eastern Lower Town Palace is fairly small and with a few notable exceptions provides little historical information. The relationship between letters and envelopes has been dealt with in some detail by Kraus (1986), who summarized current evidence and suggested various questions and conclusions. Most envelopes preserved from the Old Babylo- nian period are supplied with a written address (ana PN; cf. below no. 6) and an impression of the seal of the sender, while sometimes the actual tablet was instead(?) impressed with the seal of the sender. Evidence for the latter procedure is found in the North at Rimah (see Hawkins, OBTR, p. 207), but so far not attested at Leilan. Discussing the sealed envelopes, Kraus (1986,138) posed the following questions: (1) Were all letters sealed/encased? (2) Why were they sealed? (3) How were the letters opened? (4) What happened to the envelopes? While in no way sufficient to provide definite answers to these questions, the evidence from Leilan, coupled with that from comparable contexts in the North from Rimah and Tell Shemsh⁄ra, allows some pertinent observations. A first observation, for which I know of no documented parallels outside Leilan, is that a number of the letters have a thin, straight “cut” into the clay made with a sharp instrument. This cut is found predominantly on the length of the right edge of the tablet, but also on the left edge, and on both left and right edges: [97] (Aya-abu to Till-Abnû) right edge [111] (°awiliya to Till-Abnû) right edge [125] (°alu-rabi to Yak›n-AÍar) right edge [143] (Sangara to b¤lum) left edge [145] (Sangara to b¤lum) left+right edges [146] (Sangara to b¤lum) left edge [156] ([...]-a to b¤lum) lower right edge Although other interpretations could be envisaged, it seems possible that these “cuts” were made when removing the envelope of the tablet, an action described in the texts with the word petûm “open” (Lafont 1997, 330). The tendency to make the (deepest?) cut on the right edge of the case might obviously have minimized possible damage to the written surface of the tablet. Although it must be remembered that many of our letters have damaged edges and could, in theory, also have had this feature, the small number of extant examples is still statistically significant. It then seems possible to interpret this evidence in two ways: (1) As indicative of a situation in which letters were only rarely supplied with envelopes. The fact that nearly half of our examples of “cuts” are found on letters from Sangara could

249 250 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

support such a theory. It could further be observed that five of our seven examples come from letters sent from a “servant” to the king and that several of the envelope fragments presented below come from such letters. (2) Alternatively, however, the rarity of the cuts may relate primarily to the way the letters were encased. Sangara, for instance, or rather his secretary, may have tended to fit the case of his letters so tightly that the tablet was more easily cut into when removing the envelope. Since the contents of these seven letters do not single them out from numerous others, we have to conclude that they constitute presumably only a small portion of the letters that were originally encased by the writer, but that the statistical observation would still be valid, i.e., if virtually all letters were encased more “cuts” should be in evidence. Having provided in some measure an answer to the third question posed by Kraus, and added support to his own answer to (1), namely, that only some letters seem to have been supplied with envelopes, we may turn to another, related problem raised by Kraus (1986, 139), who wonders whether the envelope fragments found in excavations belong to letters that had been opened or to unopened (but broken) letters. First, the isolated nature of many such fragments, for example, at Leilan from rooms 2 and 5, and at Rimah from room 13 in the palace, hardly allows any other conclusion than that these were “old trash,” leftovers from sloppy sweeping of the floors, for instance. A different matter, on the other hand, is the material that can, or may, be matched with letters actually stored in the same rooms. From Rimah most fragments from rooms 2 and 6 in the palace provide possible matches with letters found (e.g., Zimri-Lim, Aqba-Hammu, Ki‰‰urum). At Shemsh⁄ra a small number of envelope fragments were found with the letters of Kuwari in room 2 of the palace (Eidem and Læssøe 2001). A few provide not only on the obverse seal legend names of letter writers attested on tablets, but also on the reverse imprint a direct match with specific texts. Significantly, however, these examples pertain probably to letters that were addressed not to Kuwari, but to figures located elsewhere, thus letters that were never delivered. A few other fragments, however, provide no possible match with the letters found (such as the example correctly pointed out by Kraus, 1986, 139: SH 817, published in Læssøe 1959, 30f.). Surprisingly, the fragments include none that can be connected with ﬁamÍ‹-Adad, IÍme-Dagan, or their officials, although more than half of the letters in Kuwari’s archive were sent by them. Finally, the new evidence from Leilan presented here reflects a situation with some possible matches (although none can be definitely proved) and some probably with no relation to the letters found; the best example is undoubtedly the fragment dating to the time of ﬁamÍ‹-Adad. An important observation, relevant for all three major letter “archives” found at the three sites, is that the number of envelope fragments (despite careful sieving of fill in these contexts) is extremely small. Disregarding possible complexities arising from the depositional history of these archives, it may be assumed that, generally speaking, the envelope fragments found with them constitute “old trash” (pieces with no apparent match among tablets, slipped into corners of walls, tablet containers etc.), “newer trash” (fragments “following” tablets in the archive, cf., e.g., the examples of an envelope fragment still adhering to a tablet, like OBTR 101 or ARMT XXVII 140), and finally pieces from letters not (at least completely) opened upon “receipt” (like the letters from Shemsh⁄ra still en passage). This means that the bulk of envelope fragments was certainly considered refuse already in antiquity and that the fragments found with letter tablets provide evidence for the casing of these particular texts in a very limited way. THE LETTERS 251

These considerations provide again some partial answers to our (and Kraus’s) questions, specifically question 4 above. To complete this brief discussion, we may finally turn to the more complex question 2: Why were (some) letters encased/sealed? Like Kraus, we are unable to suggest any comprehensive understanding of this problem, not least since we find ourselves in perfect agreement with his conclusion that the internal evidence from letters known to have been supplied with envelopes does not provide the answer and that several, partly conflicting considerations may in practice have guided the choice. Tentatively we would suggest that not internal, but external criteria were decisive. Not least in the context of the north Mesopotamian scene, an important factor would certainly have been the reliability/security of the messenger/route, rather than the status/ reliability of the sender or the important/confidential nature of the message. Royal letters, for instance, would, of course, often have been delivered by high-ranking and trusted envoys supplied with armed escort, messengers whose credentials, and hence those of their missives, were not in doubt and in such cases envelopes may not have been deemed necessary. In other cases, for any number of reasons connected with security, the situation was different and demanded that precautions be taken.

The Inscriptions The inscriptions are presented here room by room. Only transliterations are given, since copies and photographs will be published with the sealings from the Eastern Lower Town Palace. Room 2 The bulk of material from this room constitutes administrative texts, mainly dated to the limmus IÍme-El/warki IÍme-El and associated with the reign of Yak›n-AÍar. Only a single fragment of a letter (probably addressed to b¤lum) was found there, and the envelope fragments are likely to be accidental scraps not related to the other material found or to the latest activity in the room.

1 [L.87-861] and [L.87-865]

Seal legend on obverse:

[Ó]i-im-[di-ia] [Í]a-ki-i[n] de[n-zu] [be-e]l ia-mu-ut-ba-lim[ki] [lug]al an-da-ri-ig[ki]

“°imdiya, prefect of Sîn, the lord of Yamutbalum, king of Andarig”

With the exception of the seal of Yam‰i-°atnû, servant of °imdiya (see Frayne 1990, 762), this piece is the first such inscription from Andarig. The association of Sîn, lord of Yamutbalum, with the city-state of Andarig is attested also in the letter [43], where Buriya refers to “Sîn, the lord of Yamutbalum and Nergal, the king of °ubÍalum” (l. 9'f). One more fragment from this room [L.87-860] provides no evidence. 252 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Room 5 The material from this room is extremely mixed, and as is the case for room 2 the envelope fragments are not likely to belong to texts found in the room.

2 [L.87-882] In seal legend on obverse is preserved part of last line:

[...... ] dim [...... ]

From reverse imprint can be discerned:

[...... ] Íu-ul-mi-[...... ]

3 [L.87-917a] Seal legend on obverse:

[...... ] [dumu...... ] [lug]al da-ma-ra-a‰[(ki)] [ì]r Ía di[m]

Reverse imprint:

[.....a-na ‰]e-ri-ia Íu-b[i-lam/up-ra-am] [...... ]2 ‚ìr?Ÿ-ka t[u?-...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ]

The reconstruction of line 2 in the seal legend seems certain. Presumably we have here a sandhi writing for Íar(ri) Ida-Mara‰. We should certainly like to identify this figure more closely, but in view of the context of the piece a match of the reverse imprint with extant letter-tablets seems unlikely. Two other envelope fragments from this room, [L.87-918] and [L.87-921], provide no evidence. THE LETTERS 253

Room 22 4 [L.87-159] Seal legend on obverse:

[Óa-zi]-ip-te-Íu-up [dumu x x]‚x-Óa?-amŸ (break)

This piece could have belonged to letter [57], sent to Till-Abnû from a certain °azi[p-TeÍÍup]. Three different figures with this common name are attested in our texts: the king of Razam⁄, a lú °ur⁄‰⁄, and a lú NilibÍini (see I.1.2.5).

5 [L.87-166] Seal legend on obverse:

(break) [dumu i]a-‚xŸ-‚súŸ-mu-ú [pa-l]i-iÓ dzu-en

This missing first line of the legend precludes identification on present evidence.

6 [L.87-432a] On obverse traces of address:

[a-na] ‚mu-ti-iaŸ

This is the only example, but evidence from elsewhere (cf., e.g., Rimah: OBTR 94 and seals 3 and 18; Mari: 72–132, Charpin 1992b, 68) shows that the name of addressee was usually written on the envelope.

7 [L.87-442b] Seal legend on obverse:

‚dŸutu-Íi-di[m] [lug]al [...... ] [...... ]

This piece must have come from a letter from ﬁamÍ‹-Adad or one of his officials (for such seals, see Charpin 1984, 50f. and 1992b, 68ff.; Krebernik 2001, 160–63). The seal of ﬁamÍ‹-Adad him- 254 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

self is known only from examples at Açemhöyük (Tunca 1989) and Mari (72–132). Here his title is not lugal, but note that in the seal legend of his “servant” Ammi-iluna (A.675bis, see Charpin 1984, 50f.) he has the title lugal (kal-[ga]). This envelope fragment is the only verifiable trace of ﬁamÍ‹-Adad or his sons/officials etc. in this room, and again it seems unlikely that the fragment has anything to do with the letters found here.

8 [L.87-452] Reverse imprint from corner of tablet; the traces in line 2' look like ‚be-lí-iaŸ, hence perhaps envelope from letter to b¤lum.

9 [L.87-467] Seal legend on obverse:

[x]‚x-da-maŸ[x (x)] (break)

Imprint on reverse:

[...]‚xŸ a-na ‰e-er [...] [...a-n]a ‰e-er ‚a-buŸ-n[i...] [...nu-w]a-er-Íu-ma ‚x xŸ[...] [...... -s]ú?-‚mu?Ÿ a-na ‰e-er [...] 5' [...]‚xŸ-ú-úr as-sú-u[r-ri.....] [...... be-]lí-ia x [...]

The evidence from this piece cannot be matched to any of the letters found.

10 [L.87-487] Seal legend: traces of 1 line.

Reverse imprint:

1[a-na] be-lí-[ia] [qí]-bí-[ma] [um-ma] ‚x x xŸ [...... ]

The center of BE and the center of NE are aligned vertically. Unfortunately, the faint traces of the name of the sender in line 3 do not allow an identification. THE LETTERS 255

11 [L.87-557b] Seal legend on obverse:

[...... ]‚x xŸ[x (x)] [...... ]-Óa-l[u] [ìr Ía ] ‚dŸi[m]

Reverse imprint:

[...... ]‚x ba-tuŸ[...... ] [...... ˇup-p]í-ia an-ni-im [.....] [...... ]-am-ma [...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ]

12 [L.87-603c] Seal legend on obverse:

[...... ]-ri [...... ]-ia (break)

Reverse imprint, remains of 4 lines:

3 [...... ] lú-meÍ i[a-...... ] [...... ] na ma [...... ]

Vertical of NA is directly under that of MEﬁ.

13 [L.87-618] 1) Seal legend:

[I]AN-[...... ] [d]umu ki-i[p?-...... ] (break)

2) Other fragment with remains of 2 lines on the reverse. 256 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

14 [L.87-786a] Seal legend on obverse:

[...-l]u-ul-lu-us [.....] [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] (break)

15 [L.87-931] Seal legend on obverse with traces of 3 lines.

16 [L.87-979a] Seal legend on obverse:

[...... ]‚xŸ um ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ-ú

17 [L.87-979b] Seal legend on obverse:

[...... ] ‚dumuŸ ka-bi-[...... ] lugal i-la-an-[‰ú-raki]

Reverse imprint:

[...... ]‚x x xŸ[.....] [.....-k]a ‰a-ba-‚xŸ[...... ]

Other fragments of envelopes from this room are represented by the following field numbers: L.87-378, L.87-392, L.87-435a, L.87-452, L.87-471, L.87-526, L.87-559, L.87-584, L.87-604, L.87-605, L.87-790d, L.87-852, L.87-926b, L.87-942, L.87-1330b, L.87-1333, L.87-1350, L.87- 1386, L.87-1387, L.87-1388b, L.87-1391, L.87-1393, L.87-1454.

Room 23 The few small fragments found in this room [L.87-813] provide no evidence. INDICES* GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES

Ag⁄ Apum [138], 4 (a-ga-aki) [37], 7 (m⁄t apim) AÓanda [58], 5 (lú-meÍ a-pa-a-yiki) [85] (uru a-Óa-an-daki): 8, 11, 18 [84], 5 (mí-tur uru a-‚pa?Ÿ-a-yiki) [113], 6 (uru a-Óa-an-da) [101], 21, 26 (m⁄t apimki) [102], 27 ([ ]/ ) Al⁄ m⁄t apim [122], 5 (m⁄t apim) [28], 20 (uru a-la-aki) [127], 9 ([a-pí]-imki) Alam⁄ AÍKAkum, see AÍnakkum [60], 9 (a-la-ma-aki) AÍnakkum [62], 11 (uru a-la-‚ma!Ÿ-aki ) [82], 4' (aÍ-na-ak-k[i]) Alil⁄num [144], 7 (lugal Ía aÍ-Íak-ki-imki) [138], 11 Ayy⁄bum AllaÓada [113], 12 (a-ia-bi-im), 16, 17 (Óala‰ uru a-ia- [18], 9 (lú ki) al-la-Óa-da-a-yu bi-[im]) [91], 5' (uru al-la-Óa-daki) AzamÓul Amaz [10], 10 ki [17], 1' (a-ma-áz ) [135], 6 [116], 9 (uru a-ma-àzki) AzuÓinni(?) [130], 10 (a-ma-àzki) [18], 14 ([a-zu-Ó]i-in-niki) Amursakkum Babylon [23], 17 ([a-mu]-ur-sà-ak-kiki) [41], 13 (lú ká-dingir-raki), 14 (lú ká- AnamaÍ dingir-ra-yuki) [15], 10 (uru a-na-ma-aÍ) BiÍ'ia(?=BiÍÍum) Andarig [114], 5' (2 lú bi-iÍ-‚iaŸ) [41], [13], 20, 25 [78], 18 Dîr [150], 7 [157], 14, 15 Apparum [175] (ap-pa-ri-imki) 8, 14 EluÓut [89], 11, [25], 30, 39, 42 [97], 15 (érin-meÍ lú e-lu-uÓ-ta-iaki)

* The indices cover only the Leilan letters published in this volume and, hence, not other material quoted or discussed.

257 258 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[101], 15 (érin-meÍ e-lu-uÓ-ta-yi) Ip-‚xŸ-ri [102], 12 (érin-meÍ e-lu-uÓ-ta-yu), 21 (‚eŸ- [115], 19 (Óala‰ uru ip-‚xŸ-riki) ki lu-Ó-ti[m ]) Irbinazu ki GurdabaÓÓum(?) [143], 12 (ir-bi-na-zu ) [101], 10 Irpap⁄ [102], 8 [145], 7 (ir-pa-pa-aki) IÍÓizzi °⁄laba ki [113], 13 (iÍ-Ói-izx-zi ) [149], 13 (lú Óa-a-la-[b]a?ki) °alab KaÓat [8], 4 [19], 7 [41], 4, 7 [29], 11 [54], 4, 6, 12, 14, 21 [42], 15, 18 [180], 11 (dumu-meÍ uru Ó[a-la-abki]) [64], 5 °ana [99], 6, 13, 16, 27 [105], 4 [150] (Óa-na-meÍ) 8, 10 [127], 9 °immar⁄ [128], 17 [134], 7 (Ó[i-i]m-ma-ra-yiki) [150], 17 °ubÍalum [207], [4'] [8], 27 (uru Óu-ub-Íi-ilki) Kakmum [43], 10' (Nergal/ lugal °.) [8], 7, 23 °ulÓi KarkamiÍ [182], 17' (uru Óu-u[l-Ó]iki) ki [41], 15 ([ka]r-ka-mi-iÍ7 ) °ur⁄‰⁄ Kasap⁄ [114], 8' [37], 3 (uru ka-ás-pa-aki) [137], 28 [138], 15 (ka-sa-pa-aki) [138], 3 [173], 12 (uru ka-sa-pa-aki) IbnaÓi Kasp⁄tum [145], 9, 10 (Óal‰im Ía i-ib-na-Óiki) [42], 10, 11 (uru ka-às-pa-timki) Ida-Mara‰ Ka'umi [42], 10, 13 [13], 4, 21 [80], 16 KiduÓÓum [112], 16 [113], 6 [156], 7 [119], 3', 11', 16' Kiran Il⁄n-‰ur(⁄) [75], 5, 6 (lú-meÍ ki-ra-na-a-yi) [112], 17, 23 [76], 9 (lú ki-ra-an‚kiŸ) [116], 25 [141], 3 KubÍum [41], 5 Ilu-Muluk [91], 4 Kurd⁄ [138], 6, 9 THE LETTERS 259

[171], 12 [171], 8 (m⁄t numaÓimki) Kuz⁄ya Puratum(?) [85], 22, 23, 25, 30 [1], 11 ( [ (ki)]) [119], 10' m⁄t pu-r a-tim Puˇrum Li-… [83], 17(?) [156], 19 (uru li-‚xŸ-[…]) QirdaÓat Marêtum [128],13 [42], 17 (?) [149], 5, 6, 14, 22 Mari (in Habur!) Razam⁄ [43], 9 (uru ma-riki) [138], 13, 17 [184], 2(?) [156], 3, 24 Nagabum Sabb⁄num [175], 9, 21 [101], 17 [207], 7' [116], 5 Nagar [130], 8 [28], 8, 30 (in ) b¤let-nagar Sabirala Nagir⁄num [90], 8 (lú sa-bi-ra-la‚kiŸ) [13], 13 Sabum Nalmat [11], 9 (uru sa-bi-imki) [148], 12 (uru ki) na-al-ma-at Sadi-... Nawali [186], 5 (lú a-lam sa-‚di-xŸ[..]) [6], 14 (é dim ) na-wa-li Saggar [10], 10 [18], 26 (kur- dsaggar ) [102], 13 i 2 Samûm NiÓru [80], 17 (uru sa-mi-i[m?...]) [133], 17 (uruki ni-iÓ-ru) [134], 10 (uru ne-eÓ-ruki) Sanduw⁄tum [135], 15 (lú-meÍ ni-iÓ-ra-yuki) [7], 8 (uru sa-an-du-wa-a-timki) NilibÍinnum fiaÓana [64], 6 (lú-meÍ ne-li-ib-Íi-na-yi) [93], 7 [67], 9 (lú-sipa-meÍ / ni-li-ib-Íi-na-yu) [97], 9, 24 [76], 6 (lú ni-li-ib-Íi-nim) [113], 9, 11 [85], 17 (uru ni-li-ib-Íi-ni) fiatÓura/i Num(a)Óum [135], 16 (Ía-at-Óu-ra[ki]), 19 (Ía-at-Óu-ri) [6], 13 (dumu-meÍ ) numÓum [156], 25 (uru Ía-at-Óu-riki) [18], 7 (numaÓum) [157], 16, 19 [37], 6 (numÓumki), 9 fieÓn⁄ [97], 29 (PN lú numÓayiki), 32 (numÓ‹) [110], 6 (m⁄t numaÓim) [16], 11 [156], 18 (érin-meÍ lú numÓayiki) [137], 13 260 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[142], 10 Till-Íannim [157], 3 [60], 6 fiimaÍki TupÓam [75], 4, 8 (lú-meÍ Íi-ma-aÍ-ki-i) [7], 13 (uru tu-up-Óa-amki) fiimurrum Tuttul [134], 5 (lú-meÍ Íi-mu-ur-ru-úki) [41], 7 fiubat-Enlil ‡ab⁄tum [42], 14 (m⁄t uru Í.) ki [75], 10 [51], 4' (uru ˇà-ba-tim ) [76], 14 UrgiÍ [89], 36 [113], 16 [111], 9' [176], 10 Urkina [143], 18 (uruki ki) fiun⁄ ur-ki-na [10], 9 Urpan [68], 7 [10], 11, 20 (úr-pa-anki) [93], 8' UrumÍûm [95], 15 [65], 6 (PN lú ú-ru-um-Íe-emki) [97], 16 UtraÓiya [99], 15, 18 [204], 2', 5' [101], 12, 20, 25 [102], 18, 26 Uzum⁄ ki [113], 14 [182], 13' (ú-zu-ma-a ) [117], 4 Yamutbalum [119], 7 [6], 7 [186], 15 [8], 9 (m⁄t) fiuprum [42], 3 (PN dumu), 7 (m⁄t), 20 (dumu-meÍ) [171], 7 [43], 6' (lú-meÍ), 9' (Sîn b¤l y.) fiurnat [44], 7 (dumu-meÍ) [13], 8, 15 Yapˇur(um) [133], 19 [111], 6 (lú ia-ap-ˇú-úrki) fiurum [116], 13 (Óala‰ / yapˇurimki) [12], 10 (uru Íu-ri-im[ki]) [149] (lú ia-ap-ˇú-ur) 3, 15, 19 fiuttannum Yass⁄n(um) [16], 9 [8], 8 (m⁄t yass⁄n) [108], 6, 15 [18], [13], 27 (m⁄t yass⁄n) fiu?-t[a?...] [157], 9 (PN lú yass⁄nim), 10 (PN lú yass⁄n) [157], 24 Zann⁄num Ti-… [11], 4 (uru za-an-na-nimki) [107], 13' ZarÓ⁄num Ti-li-… [20], 5, 10, 13 [90], 9 THE LETTERS 261

Zibat(?) …-B]uki [122], 8 [176], 11 Zurr⁄ …-Óaki [42], 4, 8 [92], 15 (...‚xŸ-Óaki) [64], 7 …-Óud⁄nimki [67], 12 [156], 6 Zuzumara(?) [157], 4, 18 [19], 6 …-r]a-nimki [92], 23 ...-a]B-Buki [78], 13 …-ranayuki …-a-aÓki [86], 11 [176], 12 ...-a]p?-Ói-imki [219], 1' PERSONAL NAMES

Abban [175], 28 [122], 7 (prince of YamÓad) Asdi-… Abbutt⁄n(u) (Apum general) Sender of [12] (king) Sender of [127] Asiri [94], 5, 8 [83], 4, 29 (lú dam-gàr) Abi-… AÍki-Addu (king?) [108],14, 17 [101], 7, 9, 16 (Áfi-KI-e-dim) Ab‹-EraÓ [102], 6, 10 (Áfi-KI-e-dim) [52], 5 (servant of °alu-rabi) [113], 7 (Áfi-KI-dim) d Ab‹-Samas [118], 3 (AB-KI- im) d [75], 7, 30 (from KaÓat) [121], 2' (Áfi-KI- im) [149], 29 ([Á]fi-KIdim) Addu-ibal AÍtamar-Adad (king of Kurd⁄) [164], 13 (from Apum) Sender of [5]–[8], [36]–[40] AÓam-arÍi Receiver of [166] Receiver of [164] (from Apum) [8], 6 AÓatani [18], 21 Receiver of [165] (from Apum) [46], 4 AÓi-DabaÓ (YamÓad general) [53], 3 [41], 19, 23 (AÓi-DabiÓ) [90], 19 [150], 3, 16 [132], 18, 2' [137], 27 AÓ‹-mara‰ [138], 14 Sender of [126] [167] [139], 8 [171], 4 [171], 12 AÓuÍina Attabn⁄ya Sender of [118] (king) Sender of [25] Akiya Aw‹l-Amurrim [186], 14 Sender of [174] with °i-… AplaÓanda AwiÍ-tulla (in Apum) Sender of [35] (king) [76], 13, 17 [48], 6 Aya-abu (king of fiun⁄) Ari-tawar (from NilibÍinnum) Sender of [93]–[100], [101] (with fiibila), [76], 5, 10 [102] (with Íib›tum) Arip-alla [42], 3 [149], 12 (lú Ó⁄labaki) [45], 4

262 THE LETTERS 263

[94], 11 Da-…. [116], 26 [148], 1' [117], 6 Dadi-Ebal Aya-aÓum [38], 5 [16], 11, 14(in ﬁeÓn⁄) Dadukkan [97], 27 (servant of Aya-abu) [187], 1', 6' [98], 6 (servant of Aya-abu) Ea-malik (prince of KaÓat) BaÓdi-Lim Sender of [20], [28]–[32] Sender of [128] [19], 8 Bayy⁄nu (Apum official) [99], 20 [27], 9' [150], 18 [127], 4 [152], 4, 6, 13, 19 [164], 15 [200], 5' B2l‹-l‹ter [207], 5' [27],3', [6'] Ewri B2lÍunu Sender of [110] and [171] [185], 12' Giriya BI-[…] [157], 10 (lú Yass⁄n) cf. Kiriya [19], 14' Bin-Dammu (YamÓad general) °alu-abi Sender of [26]–[27] [126], 23 (carpenter) [20], 7 °alu-rabi [23], 5, 13 [2], 4 (?) (YamÓad envoy) [122], 4, 8' °alu-rabi (king) [125], 12 Sender of [9], [51]–[56], [125] [180], 9 [20], 8 B›numa-Addu [56], 9 [177], 4 [94], 10 Buriya (king of Andarig) [95], 14 Sender of [41]–[50] [101], 6 [8], 26 [106], 5, 6, 16 [36], 7 [112], 13, 15 [41], 11, 12, 17 [116], 24 [56], 8, 11 [127], 20' [58], 34, 35, 37 [134], 6 [63], 17, 21, 22 [143], 11 [81], 7 [150], 4, 15 [110], 4 [184], 4' [138], 8, 17 [185], 1'(?) [181], 1' [204], 1' °ammi-EpuÓ Sender of [129]–[130] 264 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[116], 8 [149], 18, 26, 28 °ammurabi (king of YamÓad) Il‹-EÍuÓ Sender of [1]–[4], [23]–[24], [203](?) [44], 10 [8], 5, 6 Il‹-u‰ranni [41], 8 [157], 27 [56], 8(?) Ilu-ab‹ °awiliya [115], 21, 23 Sender of [111] Inganum (Apum official) [145], 6 Sender of [132]–[135], [169] °awur-atal (king of Nawali) Receiver of [103] Sender of [119] In-ka-…. [97], 14 [57], 5 °azip-‚x xŸ IÍme-El [8], 19 [107], 3' °azip-ﬁimigi (from ﬁuttannum) Izzunni [16], 5 [13], 12 (lú Nagir⁄nim) °azip-TeÍÍup (king of Razam⁄) Sender of [57](?) Kabi-Larim [8], 20(=lú °ur⁄‰⁄?), 28 [45], 6 [12], 7 [48], 5 [15], 6 Kabizzari [36], 8 [157], 4, 17 [43], 4, 16 [156], 3(?), 13, 14, 16, 19, 20, 22 Kalalum (from KaÓat) [157], 8 (lú yass⁄nim) [68], 5 (ka-la-li-im) °azipna-El Kanis⁄n(um) (king) [139], 4 Sender of [15]–[16], [178] [51], 3, 1' ( ) °i-… ka-ni-sa-an [82], 3' Sender of [174] (with Aw‹l-Amurrim) Kellug⁄ya °uba/izzam [13], 7 (ke-el-lu-ga-a-ia) [60], 5 (°ubizzam), 24 (°ubazzam) Kipram °ubidam (envoy of °alu-rabi) [132], 16 [51], 5, 3' (Óu-bi-dam) Kiriya (king) Iddin-°ubur [7], 5, 17 [52], 15 [82], 5' Ila-°atnû (king) [147], 7 Sender of [58] [148], 13' cf. Giriya Il‹-asî Kuzzu-… [156], 8, 26 [86], 10 Il‹-EpuÓ Sender of [131] THE LETTERS 265

Kuzzuri Napsiya (from KaÓat) Sender of [17] [75], 7, 31 [179], 5, 14 Napsuna-Addu Kuzuzzu (Apum official) [127], 6' Sender of [137]–[141] Niqmi-Adad Sender of [19], [83]–[86] Lina-… [131], 9 Nizari [65], 6 (lú urumÍûmki) Masum-atal (king of Alil⁄num) Sender of [103]–[104] Qarr⁄du Sender of [142] Ma‰i-El [141], 3 (lú Il⁄n-‰ur⁄) Qilti-… [112], 6 MaÍiya (Apum official) [69], 2' Samsi-malik [188], 5' ([ma]-Íi-ia) [197], 6' MaÍum (king) Samum Sender of [18], [77]–[81] Sender of [170] MeÓilum (lú Yapˇur) Sandia Sender of [105]–[106] [80], 20 (sa-an-di-a) [128], 13 Sangara (in Till⁄) [149], 3, 6 Sender of [112], [143]–[146] Milkiya (KaÓat envoy) Sillabim [64], 21, 25 [66], 3, 27 [51], 4, 2' Mu-ti-… Sîn-muballiˇ [77], 8 [47], 4 Muti-Adad (king) Sîn-tukult‹ (Apum official) Sender of [82] Sender of [165] Mutiya (king of Apum) Sumu-ditana [8], 7 Sender of [113] [28], 3 Sumu-°adû (king) [34], 4, 6 Sender of [34] [87], 8 (?), 12(?) [121], 6' fiadu-Íetim [128], 7 [107], 5, 2' [149], 15, 17, 21 fiamaÍ-… [180], 4, 8 [174], 5” (dutu-…) Mutu-aÓam fiamaÍ-na‰ir(?) [165], 8 [34], 11 Muziya fianigi (officer) [40], 5 [140], 4, 5, 15 (Ía-ni-gi) 266 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

fiattiya Tarim-Íakim [87], 19 (servant of fiepallu) [33], 11 fiattum-atal Tarinnam [187], 7', 9' [60], 8 fiepallu (king) Till-Abnû Sender of [10]–[11], [87]–[88], [166], [89], 29(?) [175]–[176] [96], 5' [8], 7, 21 [106], 6 [18], 21 [115], 6 [42], 16 [127], 6 [106], 9, 12 [128], 10 [139], 3 [137], 24 fiibila (fiun⁄ official) [139], 25 Sender of [101] (with Aya-abu) [158], 3, 6 [166], 11 fiinurÓi (king?) [185], 5', 15' Sender of [22], [120], [177] Tirukkanu (envoy) [113], 12 (Óala‰ Íi-nu-ur-Ói) [137], 10 (ti-ru-uk-ka-nu) fiukrum-TeÍÍup (king of EluÓut) Sender of [89]–[90] TiÍwen-atal (Apum general) Sender of [152] fiupram (Apum official) [127], 4 Sender of [147]–[148] Receiver of [169]–[170] ‡⁄biya (Apum official) [73], 7, 13 Receiver of [168]

Ta-... Uduga Sender of [92] [214], 2' (ú-du-ga) Tadum-TeÍÓi Ukkunni [92], 21 [182], 15' TaÓe Uqadam [76], 8, 12 (from Kir⁄n) [45], 6 Tak2 Sender of [114]–[115], [149]–[151] Warad-… Receiver of [171] Sender of [155] [6], 6 Receiver of [173] [8], 14 Warad-IÍtar [24], 9'(?) Sender of [153]–[154], [164], [168] [44], 22 Receiver of [172], [174] [87], 16 [127], 3 YaÓil-p‹-… [175], 12 [185], 11' [161], 5' Yak›n-a[r ...] [186], 6 Sender of [173] THE LETTERS 267

Yak›n-AÍar YaÍub-°alû Sender of [13], [59]–[61] [173], 25 Receiver of [125] [48], 8 Zazari [126], 5 [16], 7 [143], 16 Zig2 (king of Amaz) [144], 13 Sender of [107] ([..z]i-gi-e) Yal’a-Addu Zimra‰-… [177], 18 (servant of ﬁinurÓi) [90], 12 Yam‰i-…-Óu Zimri-d‚xŸ [20], 12 Sender of [116] Yam‰i-°atnû (king of KaÓat) Zimri-Addu Sender of [62]–[76] [33], 5, 10 Yan‰i-… Zimri-IÍtar Sender of [33] (ia-‚an-‰íŸ-[…]) [67], 16 cf. Ya‰‰ib-°atnû (?) Z›ni (envoy of Yak›n-AÍar) YapaÓ-Lim [144], 5 (zu-ú-ni) [70], 5 (from KaÓat) Yaqbiya …-‚xŸ [85], 21 (Apum shepherd) Sender of [156]–[157] Yar‹m-Lim …-Adad [71], 5 (from KaÓat) [56], 14 Yar‹m-ﬁamaÍ …]-ba [173], 23 [91], 3 ? Yas‹tna-abu …-a]n -Óa-li [63], 5 (umÍarÓum) Sender of [172] YasmaÓ-Addu …-e Sender of [14] [86], 10 YasraÓ-Dagan …]-ennazi [185], 13' [83], 25 d Yassi-Adu …- i]m [2], 5 (YamÓad envoy) Sender of [117] Yassi-EraÓ …-te-eb-ru(?) [97], 29 (from NumaÓum) [201], 1 Ya‰‰ib-°atnû …-tim [143], 13 (ia-‰í-ib-at-nu-ú) Sender of [21] [144], 6 (ia-‰í-ib-at-nu) …-‚x xŸ [149], 16, 20 (ia-a‰-‰í-ib-Óa-at-nu-ú) Sender of [108] YaÍub-… Sender of [136] DIVINE NAMES

Adad/TeÍÍup Nergal in blessing [93], [96], [97], [99]–[102], [113] in blessing [188] [6], 14 (é dim Nawali) [43], 9' (lugal °ubÍ⁄lim) [57], 13 (isi[nnam]/ Ía dim) [167], 11 (dim b¤l [...]) Saggar d [200], 2' (niqî ana dim) in blessing [167], [173] ( saggar2) AÍkur [18], 26 (mountain) in blessing [93], [96], [97], [99]–[102] Sîn [43], 9' (b¤l Yamutbalim) B2let-Apim in blessing [25], [113], [128], [168] ﬁamaÍ [5], 5 (B2lti-Apim) in blessing [128], [167], [168], [170], [173] [128], 11 [78], [15], 21 [88], 8 (d‹nam Ía dutu) B2let-Nagar [128], 11 [28], 8, 30 [181], 3' (l⁄ma dutu ÍaÓ⁄ˇim) IÍtar [184], 3' (l⁄ma ÍiÓiˇ dutu-Íi) d in blessing [170] [206], 11' (d‹nam Ía utu) [79], 6 (b¤let kerÓim)

268 SELECTED VOCABULARY

abb›tum bi⁄tum “stay overnight” [112], 8 (a. ‰ab⁄tum) [12], 11 abullum “city gate” [15], 11 [67], 17 (ina a. kalûm) b‹t z¤rim “grain store”(?) [72], 8 (a.-am kalûm) [106], 27, 28 [119], 8' b›lum “cattle” adaÍÍum “lower town area” [109], 5 [102], 8 damdum ak⁄lum [126], 5 [150], 22 (ak⁄lam ep¤Íum) dammum “blood” anumm⁄num “there” [94], 12 (Ía dammim ep¤Íum) [59], 24 [185] (in treaty), 5' (d. RN Í›bulum), 6', 8', anummutum “this” 18' (d. (RN) lupputum) [8], 12 (anummatam) damuttum “exchange of blood” [58], 40 (anummitim) [89], 34 appatum var. of abbuttum “slave lock” dap⁄rum D [65], 12 [60], 23 as‹rum “POW” [101], 8 [11], 12 (cf. es¤rum) [171], 20 aÍ⁄Íum, ﬁt dâ‰um “pretend” [43], 11 [43], 5' atÓûtum din⁄tum “judgment” [82], 9' [70], 7, 10 [197], 3” [71], 7 d‹num “legal case, verdict” barartum “first period of the night” [38], 12 [156], 30 [47], 6, 9 beÓrum “elite corps/guard” [58], 25 [52], 10 [68], passim [137], 22 [72], 12 [152], 8, 20 [78], 19 [80], 24, 25 berûm, ﬁt [83], passim [166], 11 [86], 8 [87], 21, 23

269 270 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[88], 5, 8 [38], 7 [95], 31ff. [42], 8 [96], 6' [43], 7' [126], 21ff. [44], 8 (D), 13, 21 [132], 3' [45], 5, 10 [167], 15 Óabb⁄tum dip⁄rum “torch” [12], 9 (10 li-mi) [99], 16 [14] (‰⁄bum lú) 8,11 [129], 6' [15], 5 (é[rin-meÍ) [143], 22 [18],12 ([lú-me]Í ) [156], 30 [19] (‰⁄bu lú) 4, 9 [22], 5, 10 (‰⁄bum ) eb¤ˇum “swell” [60], 11 (lú-meÍ) [166], 13 [62], 6 (Óa-ab-ba-ti) ebertum [65], 7 (Óa-ab-ba-tim) [18], 12 [93], 5' (érin-meÍ) edannum “term” [110], 5 (‰⁄bim) [179], 12 [112], 20, 22 [126], 11 ( ) (w)¤diÍÍ‹- “alone” ‰⁄bum [138], 10 ( ) [144], 10 ‰⁄bum [147], 5 (lú) egir = warki [171], 3, 7 (‰⁄bum) [18], 6 Ó⁄birum “emmigré” [161], 7' (egir-tam par⁄sum) [92], 12 elâ “besides” Ó⁄bir›tum “state of Ó.” [42], 29 [42], 4 (Ó-am waÍ⁄bum) elunnum “a festival” Ó⁄bit⁄num “kidnapper” [5], 5 (Ía B¤lti-Apim) [43], 12', 14' [79], 5 (Ía IÍtar b¤let kerÓim) [44], 19 ep¤Íum “reinforce” [64], 23 [101], 22 (Óala‰ GN e. ) [66], 25 es¤rum “capture” [78], 12, 27 [11], 12 (50 as‹ram e.) Ó⁄bit⁄n›tum “state of Ó.” [78], 17 (giÍ)gaÍiÍum “pole” (for impaling) “transhumant group” [117], 8, 28 (giÍgiÍiÍum) Óallatum [186], 20 [138], 21 (Ó-am wuÍÍurum) gullubum “shave” Óanpum “crime”(?) [65], 11 (qaqqadam) [43], 13' (giÍ)gu-za kaskal “travel stool” Óârum “donkey” [183], 8', 10' [54], 7, 11 (Ó-am maÓ⁄‰um) [89], 15(?) (qaˇ⁄lum) Óab⁄tum “steal/rob” Óa‰arum “sheep fold” [37], 9' [150], 10 THE LETTERS 271

Óayy⁄tum kar⁄Íum “fieldcamp” [33], 4 [11], 13 (adi b⁄b k.-im kuÍÍudum) [59], 6, 9, 17 [58], 33 (ina k.-im wÍb) [99], 1', 3' [140], 7 (k.-um ana k.-im) Óeppium “broken” [170], 7 [89], 5 karÍum (gàr-Íu) “leek” Óepûm, D “destroy” [164], 14 [8], 9 kaskal-kur, see tillatum Ói⁄ˇum “watch” kaÍ⁄dum D “chase away” [18], 25 (ina a.Íà Ó.) [11], 14 [85], 26, 31 “god” ilum kerÓum “citadel” [128], 21 ( ) ilka ina birini lû ÍalÍum [79], 6 (DN b¤let kerÓim) “fruit” inbum keÍ¤rum “have success” [39], 8 [18], 38 “ransom” ipˇ¤rum kirûm “garden” [16], 12 [39], 9 [59], 14, 21 [164], 6 [78], 23 [153], 13 kur=Íadûm “jebel” (Sinjar) [172], 4' [18], 6, 26 [43], 6' irtum [45], 5 [18], 26 (irti kur-i “mountain crest”) “winter” [48], 8 (irtam par⁄kum “prevent”) kussûm [140], 11 isinnum “festival” [57], 12 kuÍ‹rum “success” [175], 5, 7 itpuÍum “clever” (about maids) [28], 7 l⁄ watar “finally” [59], 19 kab⁄sum “roam” [10], 19 lap⁄tum [28], 15 (DN ina ub⁄nim l-um), 25 kam⁄sum “concentrate” [41], 9 (kima Íame l-im) [110], 12 [85], 14 (ilum (sheep) l-um ) [135], 6 [148], 6' (kima Íamem l-im) [156], 34 laÍÍu “is not present/available” D kan⁄Íum [110], 10 [127], 8 [142], 8 “village” kaprum lem¤num [81], 18, 20 [37], 6' “submit vow” kar⁄bum letûm “cleave” (punishment) [28], 4, 9 [111], 5' 272 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN lubuÍtum (síg-ZU-uÍ-tam) “clothing” nawûm “(pastoral) countryside and its occu- [60], 13 pants” [53], 9 m⁄ anna [99], 7(?) (lú na-wi) [43], 13 (giÍ)n⁄zinum “lance(r)” [44], 7 [157], 9 [75], 13, 27 nep⁄rum “palace workshop” mal⁄lum “loot completely” [97], 31 [171], 9 [117], 10(?) maÍkanum “threshing floor” [137], 14 [60], 18 (m-am Íullumum) [142], 13 mate durim “forever” [188], 8' [37], 6 (ana Ía mate durim) niqûm “sacrifice” min›tum “account” [200], 2' (ana dim) [66], 26 nissatum “anxiety” mubassirum “messenger (good news)” [156], 29 (niÍÍatam wuÍÍurum) [126], 6 n‹Í ilim/il⁄n‹ zak⁄rum “swear” [150], 3 [30], 4 muqqûm “tarry” [36], 10 [79], 13 [54], 7, 10 [58], 11 muÍ¤‰ûm “overseer” [65], 20 [182], 9' [75], 13, 15, 23, 27 muÍk¤num “commoner” [89], 32 [83], 7, 17 [113], 7, 8 [119], 10 [153], 22 muÍtertum “morning” [185], 7', 9', 19' [153], 7 nubattum “evening” [153], 20 “sell” (as slaves ) nad⁄num ana kaspim [185], 14', 20' [66], 19 [67], 13 nuzûm “anthropomorphic figure” [84], 24 [97], 17 [111], 14' pagrum naÓlaptum “coat” [11], 11 (p-am nadûm) [60], 13 [53], 7 (k‹ma pagrika) napiÍtum [164], 6 (pagarka-”yourself”) [19], 1', 6' (n-am eli x nadûm) [169], 6 (p-am na‰⁄rum) [80], 21 (n-am dâkum), p⁄num [52], 15, 18 (n-am lap⁄tum) [28], 13 (p⁄n DN am⁄rum) nawartum “third period of the night” par⁄dum Dtn “frighten” [156], 31 [97], 17 THE LETTERS 273 pas⁄sum D “annul (verdict)” r¤Íum “vanguard(?)” [83], 12, 13 (d‹nam pussusum) [7], 16 paÍ⁄rum ﬁ “undo” (tilp⁄num bow) rîtum “grazing” [8], 16 [10], 16 paˇ⁄rum “ransom” saddum “raid” [42], 21 (D) [31], 4 ( ) [60], 12 ›m s-im [69], 7 ( ) [65], 8 in›ma s-im [75], 4 ( ) [66], 11, 12, 29 ina ›m s-im [67], 14 (D) saÓ⁄lum D [187], 4' [10], 17 pulukkum “frontier marker” saÓ⁄rum “seek out (people)” [28], 19 [37], 12', 14' [64], 22 pûm [78], 27 [7], 9 (pêm petûm) sak⁄pum D qabl‹tum “second period of the night” [10], 16 [156], 31 salÓum “herd from town” qaqqadum [11], 5 (s-am wuÍÍurum), 10 [11], 15 (sag-du-dam “VIP”) salim⁄tum “peace” [20], 11 (sag-du Íut¤mudum “unite”) [206], 3' [65], 10 (q-am gullubum) salimum “peace” [112], 7 (q-am leqûm “submit to authority) [81], 13 ( “break peace”) [149], 5 (qaqqad GN “VIP”) p⁄n s-im maÓ⁄‰um [186], 19 (m⁄Ói‰ q-im “accuser”) sar⁄dum D q⁄tum [127], 10' [148], 6f. (q malûm vs. q reqtim) sarr⁄rum “outlaw” qûm “await” [42], 6, 27 [8], 28 [44], 24 [45], 10 ra’⁄bum ﬁt, “become agitated” [112], 5 [152], 7 [134], 12 [175], 4, 27 rak⁄bum “mount” [11], 7 (ina sisim) sartum “lie” [82], 8' raˇ⁄pum “begin action” [18], 8 seÓûm “be busy” [59], 22 [24], 2' [178], 12 [203], 6 reb‹tum “walled town with free space” sikkatum “peg” [81], 19 [171], 10 (ina igarim nas⁄Óum) redûtum “state of soldier” sim⁄num “term” [58], 21 [181], 9' 274 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN sisûm “horse” Íar⁄ˇum D “make tear up” (clothes as sign of [11], 7 (ina anÍe-kur-ra rak⁄bum) protest) sug⁄gum “local official” [8], 15 [85], 24 Íatûm [153], 24 [150], 23 (Íatâm ep¤Íum) [156], 10 Í¤pum [185], 3', 16' [7], 16 (“rearguard”) summatum “dove” [18], 41 [168], 11' (tu-muÍen) [82], 6” [89], 5 ‰innatum “shield” Í‹b›tum (lú-Íu-gi) “elder” [155], 13 [60], 16 Íad⁄dum [83], passim [114], 14 [6], 15 (people ina bit DN Íad⁄dum) [143], 17 (troops) [127], 8 [153], 16, 23 ÍaÓ⁄rum [131], 23 [58], 29, 32 [175], 21 [64], 22 [184], 6' ÍaÓ⁄tum III “be afraid” [185], 2' [138], 21 ÍiÓˇum in ÍiÓiˇ ÍamÍi, “sunrise” ÍaÓ⁄ˇum I “plunder” [184], 3' (cf. ÍaÓ⁄ˇum) [110], 7 Íimmum = simmum “wound” [138], 9, 20 [18], 45, 47 ÍaÓ⁄ˇum I “rise” Í‹mtum [181], 3' (lama ÍamÍi ÍaÓ⁄ˇim) [34], 7 (ana Íimtim al⁄kum) cf. ÍiÓˇum [128], 9 (do.) Íal⁄mum D Íumum [186], 8, 12, 18 (Íarram u m⁄tam Íullumum) [106], 4, 17 (Í-am Óas⁄sum) ÍalÍum “third” [128], 21 ([ì]lka ina birini lû ÍalÍum) tamartum “diplomatic present” [43], 4' Íamûm, see lap⁄tum “merchant” Íâmum “purchase” (people as slaves) tamkarum [62], 7 [44], 14, 17, 18 [75], 9 [83], passim [131], 22 Íangûm “priest” [175], 5' [28], 30 t¤q‹tum “objection” Ían›tum [28], 23 (t-am raÍûm) [42], 31 terÓatum Í⁄piˇum “governor” [13], 11 [8], 14 [76], 15 THE LETTERS 275 teÍmû “reconciliation” watt⁄rum, (lú-dirig(-ga)) “auxiliary” [46], 7 [101], 6 tillatum “auxiliary corps” [116], 24 [105], 11 [140], 4 [110], 9 (kaskal+kur) [188], 11' ub⁄num “finger” yapˇur [28], 15 (ina u-imlap⁄tum) [128], 6 (about deceased RN) [37], 7 (GN u GN u. iÍtet) z¤rum, in b‹t z¤rim “grain store(?)” umÍarÓûm “native” [106], 27, 28 [63], 7 zittum “share” (of sacred dish) utullum “head shepherd” [5], 9, 10 [85], 21 [171], 23 276 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

TABLE 1: L.87 LETTERS LISTED ACCORDING TO PUBLICATION NUMBERS

Publ. Object No. Leilan No. Area Lot No. Sender Addressee Dimensions

1 L.87-1309 8 37 768 Hammurabi Mutiya 3.8 ™ 3.7 ™ 2.0 cm

2 L.87-1278 8 37 742 Hammurabi Mutiya 4.4 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.0 cm

3 L.87-1302 8 37 761 Hammurabi Mutiya (3.0 ™ 3.4 ™ 2.0) cm

4 L.87-1355 8 37 814 Hammurabi Mutiya

5 L.87-538 8 18 355 AÍtamar-Adad Mutiya 3.7 ™ 3.7 ™ 2.5 cm

6 L.87-614 8 22 435 AÍtamar-Adad Mutiya 4.5 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.1 cm

7 L.87-772 8 18 593 AÍtamar-Adad Mutiya 6.2 ™ 4.3 ™ 2.3 cm

8 L.87-929+ 8 36 688 AÍtamar-Adad Mutiya 8.3 ™ 5.1 ™ 2.7 cm

L.87-944 8 36 703 /

9 L.87-1287+ 8 37 746 °alu-rabi Mutiya 5.5 ™ (4.7) ™ 2.5 cm

L.87-1446b 4 51 906 /

10 L.87-492 8 18 303 ﬁepallu Mutiya 6.1 ™ 4.3 ™ 2.3 cm

11 L.87-651 8 22 472 ﬁepallu Mutiya 3.6 ™ 3.2 ™ 1.9 cm

12 L.87-240 6 10 047 Asdi-[...] Mutiya (3.8) ™ 3.8 ™ 2.4 cm

13 L.87-610 8 22 431 Yak›n-AÍar Mutiya 4.5 ™ 3.8 ™ 2.2 cm

14 L.87-1365 8 38 824 YasmaÓ-Addu Mutiya 4.2 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.2 cm

15 L.87-480 8 18 291 Kanis⁄nu Mutiya 3.1 ™ 3.2 ™ 2.1 cm

16 L.87-498 8 18 311 Kanis⁄nu Mutiya 4.2 ™ 3.8 ™ 2.2 cm

17 L.87-385 8 18 196 Kuzzuri(?) Mutiya (3,5) ™ 3.9 ™ 2.0 cm

18 L.87-228 6 10 033 MaÍum Mutiya 7.9 ™ 5.0 ™ 2.7 cm

19 L.87-532 8 18 349 Niqmi-Adad Mutiya (4.2) ™ 4.8 ™ 2.5 cm

20 L.87-936 8 36 695 Ea-malik Mutiya 5.1 ™ 4.7 ™ 2.4 cm

21 L.87-170 3 10 058 [...]-tim Mutiya (2.5 ™ 2.7) cm

22 L.87-548 8 18 366 ﬁinurÓi Mutiya 5.5 ™ 4.1 ™ 2.2 cm THE LETTERS 277

Publ. Object No. Leilan No. Area Lot No. Sender Addressee Dimensions

23 L.87-472 8 18 283 Hammurabi Till⁄ya 4.2 ™ 4.0 ™ 1.9 cm

24 L.87-1383 8 38 842 Hammurabi Till-Abnû (4.4 ™ 4.8) ™ 2.9 cm

25 L.87-1419 8 39 878 Attabn⁄ya Till-Abnû (4.0 ™ 2.8) ™ 2.0 cm

26 L.87-391 8 18 202 Bin-Dammu Till-Abnû (3.3 ™ 3.2 ™ 1.4) cm

27 L.87-690 8 23 511 Bin-Dammu Till-Abnû (5.0) ™ 4.5 ™ 2.0 cm

28 L.87-1317 8 37 776 Ea-malik Till-Abnû 5.8 ™ 4.5 ™ 1.8 cm

29 L.87-775 8 18 596 Ea-malik Till-Abnû 4.0 ™ 3.5 ™ 2.0 cm

30 L.87-389 8 18 200 Ea-malik Till-Abnû 3.8 ™ 3.6 ™ 2.1 cm

31 L.87-456 8 18 267 Ea-malik Till-Abnû (2.0 ™ 2.0 ™ 1.6) cm

32 L.87-418 8 18 229 Ea-malik Till-Abnû (2.9) ™ 3.7 ™ 2.1 cm

33 L.87-1353 8 18 812 Ya‰‰i[p- Till-Abnû 5.6 ™ 4.5 ™ 2.4 cm °atnû?]

34 L.87-967 8 36 726 Sumu-°adû Till-Abnû 5.2 ™ 4.3 ™ 2.8 cm

35 L.87-608 8 22 429 AplaÓanda Till-Abnû 2.9 ™ 2.8 ™ 1.8 cm

36 L.87-493 8 18 304 AÍtamar-Adad Till-Abnû 4.3 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.3 cm

37 L.87-547 8 18 365 AÍtamar-Adad Till-Abnû (5.2) ™ 5.3 ™ 2.8 cm

38 L.87-595 8 22 403 AÍtamar-Adad Till-Abnû 4.1 ™ 3.9 ™ 2.3 cm

39 L.87-606 8 22 427 AÍtamar-Adad Till-Abnû 5.8 ™ 4.3 ™ 2.3 cm

40 L.87-776 8 18 597 AÍtamar-Adad Till-Abnû 4.1 ™ 3.8 ™ 2.3 cm

41 L.87-462+ 8 18 273 Buriya Till-Abnû (7.5) ™ 4.5 ™ 2.3 cm

L.87-489 8 18 300 /

42 L.87-473a+ 8 18 284 Buriya Till-Abnû 9.5 ™ 5.0 ™ 2.5 cm

L.87-491 8 18 302 /

43 L.87-531 8 18 348 Buriya Till-Abnû (9.2) ™ 5.2 ™ 2.9 cm

44 L.87-782a 8 18 603 Buriya Till-Abnû 6.9 ™ 4.5 ™ 2.4 cm 278 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Publ. Object No. Leilan No. Area Lot No. Sender Addressee Dimensions

45 L.87-1285 8 37 744 Buriya Till-Abnû (6.5) ™ 4.3 ™ 2.4 cm

46 L.87-502 8 18 315 Buriya Till-Abnû 4.5 ™ 3.8 ™ 2.4 cm

47 L.87-747 8 23 568 Buriya Till-Abnû 3.5 ™ 3.2 ™ 2.1 cm

48 L.87-554 8 18 372 Buriya Till-Abnû (5.1 ™ 4.6) ™ 2.4 cm

49 L.87-699 8 23 520 Buriya Till-Abnû (2.7) ™ 4.0 ™ (2.0) cm

50 L.87-716+ 8 23 537 [Buriya] [Till-Abnû?] (4.8 ™ 4.2 ™ 1.6) cm

L.87-720 8 23 541 /

51 L.87-831 8 35 637 °alu-rabi Till-Abnû (3.1) ™ 3.9 ™ 2.1 cm

52 L.87-612 8 22 433 °alu-rabi Till-Abnû 3.9 ™ 3.5 ™ 2.1 cm

53 L.87-749a 8 23 570 °alu-rabi Till-Abnû (1.9) ™ 3.9 ™ (1.7) cm

54 L.87-227 6 10 032 °alu-rabi Till-Abnû 4.5 ™ 4.2 ™ 2.2 cm

55 L.87-1398 8 39 857 °alu-rabi Till-Abnû 3.3 ™ 3.3 ™ 2.0 cm

56 L.87-832 8 35 638 °alu-rabi Till-Abnû 8.0 ™ (5.2) ™ 2.8 cm

57 L.87-561 8 18 379 °azip-TeÍÍup Till-Abnû 3.7 ™ (2.6) ™ 2.1 cm

58 L.87-436 8 18 247 Ila-°atnû Till-Abnû 9.2 ™ 5.1 ™ 2.7 cm

59 L.87-674 8 23 495 Yak›n-AÍar Till-Abnû 4.2 ™ 3.5 ™ 2.3 cm

60 L.87-784 8 18 605 Yak›n-AÍar Till-Abnû 4.3 ™ 3.7 ™ 1.9 cm

61 L.87-1332a 8 37 791 Yak›n-AÍar Till-Abnû 4.5 ™ 3.7 ™ 1.9 cm

62 L.87-226 6 10 031 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 4.0 ™ 3.8 ™ 2.0 cm

63 L.87-390 8 18 201 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 4.8 ™ 3.9 ™ 2.1 cm

64 L.87-394 8 18 205 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 5.5 ™ 4.2 ™ 2.5 cm

65 L.87-400 8 18 211 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 4.7 ™ 3.8 ™ 2.3 cm

66 L.87-504 8 18 317 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 5.8 ™ (3.5) ™ 2.1 cm

67 L.87-611 8 22 432 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 3.8 ™ 3.6 ™ 2.1 cm THE LETTERS 279

Publ. Object No. Leilan No. Area Lot No. Sender Addressee Dimensions

68 L.87-630 8 22 451 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 4.3 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.2 cm

69 L.87-758+ 8 24 579 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

L.87-1423b 8 39 882 /

70 L.87-827 8 18 633 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 4.8 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.3 cm

71 L.87-1314 8 37 773 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 4.3 ™ 3.9 ™ 2.3 cm

72 L.87-1352 8 18 811 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 4.0 ™ 3.6 ™ 2.4 cm

73 L.87-1358 8 37 817 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 5.2 ™ 4.1 ™ 2.2 cm

74 L.87-1381 8 38 840 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 3.8 ™ 3.5 ™ 2.3 cm

75 L.87-1396 8 39 855 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 4.0 ™ 5.6 ™ 2.1 cm

76 L.87-1426 8 39 885 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 4.6 ™ 4.1 ™ 2.1 cm

77 L.87-194 8 18 45 MaÍum Till-Abnû 3.5 ™ (2.9) ™ 2.3 cm

78 L.87-235+ 6 10 40 MaÍum Till-Abnû (6.1) ™ 4.1 ™ 3.0 cm

L.87-236 6 10 41 /

79 L.87-507a 8 18 320 MaÍum Till-Abnû 4.0 ™ 3.8 ™ 2.2 cm

80 L.87-627 8 22 448 MaÍum Till-Abnû 5.0 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.4 cm

81 L.87-687a 8 23 508 MaÍum Till-Abnû 4.9 ™ 4.1 ™ 2.1 cm

82 L.87-808+ 2x Muti-Addu Till-Abnû (6.5) ™ 4.5 ™ 2.5 cm

L.87-809 3x /

83 L.87-1315 8 37 774 Niqmi-Adad Till-Abnû 5.0 ™ 4.1 ™ 2.5 cm

84 L.87-1367 8 38 826 Niqmi-Adad Till-Abnû 3.9 ™ 3.4 ™ 2.1 cm

85 L.87-639 8 22 460 Niqmi-Adad Till-Abnû 5.5 ™ 4.1 ™ 2.3 cm

86 L.87-533 8 18 350 Niqmi-Adad Till-Abnû 5.5 ™ 4.1 ™ 2.3 cm

87 L.87-544 8 18 362 ﬁepallu Till-Abnû 4.5 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.2 cm

88 L.87-573 8 22 391 ﬁepallu Till-Abnû 3.7 ™ 3.5 ™ 2.2 cm 280 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Publ. Object No. Leilan No. Area Lot No. Sender Addressee Dimensions

89 L.87-939 8 36 698 ﬁukrum- Till-Abnû 8.5 ™ 4.6 ™ 2.5 cm TeÍÍup

90 L.87-570 8 22 388 ﬁukrum- Till-Abnû (4.3) ™ 3.7 ™ 2.0 cm TeÍÍup

91 L.87-454 8 18 265 ﬁukrum- Till-Abnû (3.2) ™ 3.7 ™ 2.0 cm TeÍÍup

92 L.87-1366 8 38 825 Ta-[...] Till-Abnû 7.5 ™ 4.6 ™ 2.3 cm

93 L.87-401 8 18 212 Aya-abu Till-Abnû (5.0) ™ 4.1 ™ 2.1 cm

94 L.87-423 8 18 234 Aya-abu Till-Abnû 4.6 ™ 4.1 ™ 2.3 cm

95 L.87-490 8 18 301 Aya-abu Till-Abnû 3.7 ™ 3.5 ™ 2.2 cm

96 L.87-527 8 18 344 Aya-abu Till-Abnû (2.1 ™ 3.1 ™ 2.0) cm

97 L.87-543 8 18 361 Aya-abu Till-Abnû 5.8 ™ 4.4 ™ 2.4 cm

98 L.87-680 8 23 501 Aya-abu Till-Abnû 4.1 ™ (3.2 ™ 1.9) cm

99 L.87-780 8 18 601 Aya-abu Till-Abnû (5.0) ™ 4.2 ™ 2.4 cm

100 L.87-1394 8 39 853 Aya-abu Till-Abnû 3.9 ™ 3.8 ™ 1.9 cm

101 L.87-1430 8 41 890 Aya- Till-Abnû 4.7 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.1 cm abu+ﬁibila

102 L.87-667a+ 8 23 488 Aya- Till-Abnû 5.5 ™ (4.3) ™ 2.2 cm abu+Íib›tum

L.87-801a 8 23 623 /

103 L.87-633 8 22 454 Masum-atal Till-Abnû 4.1 ™ 3.6 (2.0) cm

104 L.87-1288 8 37 747 Masum-atal Till-Abnû 4.1 ™ 3.5 ™ 2.1 cm

105 L.87-523 8 18 340 MeÓilum Till-Abnû 3.5 ™ 3.4 ™ 2.2 cm

106 L.87-1339 8 37 798 MeÓilum Till-Abnû 5.9 ™ 4.2 ™ 2.5 cm

107 L.87-736+ 8 23 557 Zig2 Till-Abnû (3.9) ™ 4.2 ™ 2.1 cm

L.87-1423a 8 39 882 /

108 L.87-509 8 18 322a [...] Till-Abnû 4.0 ™ 3.7 ™ 2.0 cm

109 L.87-1313 8 37 772 [...] Till-Abnû 5.0 ™ 4.2 ™ 2.5 cm THE LETTERS 281

Publ. Object No. Leilan No. Area Lot No. Sender Addressee Dimensions

110 L.87-744 8 23 565 Ewri Till-Abnû 3.9 ™ 3.5 ™ 2.3 cm

111 L.87-556 8 18 374 °awiliya Till-Abnû (4.4) ™ 4.0 ™ 2.5 cm

112 L.87-735+ 8 23 556 Sangara Till-Abnû 6.4 ™ 4.5 ™ 2.3 cm

L.87-749b 8 23 570 /

113 L.87-466 8 18 277 Sumu-ditana Till-Abnû 5.5 ™ 4.1 ™ 2.2 cm

114 L.87-619 8 22 440 Tak2 Till-Abnû 5.2 ™ 4.2 ™ 2.2 cm

115 L.87-424 8 18 235 Tak2 Till-Abnû 5.6 ™ 4.2 ™ 2.1 cm

116 L.87-597 8 18 418 Zimri-[...] Till-Abnû 5.2 ™ 4.5 ™ 2.2 cm

117 L.87-1343 8 37 802 [...]-Adad Till-Abnû 5.5 ™ 4.8 ™ 2.4 cm

118 L.87-807 1 AÓuÍina Till-Abnû (4.4 ™ 4.5 ™ 1.7) cm

119 L.87-535 8 18 352 °awur-atal Till-Abnû (5.5 ™ 4.4) ™ 2.2 cm

120 L.87-451 8 18 262 ﬁinurÓi Till-Abnû (2.2) ™ 3.8 ™ 2.3 cm

121 L.87-546 8 18 364 [...] Till-Abnû (2.1) ™ 3.7 ™ 2.1 cm

122 L.87-628 8 22 449 [...] Till-Abnû 4.9 ™ 4.2 ™ 2.3 cm

123 L.87-643 8 22 464 [...] Till-Abnû

124 L.87-1311 8 37 770 [...] Till-Abnû (4.3 ™ 1.9 ™ 1.8) cm

125 L.87-966 8 36 725 °alu-rabi Yak›n-AÍar 4.4 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.7 cm

126 L.87-972 8 36 731 AÓ‹-mara‰ b¤lum 5.3 ™ 4.6 ™ 2.1 cm

127 L.87-382 8 18 053 Abbutt⁄nu b¤lum (6.3) ™ 4.3 ™ 2.5 cm

128 L.87-626 8 22 447 BaÓdi-Lim b¤lum 5.0 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.3 cm

129 L.87-568 8 22 386 °ammi-EpuÓ b¤lum (4.4) ™ 4.1 ™ 2.2 cm

130 L.87-692a 8 23 513 °ammi-EpuÓ b¤lum (6.0) ™ 4.2 ™ 2.2 cm

131 L.87-748+ 8 23 569 Ili-EpuÓ b¤lum 4.4 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.1 cm

L.87-1377 8 38 836 /

132 L.87-395 8 18 206 Inganu b¤lum 5.3 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.1 cm 282 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Publ. Object No. Leilan No. Area Lot No. Sender Addressee Dimensions

133 L.87-587 8 22 395 Inganu b¤lum 4.0 ™ 3.5 ™ 2.0 cm

134 L.87-757 8 24 578 Inganu b¤lum 4.1 ™ 3.7 ™ 2.2 cm

135 L.87-1346 8 37 805 Inganu b¤lum 4.1 ™ 3.8 ™ 2.3 cm

136 L.87-574 8 22 392 YaÍub-[...] b¤lum 3.7 (3.4) ™ 1.9 cm

137 L.87-1397 8 39 856 Kuzuzzu b¤lum 5.2 ™ 4.6 ™ 2.5 cm

138 L.87-650 8 22 471 Kuzuzzu b¤lum 6.0 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.2 cm

139 L.87-783 8 18 604 Kuzuzzu b¤lum 6.5 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.3 cm

140 L.87-1286 8 37 745 Kuzuzzu b¤lum (5.0) ™ 4.4 ™ 2.4 cm

141 L.87-238 6 10 043 Kuzuzzu b¤lum 4.4 ™ 3.8 ™ 2.4 cm

142 L.87-497a 8 18 310 Qarradu b¤lum 3.5 ™ 3.2 ™ 2.1 cm

143 L.87-513 8 18 325 Sangara b¤lum 6.1 ™ 4.3 ™ 2.4 cm

144 L.87-681 8 23 502 Sangara b¤lum 4.0 ™ 3.7 ™ 2.0 cm

145 L.87-781 8 18 602 Sangara b¤lum 5.0 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.3 cm

146 L.87-785 8 18 606 Sangara b¤lum (2.8) ™ 4.6 ™ 2.4 cm

147 L.87-237 6 10 042 ﬁupram b¤lum 4.7 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.4 cm

148 L.87-1384 8 38 843 ﬁupram b¤lum (7.8) ™ 5.7 ™ 2.8 cm

149 L.87-540 8 18 357 Tak2 b¤lum 4.6 ™ 4.2 ™ 2.3 cm

150 L.87-560 8 18 378 Tak2 b¤lum 5.1 ™ 4.2 ™ 2.1 cm

151 L.87-437 8 18 248 Tak2 b¤lum (2.3 ™ 3.2 ™ 2.1) cm

152 L.87-567 8 22 385 TiÍwen-atal b¤lum 4.7 ™ 3.7 ™ 2.3 cm

153 L.87-457 8 18 268 Warad-IÍtar b¤lum 6.5 ™ 4.4 ™ 2.8 cm

154 L.87-931 8 36 690 Warad-IÍtar b¤lum

155 L.87-672 8 23 493 Warad-[IÍtar?] b¤lum 6.5 ™ 4.2 ™ 2.5 cm

156 L.87-745a 8 23 566 [...] b¤lum 8.0 ™ 5.0 ™ 2.7 cm

157 L.87-542+ 8 18 359 [...] b¤lum 8.2 ™ 5.0 ™ 2.6 cm THE LETTERS 283

Publ. Object No. Leilan No. Area Lot No. Sender Addressee Dimensions

L.87-593 8 22 401 /

158 L.87-1434 8 42 894 [...] b¤lum (3.3 ™ 3.4 ™ 1.4) cm

159 L.87-564 8 18 382 fragment b¤lum (3.5 ™ 3.2) ™ 2.3 cm

160 L.87-218 2 026 fragment b¤lum

161 L.87-594 8 22 402 fragment b¤lum (1.8) ™ 3.5 ™ 2.0 cm

162 L.87-724 8 23 fragment b¤lum (2.3 ™ 3.8 ™ 2.0) cm

163 L.87-924b+ 8 36 683 fragment b¤lum

L.87-925 8 36 684 /

164 L.87-666 8 23 487 Warad-IÍtar AÓam-arÍi 4.4 ™ 4.0 ™ 2.5 cm

165 L.87-402 8 18 213 Sîn-tukult‹ AÓatani 3.5 ™ 3.5 ™ 2.0 cm

166 L.87-476 8 18 287 ﬁepallu AÍtamar- 3.6 ™ 3.4 ™ 2.5 cm Adad

167 L.87-663 8 23 484 AÓ‹-mara‰ Inganum 4.6 ™ 4.0 ™ 1.9 cm

168 L.87-163 3 10 046 Warad-IÍtar ‡⁄biya (3.4) ™ 3.6 ™ 2.2 cm

169 L.87-762 8 24 583 Inganu ﬁupram 2.7 ™ 2.8 ™ 1.7 cm

170 L.87-575 8 22 393 Samum ﬁupram 4.0 ™ 3.7 ™ 2.1 cm

171 L.87-566 8 22 384 Ewri Tak2 5.0 ™ 7.9 ™ 2.2 cm

172 L.87-563 8 18 381 [...]-zali Warad-IÍtar (2.5 ™ 3.4) ™ 2.3 cm

173 L.87-517 8 18 334 Yak›n-IÍ[tar] Warad- 4.9 ™ 4.6 ™ 2.4 cm [IÍtar?]

174 L.87-1332b 8 37 791 [...] Warad-IÍtar (5.3) ™ 4.5 ™ 2.5 cm

175 L.87-406+ 8 18 217 ﬁepallu [(aÓum)] (7.1) ™ 4.7 ™ 2.3 cm

L.87-439 8 18 250 /

176 L.87-1303 8 37 762 ﬁepallu(?) [...] (5.9 ™ 3.4 ™ 1.9) cm

177 L.87-1284 8 37 743 ﬁinurÓi [...] 6.7 ™ 4.7 ™ 2.4 cm

178 L.87-514 8 18 326 Kanis⁄nu [...] (4.9) ™ 4.3 ™ 2.4 cm 284 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Publ. Object No. Leilan No. Area Lot No. Sender Addressee Dimensions

179 L.87-428 8 18 239 fragment (3.5) ™ 4.0 ™ 2.2 cm

180 L.87-500 8 18 313 fragment (4.2 ™ 3.1 ™ 1.9) cm

181 L.87-579 407 fragment (2.7) ™ 3.8 ™ 2.1 cm

182 L.87-596 8 22 404 fragment (3.9) ™ 4.0 ™ 2.1 cm

183 L.87-632 8 22 453 fragment (3.4) ™ 3.8 ™ 2.1 cm

184 L.87-834 8 35 640 fragment (3.5) ™ 3.5 ™ 1.8 cm

185 L.87-937 8 36 696 fragment (5.4) ™ 4.3 ™ 2.3 cm

186 L.87-1293 8 37 752 fragment 5.0 (3.9) ™ 2.6 cm

187 L.87-1370 8 38 829 fragment (5.0) ™ 4.4 ™ 2.4 cm

188 L.87-1400 8 39 859 fragment (3.0 ™ 3.7) ™ 2.3 cm

189 L.87-404 8 18 215 fragment (1.7 ™ 1.5 ™ 1.7) cm

190 L.87-433 8 18 244 fragment (2.3 ™ 2.0 ™ 1.3) cm

191 L.87-443 8 18 254 fragment (2.6) ™ 3.9 ™ (2.1) cm

192 L.87-448 8 18 259 fragment (3.5 ™ 3.2 ™ 1.8) cm

193 L.87-516a 8 18 328 fragment /

194 L.87-521 8 18 338 fragment (1.3 ™ 2.1 ™ 1.8) cm

195 L.87-545 8 18 363 fragment /

196 L.87-603b 8 22 424 fragment /

197 L.87-789 8 18 610 fragment (5.2 ™ 4.7 ™ 2.5) cm

198 L.87-790b 8 18 613 fragment (2.0 ™ 1.8 ™ 0.4) cm

199 L.87-793a 8 18 616 fragment (2.2 ™ 1.6 ™ 0.8) cm

200 L.87-801b 8 23 623 fragment (1.4 ™ 2.8 ™ 1.8) cm

201 L.87-837 8 35 643 fragment (2.0 ™ 3.0 ™ 2.1) cm

202 L.87-838 8 35 644 fragment (1.4 ™ 1.8 ™ 2.2) cm

203 L.87-840 8 35 646 fragment (3.4) ™ 4.1 ™ 2.2 cm THE LETTERS 285

Publ. Object No. Leilan No. Area Lot No. Sender Addressee Dimensions

204 L.87-848 8 35 654 fragment

205 L.87-930 8 36 689 fragment (3.5 ™ 2.3 ™ 1.8) cm

206 L.87-933 8 36 692 fragment (3.9 ™ 4.0) ™ 2.5 cm

207 L.87-943 8 36 702 fragment (5.6 ™ 3.8 ™ 1.8) cm

208 L.87-964 8 36 723 fragment (2.2 ™ 3.2 ™ 1.8) cm

209 L.87-1299 8 37 758 fragment (4.3 ™ 5.1 ™ 1.8) cm

210 L.87-1306 8 37 765 fragment (4.7 ™ 3.8) ™ 2.2 cm

211 L.87-1328 8 37 787 fragment (4.7 ™ 3.8) ™ 2.2 cm

212 L.87-1330a 8 37 789 fragment

213 L.87-1340b 8 37 799 fragment

L.87-1340d 8 37 799 fragment

L.87-1340e 8 37 799 fragment

L.87-1340g 8 37 799 fragment

L.87-1340h 8 37 799 fragment

214 L.87-1373 8 38 832 fragment (5.6) ™ 4.3 ™ 2.4 cm

215 L.87-1382 8 38 841 fragment (3.1 ™ 2.3 ™ 2.5) cm

216 L.87-1389 8 38 848 fragment (3.3 ™ 1.9 ™ 1.1) cm

217 L.87-1421 8 39 880 fragment

218 L.87-1436b 8 42 896 fragment 286 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

TABLE 2: L.87 LETTERS LISTED ACCORDING TO FIELD NUMBERS

Leilan No. Publ. No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.87-163 168 57F06 3 10 46

L.87-170 21 57F06 3 10 58

L.87-194 77 57G06 8 18 45

L.87-218 160 57G06 2 26

L.87-226 62 57G06 6 10 31

L.87-227 54 57G06 6 10 32

L.87-228 18 57G06 6 10 33

L.87-235+ 78 57G06 6 10 40

L.87-236 78 57G06 6 10 41

L.87-237 147 57G06 6 10 42

L.87-238 141 57G06 6 10 43

L.87-240 12 57G06 6 10 47

L.87-382 127 57G06 8 18 53

L.87-385 17 57G06 8 18 196

L.87-389 30 57G06 8 18 200

L.87-390 63 57G06 8 18 201

L.87-391 26 57G06 8 18 202

L.87-394 64 57G06 8 18 205

L.87-395 132 57G06 8 18 206

L.87-400 65 57G06 8 18 211

L.87-401 93 57G06 8 18 212

L.87-402 165 57G06 8 18 213

L.87-404 189 57G06 8 18 215

L.87-406+439 175 57G06 8 18 217

L.87-418 32 57G06 8 18 229 THE LETTERS 287

Leilan No. Publ. No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.87-423 94 57G06 8 18 234

L.87-424 115 57G06 8 18 235

L.87-428 179 57G06 8 18 239

L.87-433 190 57G06 8 18 244

L.87-436 58 57G06 8 18 247

L.87-437 151 57G06 8 18 248

L.87-439 175 57G06 8 18 250

L.87-443 191 57G06 8 18 254

L.87-448 192 57G06 8 18 259

L.87-451 120 57G06 8 18 262

L.87-454 91 57G06 8 18 265

L.87-456 31 57G06 8 18 267

L.87-457 153 57G06 8 18 268

L.87-462+489 41 57G06 8 18 273

L.87-466 113 57G06 8 18 277

L.87-472 23 57G06 8 18 283

L.87- 42 57G06 8 18 284 473a+491

L.87-476 166 57G06 8 18 287

L.87-480 15 57G06 8 18 291

L.87-489 41 57G06 8 18 300

L.87-490 95 57G06 8 18 301

L.87-491 42 57G06 8 18 302

L.87-492 10 57G06 8 18 303

L.87-493 36 57G06 8 18 304

L.87-497a 142 57G06 8 18 310 288 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Leilan No. Publ. No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.87-498 16 57G06 8 18 311

L.87-500 180 57G06 8 18 313

L.87-502 46 57G06 8 18 315

L.87-504 66 57G06 8 18 317

L.87-507a 79 57G06 8 18 320

L.87-509 108 57G06 8 18 322a

L.87-513 143 57G06 8 18 325

L.87-514 178 57G06 8 18 326

L.87-516a 193 57G06 8 18 328

L.87-517 173 57G06 8 18 334

L.87-521 194 57G06 8 18 338

L.87-523 105 57G06 8 18 340

L.87-527 96 57G06 8 18 344

L.87-531 43 57G06 8 18 348

L.87-532 19 57G06 8 18 349

L.87-533 86 57G06 8 18 350

L.87-535 119 57G06 8 18 352

L.87-538 5 57G06 8 18 355

L.87-540 149 57G06 8 18 357

L.87-542+593 157 57G06 8 18 359

L.87-543 97 57G06 8 18 361

L.87-544 87 57G06 8 18 362

L.87-545 195 57G06 8 18 363

L.87-546 121 57G06 8 18 364

L.87-547 37 57G06 8 18 365 THE LETTERS 289

Leilan No. Publ. No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.87-548 22 57G06 8 18 366

L.87-554 48 57G06 8 18 372

L.87-556 111 57G06 8 18 374

L.87-560 150 57G06 8 18 378

L.87-561 57 57G06 8 18 379

L.87-563 172 57G06 8 18 381

L.87-564 159 57G06 8 18 382

L.87-566 171 57G06 8 22 384

L.87-567 152 57G06 8 22 385

L.87-568 129 57G06 8 22 386

L.87-570 90 57G06 8 22 388

L.87-573 88 57G06 8 22 391

L.87-574 136 57G06 8 22 392

L.87-575 170 57G06 8 22 393

L.87-579 181 57G06 407

L.87-587 133 57G06 8 22 395

L.87-593 157 57G06 8 22 401

L.87-594 161 57G06 8 22 402

L.87-595 38 57G06 8 22 403

L.87-596 182 57G06 8 22 404

L.87-597 116 57G06 8 18 418

L.87-603b 196 57Go6 8 22 424

L.87-606 39 57G06 8 22 427

L.87-608 35 57G06 8 22 429

L.87-610 13 57G06 8 22 431 290 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Leilan No. Publ. No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.87-611 67 57G06 8 22 432

L.87-612 52 57G06 8 22 433

L.87-614 6 57G06 8 22 435

L.87-619 114 57G06 8 22 440

L.87-626 128 57G06 8 22 447

L.87-627 80 57G06 8 22 448

L.87-628 122 57G06 8 22 449

L.87-630 68 57G06 8 22 451

L.87-632 183 57G06 8 22 453

L.87-633 103 57G06 8 22 454

L.87-639 85 57G06 8 22 460

L.87-643 123 57G06 8 22 464

L.87-650 138 57G06 8 22 471

L.87-651 11 57G06 8 22 472

L.87-663 167 57G06 8 23 484

L.87-666 164 57G06 8 23 487

L.87- 102 57G06 8 23 488 667a+801a

L.87-672 155 57G06 8 23 493

L.87-674 59 57G06 8 23 495

L.87-680 98 57G06 8 23 501

L.87-681 144 57G06 8 23 502

L.87-687a 81 57G06 8 23 508

L.87-690 27 57G06 8 23 511

L.87-692a 130 57G06 8 23 513

L.87-699 49 57G06 8 23 520 THE LETTERS 291

Leilan No. Publ. No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.87-716+720 50 57G06 8 23 537

L.87-720 50 57G06 8 23 541

L.87-724 162 57G06 8 23

L.87- 112 57G06 8 23 556 735+749b

L.87- 107 57G06 8 23 557 736+1423a

L.87-0744 110 57G06 8 23 565

L.87-0745a 156 57G06 8 23 566

L.87-0747 47 57G06 8 23 568

L.87- 131 57G06 8 23 569 748+1377

L.87-749a 53 57G06 8 23 570

L.87-749b 112 57G06 8 23 570

L.87-757 134 57G06 8 24 578

L.87- 69 57G06 8 24 579 758+1423b

L.87-762 169 57G06 8 24 583

L.87-772 7 57G06 8 18 593

L.87-775 29 57G06 8 18 596

L.87-776 40 57G06 8 18 597

L.87-780 99 57G06 8 18 601

L.87-781 145 57G06 8 18 602

L.87-782a 44 57G06 8 18 603

L.87-783 139 57G06 8 18 604

L.87-784 60 57G06 8 18 605

L.87-785 146 57G06 8 18 606

L.87-789 197 57G06 8 18 610 292 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Leilan No. Publ. No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.87-790b 198 57G06 8 18 613

L.87-793a 199 57G06 8 18 616

L.87-801a 102 57G06 8 23 623

L.87-801b 200 57Go6 8 23 623

L.87-807 118 57G07 1

L.87-808+809 82 57G06/7 2x

L.87-809 82 57G06/7 3x

L.87-827 70 57G06 8 18 633

L.87-831 51 57G06 8 35 637

L.87-832 56 57G06 8 35 638

L.87-834 184 57G06 8 35 640

L.87-837 201 57G06 8 35 643

L.87-838 202 57G06 8 35 644

L.87-840 203 57G06 8 35 646

L.87-848 204 57G06 8 35 654

L.87- 163 57G06 8 36 683 924b+925

L.87-925 163 57G06 8 36 684

L.87-929+944 8 57G06 8 36 688

L.87-930 205 57G06 8 36 689

L.87-931 154 57G06 8 36 690

L.87-933 206 57G06 8 36 692

L.87-936 20 57G06 8 36 695

L.87-937 185 57G06 8 36 696

L.87-939 89 57G06 8 36 698

L.87-943 207 57G06 8 36 702 THE LETTERS 293

Leilan No. Publ. No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.87-944 8 57G06 8 36 703

L.87-964 208 57G06 8 36 723

L.87-966 125 57G06 8 36 725

L.87-967 34 57G06 8 36 726

L.87-972 126 57G06 8 36 731

L.87-1278 2 57G06 8 37 742

L.87-1284 177 57G06 8 37 743

L.87-1285 45 57G06 8 37 744

L.87-1286 140 57G06 8 37 745

L.87- 9 57G06 8 37 746 1287+1446b

L.87-1288 104 57G06 8 37 747

L.87-1293 186 57G06 8 37 752

L.87-1299 209 57G06 8 37 758

L.87-1302 3 57G06 8 37 761

L.87-1303 176 57G06 8 37 762

L.87-1306 210 57G06 8 37 765

L.87-1309 1 57G06 8 37 768

L.87-1311 124 57G06 8 37 770

L.87-1313 109 57G06 8 37 772

L.87-1314 71 57G06 8 37 773

L.87-1315 83 57G06 8 37 774

L.87-1317 28 57G06 8 37 776

L.87-1328 211 57G06 8 37 787

L.87-1330a 212 57G06 8 37 789

L.87-1332a 61 57G06 8 37 791 294 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Leilan No. Publ. No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.87-1332b 174 57Go6 8 37 791

L.87-1339 106 57G06 8 37 798

L.87-1340b 213 57G06 8 37 799

L.87-1340d 213 57G06 8 37 799

L.87-1340e 213 57G06 8 37 799

L.87-1340g 213 57G06 8 37 799

L.87-1340h 213 57G06 8 37 799

L.87-1343 117 57G06 8 37 802

L.87-1346 135 57G06 8 37 805

L.87-1352 72 57G06 8 18 811

L.87-1353 33 57G06 8 18 812

L.87-1355 4 57G06 8 37 814

L.87-1358 73 57G06 8 37 817

L.87-1365 14 57G06 8 38 824

L.87-1366 92 57G06 8 38 825

L.87-1367 84 57G06 8 38 826

L.87-1370 187 57G06 8 38 829

L.87-1373 214 57G06 8 38 832

L.87-1377 131 57G06 8 38 836

L.87-1381 74 57G06 8 38 840

L.87-1382 215 57G06 8 38 841

L.87-1383 24 57G06 8 38 842

L.87-1384 148 57G06 8 38 843

L.87-1389 216 57G06 8 38 848

L.87-1394 100 57G06 8 39 853 THE LETTERS 295

Leilan No. Publ. No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.87-1396 75 57G06 8 39 855

L.87-1397 137 57G06 8 39 856

L.87-1398 55 57G06 8 39 857

L.87-1400 188 57G06 8 39 859

L.87-1419 25 57G06 8 39 878

L.87-1421 217 57G06 8 39 880

L.87-1423a 107 57G06 8 39 882

L.87-1423b 69 57G06 8 39 882

L.87-1426 76 57G06 8 39 885

L.87-1430 101 57G06 8 41 890

L.87-1434 158 57G06 8 42 894

L.87-1436b 218 57G06 8 42 896

L.87-1446b 9 57G06 4 51 906 296 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

TABLE 3: L.87 LETTERS LISTED ACCORDING TO FINDSPOT

Obj. Publ. Square Area Lot No. No. Leilan No. Sender Addressee

57F06 3 10 46 168 L.87-163 Warad-IÍtar ‡⁄biya

57F06 3 10 58 21 L.87-170 [...]-tim Mutiya

57G06 407 181 L.87-579 fragment

57G06 2 26 160 L.87-218 fragment b¤lum

57G06 4 51 906 9 L.87-1446b joined to 1287

57G06 6 10 31 62 L.87-226 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 6 10 32 54 L.87-227 °alu-rabi Till-Abnû

57G06 6 10 33 18 L.87-228 MaÍum Mutiya

57G06 6 10 40 78 L.87-235+236 MaÍum Till-Abnû

57G06 6 10 41 78 L.87-236 joined to 235

57G06 6 10 42 147 L.87-237 ﬁupram b¤lum

57G06 6 10 43 141 L.87-238 Kuzuzzu b¤lum

57G06 6 10 47 12 L.87-240 Asdi-[...] Mutiya

57G06 8 18 45 77 L.87-194 MaÍum Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 53 127 L.87-382 Abbutt⁄nu b¤lum

57G06 8 18 196 17 L.87-385 Kuzzuri(?) Mutiya

57G06 8 18 200 30 L.87-389 Ea-malik Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 201 63 L.87-390 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 202 26 L.87-391 Bin-Dammu Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 205 64 L.87-394 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 206 132 L.87-395 Inganu b¤lum

57G06 8 18 211 65 L.87-400 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 212 93 L.87-401 Aya-abu Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 213 165 L.87-402 Sîn-tukult‹ AÓatani THE LETTERS 297

Obj. Publ. Square Area Lot No. No. Leilan No. Sender Addressee

57G06 8 18 215 189 L.87-404 fragment

57G06 8 18 217 175 L.87-406+439 ﬁepallu [(aÓum)]

57G06 8 18 229 32 L.87-418 Ea-malik Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 234 94 L.87-423 Aya-abu Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 235 115 L.87-424 Tak2 b¤lum

57G06 8 18 239 179 L.87-428 fragment

57G06 8 18 244 190 L.87-433 fragment

57G06 8 18 247 58 L.87-436 Ila-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 248 151 L.87-437 Tak2 b¤lum

57G06 8 18 250 175 L.87-439 joined to 406

57G06 8 18 254 191 L.87-443 fragment

57G06 8 18 259 192 L.87-448 fragment

57G06 8 18 262 120 L.87-451 ﬁinurÓi Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 265 91 L.87-454 ﬁukrum- Till-Abnû TeÍÍup

57G06 8 18 267 31 L.87-456 Ea-malik Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 268 153 L.87-457 Warad-IÍtar b¤lum

57G06 8 18 273 41 L.87-462+489 Buriya Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 277 113 L.87-466 Sumu-ditana Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 283 23 L.87-472 Hammurabi Till⁄ya

57G06 8 18 284 42 L.87- Buriya Till-Abnû 473a+491

57G06 8 18 287 166 L.87-476 ﬁepallu AÍtamar- Adad

57G06 8 18 291 15 L.87-480 Kanis⁄nu Mutiya

57G06 8 18 300 41 L.87-489 joined to 462

57G06 8 18 301 95 L.87-490 Aya-abu Till-Abnû 298 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Obj. Publ. Square Area Lot No. No. Leilan No. Sender Addressee

57G06 8 18 302 42 L.87-491 joined to 473a

57G06 8 18 303 10 L.87-492 ﬁepallu Mutiya

57G06 8 18 304 36 L.87-493 AÍtamar-Adad Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 310 142 L.87-497a Qarradu b¤lum

57G06 8 18 311 16 L.87-498 Kanis⁄nu Mutiya

57G06 8 18 313 180 L.87-500 fragment

57G06 8 18 315 46 L.87-502 Buriya Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 317 66 L.87-504 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 320 79 L.87-507a MaÍum Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 322a 108 L.87-509 [...] Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 325 143 L.87-513 Sangara b¤lum

57G06 8 18 326 178 L.87-514 Kanis⁄nu [...]

57G06 8 18 328 193 L.87-516a fragment

57G06 8 18 334 173 L.87-517 Yak›n-a[r...] Warad- [IÍtar?]

57G06 8 18 338 194 L.87-521 fragment

57G06 8 18 340 105 L.87-523 MeÓilum Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 344 96 L.87-527 Aya-abu Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 348 43 L.87-531 Buriya Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 349 19 L.87-532 Niqmi-Adad Mutiya

57G06 8 18 350 86 L.87-533 Niqmi-Adad Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 352 119 L.87-535 °awur-atal Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 355 5 L.87-538 AÍtamar-Adad Mutiya

57G06 8 18 357 149 L.87-540 Tak2 b¤lum

57G06 8 18 359 157 L.87-542+593 [...] b¤lum

57G06 8 18 361 97 L.87-543 Aya-abu Till-Abnû THE LETTERS 299

Obj. Publ. Square Area Lot No. No. Leilan No. Sender Addressee

57G06 8 18 362 87 L.87-544 ﬁepallu Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 363 195 L.87-545 fragment

57G06 8 18 364 121 L.87-546 [...] Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 365 37 L.87-547 AÍtamar-Adad Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 366 22 L.87-548 ﬁinurÓi Mutiya

57G06 8 18 372 48 L.87-554 Buriya Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 374 111 L.87-556 °awiliya Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 378 150 L.87-560 Tak2 b¤lum

57G06 8 18 379 57 L.87-561 °azip-TeÍÍup Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 381 172 L.87-563 [...]-zali Warad-IÍtar

57G06 8 18 382 159 L.87-564 fragment b¤lum

57G06 8 18 418 116 L.87-597 Zimri-[...] Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 593 7 L.87-772 AÍtamar-Adad Mutiya

57G06 8 18 596 29 L.87-775 Ea-malik Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 597 40 L.87-776 AÍtamar-Adad Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 601 99 L.87-780 Aya-abu Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 602 145 L.87-781 Sangara b¤lum

57G06 8 18 603 44 L.87-782a Buriya Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 604 139 L.87-783 Kuzuzzu b¤lum

57G06 8 18 605 60 L.87-784 Yak›n-AÍar Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 606 146 L.87-785 Sangara b¤lum

57G06 8 18 610 197 L.87-789 fragment

57G06 8 18 613 198 L.87-790b fragment

57G06 8 18 616 199 L.87-793a fragment

57G06 8 18 633 70 L.87-827 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 300 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Obj. Publ. Square Area Lot No. No. Leilan No. Sender Addressee

57G06 8 18 811 72 L.87-1352 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 18 812 33 L.87-1353 Ya‰‰i[p- Till-Abnû °atnû?]

57G06 8 22 384 171 L.87-566 Ewri Tak2

57G06 8 22 385 152 L.87-567 TiÍwen-atal b¤lum

57G06 8 22 386 129 L.87-568 °ammi-EpuÓ b¤lum

57G06 8 22 388 90 L.87-570 ﬁukrum- Till-Abnû TeÍÍup

57G06 8 22 391 88 L.87-573 ﬁepallu Till-Abnû

57G06 8 22 392 136 L.87-574 YaÍub-[...] b¤lum

57G06 8 22 393 170 L.87-575 Samum Shupram

57G06 8 22 395 133 L.87-587 Inganu b¤lum

57G06 8 22 401 157 L.87-593 joined to 542

57G06 8 22 402 161 L.87-594 fragment b¤lum

57G06 8 22 403 38 L.87-595 AÍtamar-Adad Till-Abnû

57G06 8 22 404 182 L.87-596 fragment

57Go6 8 22 424 196 L.87-603b fragment

57G06 8 22 427 39 L.87-606 AÍtamar-Adad Till-Abnû

57G06 8 22 429 35 L.87-608 AplaÓanda Till-Abnû

57G06 8 22 431 13 L.87-610 Yak›n-AÍar Mutiya

57G06 8 22 432 67 L.87-611 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 22 433 52 L.87-612 °alu-rabi Till-Abnû

57G06 8 22 435 6 L.87-614 AÍtamar-Adad Mutiya

57G06 8 22 440 114 L.87-619 Tak2 Till-Abnû

57G06 8 22 447 128 L.87-626 BaÓdi-Lim b¤lum

57G06 8 22 448 80 L.87-627 MaÍum Till-Abnû THE LETTERS 301

Obj. Publ. Square Area Lot No. No. Leilan No. Sender Addressee

57G06 8 22 449 122 L.87-628 [...] Till-Abnû

57G06 8 22 451 68 L.87-630 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 22 453 183 L.87-632 fragment

57G06 8 22 454 103 L.87-633 Masum-atal Till-Abnû

57G06 8 22 460 85 L.87-639 Niqmi-Adad Till-Abnû

57G06 8 22 464 123 L.87-643 [...] Till-Abnû

57G06 8 22 471 138 L.87-650 Kuzuzzu b¤lum

57G06 8 22 472 11 L.87-651 ﬁepallu Mutiya

57G06 8 23 162 L.87-724 fragment b¤lum

57G06 8 23 484 167 L.87-663 AÓi-mara‰ Inganum

57G06 8 23 487 164 L.87-666 Warad-IÍtar AÓam-arÍi

57G06 8 23 488 102 L.87- Aya- Till-Abnû 667a+801a abu+Íib›tum

57G06 8 23 493 155 L.87-672 Warad-[I⁄tar?] b¤lum

57G06 8 23 495 59 L.87-674 Yak›n-AÍar Till-Abnû

57G06 8 23 501 98 L.87-680 Aya-abu Till-Abnû

57G06 8 23 502 144 L.87-681 Sangara b¤lum

57G06 8 23 508 81 L.87-687a MaÍum Till-Abnû

57G06 8 23 511 27 L.87-690 Bin-Dammu Till-Abnû

57G06 8 23 513 130 L.87-692a °ammi-EpuÓ b¤lum

57G06 8 23 520 49 L.87-699 Buriya Till-Abnû

57G06 8 23 537 50 L.87-716+720 (Buriya?) (Till-Abnû?)

57G06 8 23 541 50 L.87-720 joined to 716

57G06 8 23 556 112 L.87- Sangara Till-Abnû 735+749b

57G06 8 23 557 107 L.87- Zig2 Till-Abnû 736+1423a 302 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Obj. Publ. Square Area Lot No. No. Leilan No. Sender Addressee

57G06 8 23 565 110 L.87-744 Ewri Till-Abnû

57G06 8 23 566 156 L.87-745a [...] b¤lum

57G06 8 23 568 47 L.87-747 Buriya Till-Abnû

57G06 8 23 569 131 L.87- Ili-EpuÓ b¤lum 748+1377

57G06 8 23 570 53 L.87-749a °alu-rabi Till-Abnû

57G06 8 23 570 112 L.87-749b joined to 735

57G06 8 23 623 102 L.87-801a joined to 667a

57Go6 8 23 623 200 L.87-801b fragment

57G06 8 24 578 134 L.87-757 Inganu b¤lum

57G06 8 24 579 69 L.87- Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 758+1423b

57G06 8 24 583 169 L.87-762 Inganu ﬁupram

57G06 8 35 637 51 L.87-831 °alu-rabi Till-Abnû

57G06 8 35 638 56 L.87-832 °alu-rabi Till-Abnû

57G06 8 35 640 184 L.87-834 fragment

57G06 8 35 643 201 L.87-837 fragment

57G06 8 35 644 202 L.87-838 fragment

57G06 8 35 646 203 L.87-840 fragment

57G06 8 35 654 204 L.87-848 fragment

57G06 8 36 683 163 L.87- fragment b¤lum 924b+925

57G06 8 36 684 163 L.87-925 joined to 924b

57G06 8 36 688 8 L.87-929+944 AÍtamar-Adad Mutiya

57G06 8 36 689 205 87-0930 fragment

57G06 8 36 690 154 L.87-931 Warad-IÍtar b¤lum

57G06 8 36 692 206 L.87-933 fragment THE LETTERS 303

Obj. Publ. Square Area Lot No. No. Leilan No. Sender Addressee

57G06 8 36 695 20 L.87-936 Ea-malik Mutiya

57G06 8 36 696 185 L.87-937 fragment

57G06 8 36 698 89 L.87-939 ﬁukrum- Till-Abnû TeÍÍup

57G06 8 36 702 207 L.87-943 fragment

57G06 8 36 703 8 L.87-944 joined to 929

57G06 8 36 723 208 L.87-964 fragment

57G06 8 36 725 125 L.87-966 °alu-rabi Yak›n-AÍar

57G06 8 36 726 34 L.87-967 Sumu-°adû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 36 731 126 L.87-972 AÓi-mara‰ b¤lum

57G06 8 37 742 2 L.87-1278 Hammurabi Mutiya

57G06 8 37 743 177 L.87-1284 ﬁinurÓi [...]

57G06 8 37 744 45 L.87-1285 Buriya Till-Abnû

57G06 8 37 745 140 L.87-1286 Kuzuzzu b¤lum

57G06 8 37 746 9 L.87- °alu-rabi Mutiya 1287+1446b

57G06 8 37 747 104 L.87-1288 Masum-atal Till-Abnû

57G06 8 37 752 186 L.87-1293 fragment

57G06 8 37 758 209 L.87-1299 fragment

57G06 8 37 761 3 L.87-1302 Hammurabi Mutiya

57G06 8 37 762 176 L.87-1303 ﬁepallu(?) [...]

57G06 8 37 765 210 L.87-1306 fragment

57G06 8 37 768 1 L.87-1309 Hammurabi Mutiya

57G06 8 37 770 124 L.87-1311 [...] Till-Abnû

57G06 8 37 772 109 L.87-1313 [...] Till-Abnû

57G06 8 37 773 71 L.87-1314 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû 304 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Obj. Publ. Square Area Lot No. No. Leilan No. Sender Addressee

57G06 8 37 774 83 L.87-1315 Niqmi-Adad Till-Abnû

57G06 8 37 776 28 L.87-1317 Ea-malik Till-Abnû

57G06 8 37 787 211 L.87-1328 fragment

57G06 8 37 789 212 L.87-1330a fragment

57G06 8 37 791 61 L.87-1332a Yak›n-AÍar Till-Abnû

57Go6 8 37 791 174 L.87-1332b [...] Warad-IÍtar

57G06 8 37 798 106 L.87-1339 MeÓilum Till-Abnû

57G06 8 37 799 213 L.87-1340b fragment

57G06 8 37 799 213 L.87-1340g fragment

57G06 8 37 799 213 L.87-1340h fragment

57G06 8 37 799 213 L.87-1340d fragment

57G06 8 37 799 213 L.87-1340e fragment

57G06 8 37 802 117 L.87-1343 [...]-Adad Till-Abnû

57G06 8 37 805 135 L.87-1346 Inganu b¤lum

57G06 8 37 814 4 L.87-1355 Hammurabi Mutiya

57G06 8 37 817 73 L.87-1358 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 38 824 14 L.87-1365 YasmaÓ-Addu Mutiya

57G06 8 38 825 92 L.87-1366 Ta-[...] Till-Abnû

57G06 8 38 826 84 L.87-1367 Niqmi-Adad Till-Abnû

57G06 8 38 829 187 L.87-1370 fragment

57G06 8 38 832 214 L.87-1373 fragment

57G06 8 38 836 131 L.87-1377 joined to 748

57G06 8 38 840 74 L.87-1381 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 38 841 215 L.87-1382 fragment

57G06 8 38 842 24 L.87-1383 Hammurabi Till-Abnû THE LETTERS 305

Obj. Publ. Square Area Lot No. No. Leilan No. Sender Addressee

57G06 8 38 843 148 L.87-1384 ﬁupram b¤lum

57G06 8 38 848 216 L.87-1389 fragment

57G06 8 39 853 100 L.87-1394 Aya-abu Till-Abnû

57G06 8 39 855 75 L.87-1396 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 39 856 137 L.87-1397 Kuzuzzu b¤lum

57G06 8 39 857 55 L.87-1398 °alu-rabi Till-Abnû

57G06 8 39 859 188 L.87-1400 fragment

57G06 8 39 878 25 L.87-1419 Attabn⁄ya Till-Abnû

57G06 8 39 880 217 L.87-1421 fragment

57G06 8 39 882 107 L.87-1423a joined to 736

57G06 8 39 882 69 L.87-1423b joined to 758

57G06 8 39 885 76 L.87-1426 Yam‰i-°atnû Till-Abnû

57G06 8 41 890 101 L.87-1430 Aya- Till-Abnû abu+ﬁibila

57G06 8 42 894 158 L.87-1434 [...] b¤lum

57G06 8 42 896 218 L.87-1436b fragment

57G06/7 2x 82 L.87-808+809 Muti-Addu Till-Abnû

57G06/7 3x 82 L.87-809 joined to 808

57G07 001 118 L.87-807 AÓushina Till-Abnû PART II THE TREATIES

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. General Introduction The discovery of a comparatively rich and, therefore, unique body of Old Babylonian political treaty texts made at Tell Leilan in 1987 may justly be described as a surprise. At the time very little in the way of similar material had yet been unearthed or published, and it seemed to some doubtful that such material had ever existed in substantial quantity, since the available evidence for international agreements in this period could be understood as largely oral procedures that did not involve the use of written documents. This question is but one of many interesting aspects of Old Babylo- nian politics and society that can now be studied on a firmer basis thanks to the Leilan discoveries. With nearly 1,100 inscribed objects coming out of rooms in the Eastern Lower Town Palace at Leilan in the autumn of 1987, only a small selection of texts could be studied during the field-season. The presence of several fragments from very large tablets with many lines of minute, elegant writing was noted, but practical circumstances prevented cleaning and closer examination of these pieces, which were provisionally catalogued as administrative lists. Only some months later, during a short visit to the National Museum in Deir ez-Zor, did it emerge that we faced a unique documentation. There followed months of work, both in Syria and at home, with the processing of this material, which gradually grew larger as the definitive cataloguing of the 1987 finds proceeded, and many smaller fragments of treaty tablets were identified. It eventually became apparent that we had the bodies of five large tablets with the texts of political treaties, and that many of the smaller fragments could be matched with these five tablets as either direct or theoretical “joins.” In the latter case assignment is usually assured by either the contents of the fragment or its physical aspects, like the writing, the texture and color of the clay, etc. The color and texture of the clay is, of course, a guide to joins that must be used with some caution, but as for the letters (cf. Appendix 2), it proved a generally reliable help for the treaty fragments. Most of the fragments from L.T-1 are grey, while those from L.T.-2 are generally darker brown than those from L.T.-3, and the special sign forms in the Old Assyrian L.T.-5 evidently exclude identification of further fragments. Some unassigned fragments, all fairly small, which remain (listed under L.T.-6), may well belong to either of the same four tablets, but since the presence of isolated pieces from other compositions cannot be excluded, it has seemed more prudent to keep them separate. The atypical fragments listed under L.T.-7 present a particular problem (see II.1.2.2). The contracting parties in all five treaties include a king of Leilan, while the partners are kings of neighboring city-states, such as KaÓat, Razam⁄, Andarig(?), and in one case the trading city of Assur. Unfortunately, none of the texts is complete, but the relatively formulaic and repetitive nature of the compositions has allowed numerous plausible reconstructions of lacunae. The Leilan treaties are all general agreements, i.e., they are not concerned with any distinct or specific affair, but served as projected long-term alliances. The treaties are all unilateral, which shows that the treaty process could have included two parallel documents exchanged between the contracting partners. It is further clear that the treaty tablets were not sealed and, therefore, would not have

307 308 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN been regarded as legal documents per se. These observations, since paralleled by evidence from the Mari archives, pave the way for a basic reevaluation of the treaty process in Old Babylonian Meso- potamia, and it is this issue as much as the texts themselves that attracts the greatest interest. A main conclusion evolving from the analysis and presentation in the following pages is that treaty procedure in the ancient Near East, at least until the end of the Old Babylonian period, was basically oral. Discussion of terms would culminate in a meeting at which the treaty was sworn to by both parties and various ceremonies were performed. Special conditions, however, could prevent the parties meeting and in these cases the basic procedure had to be adjusted and transformed, but it remained structurally similar. One of the consequences of the transformation was the occasional necessity for written documents, something that in due course led to the use of written records also with the basic procedure, and eventually the legal focus shifted considerably from the oral to the written version of the transaction. Although the latter development was yet in the future when the Leilan treaties were written down, they seem to reveal that a stage had been reached in which treaties could be put in written form even when the basic procedure was used. It must remain uncertain, however, to what extent this can be viewed as a new development in a real sense or whether it merely represents as yet isolated evidence for a much older tradition.

1.2. Précis of Old Babylonian Treaty Procedures 1.2.1. The Basic Procedure Since the discovery of the Leilan treaties, much new evidence for treaties and treaty procedures from the Mari archives has appeared. We now have editions not only of the actual treaty tablet fragments from that site, mentioned long ago by Dossin, but also numerous letters published or cited that contain new evidence, as well as several studies devoted to analysis of treaty procedures. The basic component in conclusion of a political treaty was, of course, the solemn oath, the n‹Í ilim/il⁄n‹, sworn by both parties before divine statues or symbols. The nature and the distribution of other important components mentioned in our evidence, however, have been less easy to explain or account for. These components include the infrequent mention of written tablets in connection with treaties, the frequent mention of “touching the throat” (lipit napiÍtim/napiÍtam lap⁄tum), and the ritual slaughter of a “donkey” (Óay⁄ram qaˇ⁄lum). These components have recently been analyzed in terms of two different operational procedures: D’un côté, nous avons le cas où l’alliance est conclue entre des rois au cours d’une rencon- tre: c’est dans ce cas, et dans ce cas seulement, qu’il est question d’immoler un ânon. Corrélativement, il n’est jamais question dans de telles circonstances de textes mis par écrit: le rite exécuté en commun et en présence de témoins suffit. Inversement, le rite du lipit napiÍtim est toujours mentionné dans des cas où l’alliance est conclue à distance entre deux souverains. C’est dans ce cas seulement que le recours à l’écrit est nécessaire, pour fixer les termes exacts du serment qui est prêté par les rois qui s’engagent; cependant, la tablette en elle-même n’a aucune valeur. (Charpin 1990c, 117f.) This basic operational distinction is clearly an important discovery that makes a better understanding of the evidence possible. Some of the new evidence from Leilan, however, suggests modifica- tions to this comprehension. In the first instance, it seems unlikely that all the Leilan treaties were concluded over a distance and that, consequently, written documents were not exclusive to this type of procedure. Second, evidence from Leilan shows that a procedure that must be compared to the lipit napiÍtim could include an exchange of blood between the treaty partners, a feature hitherto THE TREATIES 309 documented only for treaty meetings. In sum, the new information suggests a closer structural simi- larity between the two procedures outlined by Charpin and, therefore, necessitates a reappraisal of the relevant evidence. There can be no doubt that the very small number of treaty texts recovered from the third and early second millennia B.C. indicates that treaties were usually concluded without the use of written documents.1 Since it may safely be assumed that treaties were concluded in the Near East many centuries before the first extant written treaty appears, it is also certain that the oral procedure, “face-to-face” as it were, had very ancient traditions by Old Babylonian times. Analysis of treaty procedure must, therefore, take this as a point of departure and fortunately we have a rather detailed description of such a procedure in a letter from Mari:

(1) In ARMT XXVI/2 404 the Mari official Yasim-El describes a treaty concluded between Atamrum of Andarig and AÍkur-Addu of Karan⁄ (directed against Hammurabi of Kurd⁄). The procedure includes the following stages: (a) Atamrum sends an envoy to invite AÍkur-Addu to a summit in a border town; (b) AÍkur-Addu sends back his own envoy to accompany Atamrum and his vassals to the summit; (c) Discussion of the treaty and its terms follows. “They had prolonged discussion and then [slaughtered] the donkey.” Before the killing of the donkey, Atamrum declares in the presence of representatives from Babylon, EÍnunna, Turukkum, and seven kings that “Besides Zimri-Lim there is no other king who is our father, our great brother, and our leader!” This, not surprisingly, offends the envoys of Babylon and EÍnunna, but the problem is resolved by AÍkur-Addu. Atamrum next settles a land dispute with Aqba-°ammu and the elders of NumÓa. Atamrum then says to AÍkur-Addu: “In case Hammurabi to trick you offers to give you back your property that he holds (and) you make peace with him, then I shall attack you!” AÍkur-Addu said thus to him: “And in case he offers to give you back your property, and you make peace with him, then I shall attack you. Until our father Zimri-Lim comes up here our enemies and our allies are the same!” Then follows a short description of the rest of the procedure: d 60 a-wa-tam an-ni-tam aÍ-kur-[ im ki-a]-am i-pu-ul iÍ-tu ˇe4-em-Íu-nu uÍ-ta-di-nu ù ri-ik-sa-[tim ir-ku-s]ú-ma anÍe Óa-a-rum iq-qa-ˇì-il a-Óu-um a-Óa-a[m] ni-[iÍ] dingir-lim [ú]-Ía-àz-ki-ir-ma

1. Outside Mari and Leilan the early treaty material includes: third millennium: treaty between LagaÍ and Umma recorded on the “Stela of Vultures” (Cooper 1986, 33–39); treaty between Ebla and Abarsal (Edzard 1992); treaty between Elam and Naram-Sîn (Hinz 1967; Kammenhuber 1976, 172–213); early second millennium: treaty between AÍÍur and KaniÍ (Çeçen and Hecker 1995); treaty from EÍnunna (see Charpin 1991a, 139 n. 2 with further lit.); treaty fragment from Uruk (Falkenstein 1963, 54–55); treaty between ﬁadlaÍ and N2rebtum (see Kraus 1984, 90–93); treaties from AlalaÓ (Wiseman 1953, nos. 1–3; for no. 2 see Dietrich and Loretz 1997). 310 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

a-na ka-si-im úÍ-bu iÍ-tu ig-ru-Íu ù ka-sa-am iÍ-[tu]-ú a-Óu-um a-na a-Ói-im qí-iÍ-tam iÍ-Íi-ma aÍ-kur-dim a-na ma-ti-Íu 65 ú-ra-am-mi ù a-tam-ri-im a-na li-ib-bi [an]-da-ri-igki ú-ra-am-mi

“This is what AÍkur-Addu answered. When they had exchanged terms and tied the bonds, the donkey was slaughtered. They made each other swear the oath, and they waited for the cup. After they had ...... 2 and had emptied the cup, they exchanged presents, and AÍkur-Addu left for his country, and Atamrum left for Andarig.”

This description provides the following stages:

(d) Statement of terms Each party states his terms as demands to the other party. In the present case (as well as others attested), the concrete terms documented run parallel, but this was, of course, not mandatory, and a good example is found in ARMT XXVI/2 409, where the town of ﬁuÓpad accepts the Andarig king Atamrum as overlord: “The day the people of ﬁuÓpad came out they made Atamrum swear an oath by the gods as follows: ‘You shall not turn against us,3 you shall not kill us, and you shall not deport us to another country!’ And Atamrum made them swear an oath by the gods as follows: ‘My governor whom I place over you, you shall not rebel against him, you shall not kill him, and you shall not bring back your former king!’” (ll. 26–33).

(e) Slaughter of a donkey Some of the numerous examples for this procedure have been collected by Charpin (1990c, 116f. n. 35), and cf. here letters [54] and [89]. This ceremony apparently preceded the actual swearing of the oath.

(f) Exchange of oaths by the god(s) Supposedly this involved reference to the terms exchanged under (d). At least in the case of very simple agreements (as in ARMT XXVI/2 409) one may assume that the partners actually repeated the terms agreed on as sworn statements after the pattern: “I (swear) that I shall not turn against you, and that I shall not kill you, and that I shall not deport you to another country! …etc.” As observed by Charpin, we have many references to divine statues or symbols being transported and exchanged in connection with the treaties concluded “long distance” (cf. his list 1990c, 115f. n. 30, and here the example in [40]), but these objects are not attested in cases in which the partners met. No doubt, this does not mean, however, that they were not present, but simply that it was not felt necessary to mention something that was taken for granted.

2. The Akkadian IK-ru-Íu leaves us with a choice between two very rare verbs: the editor's gar⁄Íum “approach” or qar⁄Íum “to carve meat” (CAD Q, p. 128). If the latter choice is correct a reference to the slaughtered donkey should be involved, and the substance drunk from the cup may have been its blood(?). 3. The editor translated (l. 28): “Tu ne nous tendras pas d’embûche,” deriving the verbal form from bârum, I “catch in a net,” but it seems better to assume the verb bârum, II “rise against, rebel” (also in l. 32). THE TREATIES 311

(g) Drinking ceremony (h) Exchange of presents, which concludes the summit This is by far the most detailed description of the conclusion of a treaty as yet known, and it must obviously be considered representative for many other treaties referred to, much more briefly, in our documentation. In these other cases the reference is often made as pars pro toto, i.e., only one or two of the above elements are actually mentioned, such as typically the “slaughter of a donkey” or the “swearing of the oath,” but evidently this in no way excludes that most or all the elements in the above example were actually involved. Or to put the matter differently: à priori ARMT XXVI/ 2 404 allows us to induce what constituted the normal elements in treaty procedure, whereas any attempt to deduce different categories of treaty procedure according to the distribution of isolated elements in the relevant corpus must bear the burden of proof that such categories really existed. One important example of a seemingly different procedure may be examined immediately.

(2) In A.2730 (Charpin, ARMT XXVI/2, p. 33; cf. Durand 1992, 117) Atamrum of Andarig has asked Zimri-Lim of Mari for troops to be used against fiarr⁄ya of Razam⁄, but Zimri-Lim’s official Ibal-El advises against it and suggests that his lord should answer: “between me and fiarr⁄ya there are blood (ties) (da-mu) and strong bonds. One hundred °aneans and 100 of my subjects from AÓ-Purattim were with me; 200 of my loyal subjects, notables of my country, were present at the blood (ceremony) (ina da-mi iz-zi-zu), and I have sworn him an oath by the god (ni-ìÍ an-lim).” Zimri-Lim would also describe how he later wrote to fiarr⁄ya: “You are of my blood. Give me troops and your troops shall camp with my troops.”

J.-M. Durand has cited a few other texts from Mari that use the same terminology:

(3) A.4350 (Durand, 1991b, 116f.): “Since of old the dynasty of NiÓriya and the dynasty of Mari is one …there is blood (ties) (da-a-mu) and a solemn oath between us.”

(4) A.1265+ (Durand, 1991b, 117): “Now ally yourself with ﬁipti-ilû. Put this matter straight and touch yourself with his blood (i-na da-me-Íu li-it-pa-at) so that he sees he can trust you.”

(5) A new example is found in letter [89] here, where ﬁukrum-TeÍÍup of EluÓut writes to Till-Abnû of Apum: “until you come up, and you and I meet (and) swear an oath to each other and blood bond (damuttum) is established between us.” In the same letter ﬁukrum-TeÍÍup refers also to the “slaughter of a donkey,” which may imply that this was one element in the establishment of the damuttum.

(6) Finally, we have the acephalous letter [185] published here, which provides surprising new information. Someone, probably °alu-rabi, convenes representatives from his land and says: “I undertook a journey and brought (back) blood of Till-Abnû. Before we start on the campaign let us touch his blood, and let us swear an oath. [When] we touch his blood and have sworn the oath, 312 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

(then) let YaÓil-p‹-…, B2lÍunu, and YasraÓ-Dagan go there the same evening, and the next day [Till-Abn]û, his sons, and the local officials(?) [(...)] of his district who follow him, will touch (my?) blood and swear an oath, so they can return the (same) evening, and the following day …[…], and [I can] march […].” Unfortunately some details here are not clear, but it seems that °alu-rabi(?) has brought blood from Till-Abnû, which his people should now “touch” and then swear the oath. Immediately afterward three men will transport the blood of °alu-rabi to Till-Abnû, so that he and his representatives can “touch” it and swear an oath.

As observed by Durand, the concept of forming alliances “by blood” is well in accordance with the very common use of kinship terms to express socio-political relations in this period, and the terminology used in the above examples is hardly a great surprise to us since it is well known that the mixing of blood to form new political alliances has been widely used in many societies. Durand has further remarked that the texts that mention the blood ceremony do not refer to the ritual of the lipit napiÍtim: “En effet, D. Charpin … a montré que ce dernier remplace le rite de l’immolation du hayârum lorsque l’accord est conclu à distance (Mélanges J. Perrot)” [= Charpin 1990c], but the pertinent question is really whether the terminology refers to a different kind of alliance from those in which donkeys were sacrificed. It could, for instance, be speculated that a “blood alliance” was used only when two entities from different ethnic backgrounds were involved, but we have as yet too few references to the “blood alliance,” and too little information on the details of ethnic or tribal relationships, to be able to evaluate such a theory.4 Meanwhile it seems more likely that we are dealing with different ways of describing one and the same kind of alliance. The meetings described in (1) and (2) above seem similar in many respects, only the description in (2) is much shorter, and, instead of referring to the slaughter of a donkey as a key element, we have reference to a blood ritual, but more as an abstract concept than as a practical ritual. Indeed, in (5) the slaughter of a donkey and the blood alliance may be connected and in (6) the verb lap⁄tum is used to describe the “touching” not of the napiÍtum, but of blood! Assuming that the examples all refer to the same basic procedure described differently due to contextual accidents, it may also be assumed that “manipulation” of blood was a key ritual element in the formal conclusion of a political treaty. Recently B. Lafont (1999, 74) has proposed a similar conclusion. He sees the ritual of the donkey as part of “beduin” traditions, but at the same time affirming that “Les textes, comme l’archéologie, semblent donc montrer l’importance des rites sacrificiels associés à l’âne à travers tout le Proche- Orient amorrite” (Lafont 1999, 75). It seems possible, however, to extend the horizon of these general practices beyond the confines of an “Amorite” tradition, as shown also by the archaeological evidence adduced by Lafont (1999 75 w. notes 70 and 71), mainly from the third millennium B.C.

4. In a recent study M. Bonechi (1997) used the same evidence to illuminate understanding of the very common element d⁄mu found in Ebla onomastics. Noting that the word “était donc métonymique à l’époque amorrite pour “alliance contractée par le sang entre personnes qui n’ont pas de lien de consanguinité naturelle évidente,” he translates the term as “clan,” and argues that both this and related terms such as l‹mum designate important social realities in third-millennium Syria. However that may be, d⁄mum, as noted also by Bonechi, hardly occurs in Old Babylonian onomastics (but cf. Bin-Dammu from °alab), whereas l‹mum apparently remains very common, and the word for “blood” with all its connotations is surely so basic that the Old Babylonian references need not have any specific link with socio-political structures reflected in Ebla onomastics. THE TREATIES 313

The Chinese scholar Yuhong has presented some evidence for treaty procedures in ancient China that, as observed by him, seem highly relevant for our Mesopotamian material: “When these kings made an alliance, they killed a horse or a bull as a sacrifice to the heaven and ancestors, which implied that if they broke their oaths, they would die like the sacrifice. After the horse was killed, the kings sipped the blood of the horse and with the blood on the lips read aloud their oath of the treaty.” Examples are given also for kings making large numbers of subjects sip blood before an oath of allegiance (Yuhong 1995). Somewhat closer in space, similar practices can be found in the pre-modern Near East. Discussing the hilf-alliance among the Arab tribes, for example, the Danish scholar J. Pedersen remarked that: “Dem Bunde zugrunde liegt die Blutmischung. Dadurch werden die beide Parteien zusammengefügt; denn Verwandtschaft ist für den Semiten Teilhaben an gemeinsamen Blut. Herodot 3, 8 berichtet, wie die beiden Parteien, welche den Bund schliessen, sich den Daumen ritzen und das herausfliessende Blut auf sieben Steine streichen….Wir haben dann hier eine Zeremonie, die mit anderen zusammengestellt werden kann, bei welchen ein hilf- Verhältniss dadurch zustande kommt, das die beiden Parteien mit einander in Kontakt gebracht werden” (J. Pedersen 1914, 21f.). In other words, the blood ritual is the most concrete of several different ways used to symbolically mark the new relationship between the alliance partners. At the same time, the “blood” also enters the proceedings as a means of underscoring the seriousness of the undertaking, a pledge that if broken will destroy the offender.

1.2.2. The lipit napiÍtim Common to several of the treaty examples discussed so far is that they were concluded collectively, with not only the kings, but a large group of representatives from their countries participating. On these occasions an animal, most often a donkey, would be ritually slaughtered and its blood presumably “touched” by the participants before they swore the actual oath, and judging from example (6) this could happen also when the agreement was concluded over a distance. The kings of Old Babylonian Syria and Mesopotamia did not have absolute political power. Depending on circumstances they would often have needed collective support for important or controversial agreements, and we have several examples of treaties or other matters of foreign policy being discussed or objected to by the king’s subjects.5 On other occasions treaties were concluded by the kings alone, attended by a few representatives, when the kings performed the ritual act referred to as lipit napiÍtim. In view of the evidence discussed in the previous section, it seems likely that this ritual in some way corresponds structurally to the element (e) in example (1), namely the slaughter of a donkey and the supposed ritual performed with the blood of this animal, but unfortunately it is not clear what exactly the lipit napiÍtim was. From Mari we have a fairly detailed description of such a procedure:

(7) In A.4626 (Charpin 1990c, 111ff.; = DEPM I, no. 286), Hammurabi of Babylon and Zimri-Lim of Mari swear that they will stand united against the king of Elam. This acephalous letter describes how Mari’s envoy in Babylon approaches Hammurabi to extract his vow, and Hammurabi answers:

5. See, for instance, the letter A.230 quoted Durand 1991b, 54; and the texts published in Lafont 1994. 314 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

5' [la-m]a a-na dut[u] qa-ti a-na-aÍ-Íu-ú ù na-pí-iÍ7-ti a-la-pa-t[u-ú] ma-a‰-Óa-tam ù [sà-a]s-kam ú-ul ta-Ía-ka-a[n] al-kam i-na ma-az-za-zi-ia qa-ti a-na dutu lu-úÍ-Íi-Íum i-na ma-a‰-Óa-tim ù sà-as-ki-im ma-Óa-ar dutu 10' tu-Ía-áz-ka-ar-an-ni lu-úÍ-pu-ur-ma qa-tam Ía a-na-ku a-za-ak-ka-ru be-el-ka li-ìz-ku-ur an-ni-tam Óa-mu-ra-bi iq-bé-e-em et-bi-ma a-na-ku ma-aÓ-ri-Íu dn[a]-‚bu-um-maŸ-[lik] a‰-ba-at um-ma a-na-ku-ma be-lí it-ti lú elam-ma-tim ‚la saŸ-l[i-im] i-na ma-a‰-Óa-tim ù sà-as-ki-im qa-as-sú a-na dutu iÍ-Íe-ku-um-[ma] 15' qa-tam-ma be-lí ìz-ku-ur um-ma-mi it-t[i] lú elam-ma-tim la a-sa-li-mu an-ni-tam be-lí ìz-ku-[ur] [i-n]a-an-[na] mi-nu-um i-du-um-ma at-ta iÍ-ti-n[i-iÍ la ta-za-ka-ar]

Before I raise my hand to fiamaÍ and touch my throat should you not arrange the ma‰Óatum and the saskûm? Come and where I stand I shall raise my hand to fiamaÍ for him. In the ma‰Óatum and saskûm before fiamaÍ you will make me swear. I will send words and like I swear your lord shall swear!” This Hammurabi told me. I got up and placed Nabum-malik before him as witness saying: “My lord is not at peace with the king of Elam! In the ma‰Óatum and the saskûm he raised his hand to fiamaÍ for you and likewise my lord swore as follows: ‘I will not make peace with the king of Elam!’ This my lord swore. Now why will you not swear in the same way?”

In both this and other examples a main problem discussed is how to coordinate the oaths of the two parties. Here, there seems to be a dispute as to whether Zimri-Lim has already sworn or not. Hammurabi apparently assumes this not to be the case, but still offers to proceed with his oath, while the Mari envoy repeats that Zimri-Lim has already sworn. As suggested by Charpin (1990c, 116), the problem is perhaps that the one who swears first obliges the other to perform the same oath, at least if things are to proceed smoothly. Thus, Hammurabi may in this instance have preferred a different wording from the one offered by Zimri-Lim. However that may be, the description provides three stages in the procedure: (a) the other party’s envoy places two kinds of flour before the king; (b) the king raises his hand to ﬁamaÍ and “touches” his throat; (c) the king swears the oath dictated by the foreign envoy. In order to elucidate the procedure further, however, two more examples from Mari must be examined:

(8) (See Charpin, ARMT XXVI/2, pp. 144f.) In ARMT XXVI/2, 372, Yarim-Addu reports to Zimri-Lim that Hammurabi of Babylon and ﬂill‹- Sîn are preparing for an alliance. Envoys from EÍnunna and Babylon are sent from Borsippa to EÍnunna with a “small tablet”: THE TREATIES 315

10 ...... ˇup-pa-am ‰e-eÓ-ra-am] i-na qa-ti-Íu-nu il-qú-ú i-na ˇup-p[í-im Ía-a-ti lú èÍ-nun-naki] na-‚pí-iÍŸ-ta-Íu ú-Ía-al-pa-tu I[...... ] i-il-la-kam-ma an-ni-ki-a-am Óa-am-m[u-ra-bi na-pí-iÍ-ta-Íu] i-la-ap-pa-tu iÍ-tu i-na ˇup-pí-im ‰[e-eÓ-ri-im na-pí-iÍ-ta-Íu-nu] 15 il-ta-ap-tu ˇup-pa-am [r]a-bé-e-em ˇup-[pí ‰í-im-da-tim] IÓa-am-mu-ra-bi a-na ‰e-er lú èÍ-n[un-naki ú-Ía-ba-lam-ma] lú èÍ-nun-naki ni-iÍ dingir ú-Ía-áz-k[a-ar lú èÍ-nun-naki] ˇup-pa-am ra-bé-e-em ˇup-pí ‰í-i[m-da-tim] a-na ‰e-er Óa-am-mu-ra-bi i-ˇar-[ra-ad]

…they took [the small tablet] in hand; they will make [the king of EÍnunna] touch his throat on [this] tablet. Mr. [...... ] will come, and here too Hammurabi will touch his throat. When they have touched [their throats] on the small tablet, Hammurabi [will send] the large tablet, the treaty tablet, to the king of EÍnunna, and make the king of EÍnunna swear the oath. [The king of EÍnunna] will send the large tablet, the treaty tablet, to Hammurabi ......

The project eventually fails because the king of EÍnunna rejects the “small tablet,” also referred to as the ˇuppi lipit napiÍtim (ARMT XXVI/2, 373).

(9) (Cf. Lackenbacher, ARMT XXVI/2, pp. 451–57) Zimri-Lim wants Hammurabi of Babylon to surrender certain towns that are listed in the ˇuppi lipit napiÍtim that he has sent. Hammurabi makes objections and attempts to evade or postpone the “touching” of the throat. He finally performs the oath, and the Mari envoys plan to return with the Mari divine symbols, but warn Zimri-Lim that he should not “touch his throat” before the divine symbols of Babylon before they have returned and reported to him. An extremely interesting, but opaque objection made by Hammurabi is this: “If Sîn is not compacted on the ˇuppi lipit napiÍtim, I shall touch my throat on the 25th. Now Sîn has become compacted; on the 25th I cannot do the touching, and your lord must swear likewise whoever make him perform the oath” (ARMT XXVI/2 469, 12–16).

Examples (8) and (9), in my opinion, suggest that the “small tablet” played a concrete role in the procedure. In (8) the kings are to “touch their throats” on the tablet, and although this is reasonably understood by the editor to mean “on the text of the tablet,” the preposition ina could also be translated in or with, suggesting that the tablet was actually touched during the ceremony. In (9) we have what is probably a rather far-fetched excuse made by Hammurabi to avoid some hypothetical bad luck for a specific day of the month, but how it is decided whether “Sîn is compacted on the tablet,” and what this means is not clear. The phrasing suggests that the phenomenon is not initially visible, but somehow becomes so. A crucial question is, of course, what this “small tablet” was. The editor of (8), D. Charpin, has suggested that it was a “draft” of the treaty text, and to be followed by the “large tablet,” the ˇuppum rabûm ˇuppi ‰imdatim, which contained a complete text on a model similar to the Leilan trea- 316 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN ties. It is also suggested that two Mari treaties can be considered such “small” tablets. The first is M.6435+ (published in Durand 1986), which contains the oath to be sworn by Hammurabi in connection with the agreement in example (7) above. Since the tablet was found at Mari, it is assumed to be a copy of a tablet sent to Babylon. The second example, interpreted as a “vassal” treaty by the editor, concerns an agreement between Zimri-Lim and Atamrum of Andarig (Joannès 1991). It contains promises by Atamrum to be loyal and honest. This evidence is surprisingly meager, especially since both examples are considered mere copies. The numerous references to the lipit napiÍtim, whether performed or not, should have produced plenty of examples. Either only a few treaties occasioned a tablet to go with this procedure, or accidents of discovery have been extremely unfavorable to us, or most of the tablets were disposed of already in antiquity. One possibility of the latter may be suggested if we turn back to example (6) (II.1.2.1). Presum- ably quite accidentally this Leilan text reveals that blood could be exchanged as part of a collective treaty procedure. Blood, whether of a sacrificial animal or from human beings, would probably not have been transported in a liquid state, but mixed with some dry substance. If so, a candidate seems suggested by (7), namely the flour that the Mari envoy must place before Hammurabi, which could then be formed into a small “loaf.” As pointed out by Charpin, the same kinds of flour were used in the “Ritual of IÍtar,” where they were placed on a table before the goddess and mixed with a liquid (see Durand and Guichard 1997, esp. p. 49). It further seems likely that this “loaf” would have been wrapped up in something for the transport and that this wrapping could have been clay inscribed with a short version of the treaty. This is admittedly a bold theory, but if correct would explain a number of features. First, it would, of course, explain why our material is so scarce, since, if most of these “tablets” were routinely broken, we would be left only with some drafts for their texts, like the two examples of supposed “small” tablets from Mari, found at the site where they were written. It would also fit the evidence from (8) quite well, if we assume that the kings were to actually touch the tablet or rather its contents during the ritual. The fact that the tablets would have to be broken might further account for the curious incident in (9): only when the tablet is broken does the feature of the “compacted” Sîn appear “in” the tablet, whatever this means.6 One piece of more concrete evidence, however, has primarily prompted this idea, namely, the curious treaty fragments from Leilan presented in this volume as L.T.-7. These fragments are markedly different from the rest of the material and seem to come from thick, possibly hollow “tablets,” which could be remnants of the “real” ˇuppi lipit napiÍtim.7 Finally, this possibility would fit quite well with the other evidence discussed here, since it would make the lipit napiÍtim procedure more structurally similar to the basic procedure documented for the collective treaty meetings, conducted directly by the partners. Obviously firmer evidence is needed to prove or disprove this very tentative proposal.

6. The verb kupputum is particularly used to refer to ominal features on the liver (CAD K, 552f.), and one could think of an accidental feature on the wrapped substance. 7. Cf. the edition of these pieces below. The idea occurred to me only subsequent to the last collation of the material in Syria, but the fragments were examined carefully, since they formed a different and seemingly inexplicable group of evidence. THE TREATIES 317

1.2.3. Treaties and Tablets It will be recalled that Charpin has suggested that written documents were used only when the treaties were concluded over a distance, and not during an actual meeting. This theory, however, may need revision in view of the new evidence from Tell Leilan. As shown below (II.1.3.1), L.T.- 3 seems likely to have been concluded at an actual meeting, referred to in a letter, and possibly documented in administrative texts. There were, of course, numerous reasons why kings could, or would, not meet when an alliance was concluded. Besides constraints of space, time, and security, it seems that the major kings of ancient Mesopotamia and Syria almost never met face to face, probably because of the problems of etiquette and security such meetings would have caused.8 It is, therefore, no surprise to find that the evidence from Mari for treaty tablets most often concerns agreements concluded between the major kingdoms like Mari, Babylon, and EÍnunna. None of these constraints, however, should have prevented the kings of Apum and KaÓat from meeting, and if we compare the text of L.T.-3 with the procedure in example (1) in II.1.2.1, it is clear that the treaty tablet actually describes a meeting. The large number of representatives from both Apum and KaÓat listed in the text may be assumed to have been present, and the use of both singular and plural verbal forms in the pledges shows that alternately all Apum representatives or just the king swore. L.T.-1, 2, and 4 do not exhibit the same feature, and although they are otherwise very similar in format to L.T.-3, they could have been concluded at a distance, something that seems particularly likely for L.T.-2, judging from the evidence for diplomats travelling between Apum and Razam⁄ in connection with the swearing of oaths (II.1.3.1). These observations, therefore, serve to complicate matters, and we must take a brief look at further evidence for treaty tablets from Mari to see if they perhaps can illuminate the situation.

(10) A.361 (Charpin 1991a = DEPM I, no. 292) is a treaty between Zimri-Lim and Ibâl-pî-El II of EÍnunna concluded in ZL 4'. The treaty tablet contains the terms to be sworn by Zimri-Lim. Some collateral epistolary evidence was summarized by Charpin and it includes mention of the transport of the divine symbols (giÍtukul-meÍ ra-bu-tim), “touching” the throat, and swearing the oath, but provides no reference to written documents, although it seems very likely that the evidence matches.

(11) At the beginning of Zimri-Lim’s reign, the king of EÍnunna offers him a treaty and tells him to send a ˇuppi n‹Í il‹ with his terms, the king of EÍnunna will then “touch his throat.” According to Charpin (1991a, 162), this treaty was never concluded.

(12) Hammurabi of Babylon has sent presents and a ˇuppi n‹Í ilim to Atamrum of Andarig, who states that the gods and words are not in excess.9 In it is written (Íaˇir) “be enemy to my enemies and be

8. One documented exception is the journey made by Zimri-Lim to YamÓad in his regnal year 9' (see Villard 1986). 9. The fact that Atamrum also comments on the “gods” mentioned on the tablet is interesting. Appar- ently the choice of gods in the adjuration could be a subject for debate. 318 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN friend to my friends.” Atamrum, however, is committed to let certain troops pass on to EÍnunna (he has sworn to this effect), and until this obligation is fulfilled he cannot swear. Hammurabi then writes to IÍme-Dagan to settle this and writes back to Atamrum that he can now proceed (ARMT XXVI/2, 372).

(13) Treaty tablet between the king of Kurda(?) and an unidentified party (Joannès 1991). Small fragment with only some of the introductory god-list preserved. As shown by example (11), also a ˇuppi n‹Í il‹ could be the prompt to “touch of the throat,” which is not surprising since example (7) shows that this ritual was combined with an oath. Conse- quently, we may have another example of the same event being referred to with different constitu- ent elements, so that we cannot say whether a ˇuppi n‹Í il‹ corresponds to a “small” or a “large” tablet (cf. Charpin 1991a, 158, and 165 n. 72). Ironically, the best-preserved treaty tablet from Mari, (10), which relates to an event well documented in letters, is apparently not referred to in these. Evidently other treaties or oaths mentioned in the published Mari texts may have involved the use of written documents without this being mentioned. The most complete description of a procedure with treaty tablets is still that of example (8), where we find the distinction between a “small tablet” and a “large tablet.” Whatever the exact nature of the “small tablet,” only Mari treaty fragment (10) and the Leilan treaties answer firmly to the description “large tablet.” Of these (10) was written in EÍnunna and contains the pledges demanded from Zimri-Lim. For the Leilan treaties the distribution is as follows: L.T.-1: oath to be sworn by X to Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum; tablet written in Apum L.T.-2: oath to be sworn by °azip-TeÍÍup to Mutiya; tablet written in Apum L.T.-3: oath to be sworn by Till-Abnû to Yam‰i-°atnû; tablet written in KaÓat L.T.-4: oath to be sworn by Yam‰i-°atnû(?) to Till-Abnû; tablet written in Apum Judging from example (8), one would expect that when such “large” tablets were used, each party would end up with two tablets, the one received from the other party and a copy of his own tablet. Unfortunately, only the possible examples of L.T.-3 and 4 support this at the moment. At Mari Hammurabi and his officials presumably made a clean sweep of important diplomatic documents after the conquest of the town (Charpin 1995), and at Leilan the evidence is hardly complete. If the theories about the archival composition of the main group of texts are broadly correct (see I.1.1.5), it can be assumed that Yak›n-AÍar saw no reason to keep at hand old treaties of Till-Abnû or Mutiya, or indeed of °⁄ya-abum, but may still have selected some specimens for his “active” archive(s). Political reasons may certainly have played a role here, but also the need to keep “models” of such texts available. It is quite clear that the treaties composed in Apum make use of many stock phrases and share a common tradition, a tradition slightly, but clearly, different from that of the KaÓat treaty L.T.-3, and a small reference library of such texts would have been useful. Although interesting, these observations are not very helpful for an understanding of when and how the written documents were involved in the treaty process. We may simply need more evidence to reach firmer conclusions. It seems reasonable to assume, however, that the emphasis throughout remained on the kind of basic procedure documented in example (1) (II.1.2.1), but that generally the many variables of the treaty situations prompted different practical solutions. The various examples of treaties quoted or discussed here show that the procedures, well known to the contemporaries, were most often referred to very obliquely in our sources except when particular THE TREATIES 319 circumstances, problems or obstacles, or incidental detailed reporting by officials reveal more details. One important distinction is probably between the treaties concluded collectively and those concluded only by the kings. In the former instance broader issues of long-term importance would be involved. Evidently such collective agreements would also have been more common in northern Mesopotamia than among the big powers of the time. A related distinction would have been between public and secret agreements, and in the latter case procedure may have been cut to a minimum to avoid publicity. In the final analysis, it does not seem possible to offer a clear explanation for the role played by the Leilan treaty tablets, especially for L.T.-3, which, in fact, reproduces a kind of script for a collective treaty meeting between two kings and their subjects. It is possible that the tablet was used only during the planning stage and sent to the other party to make sure that he would accept in advance what would take place at the meeting. Another possibility is that the tablet was actually used during the meeting and read aloud as this proceeded. We simply need more evidence to solve both this and other problems, but the evidence from Leilan at least shows that treaty tablets were not exclusively made for treaties conducted “long distance.” This is confirmed by the tablets with loyalty oaths found at Mari (Durand 1991b), which contain the texts of oaths sworn by various officials, diviners, and groups of people in the kingdom. Although much shorter than the international treaties, they are very similar in format and language, and it is difficult to imagine that these tablets did not serve as scripts for the oath ceremony, whether the oath was sworn directly to the king or through an intermediary. A final question is what diachronic development may be detected in the evidence discussed here. Could it be thought that the Leilan treaties represent a new development toward a more “literate” treaty tradition, a trend leading to the emergence of the formal legal documents used in treaty procedures some centuries later?10 This seems possible, but at the same time it is important to stress that the presence or absence of formal treaty documents is hardly a realistic reflection of the development of international relations in these early periods. Long before the time of the Leilan treaties there existed sophisticated and well-established purely oral procedures for international treaty making. One of the oldest treaties on record is that described in the text of the famous Stela of Vultures now in the Louvre. It tells how the ruler of Lagash, Eannatum, made the ruler of Umma swear to him, repeating the same oath six times while holding emblems of six different gods (see Cooper 1986, 33–39). Despite differences and later developments, there seems to be a clear link here with the treaty tablets from the early second millennium B.C. with their list of gods by which the other party is commanded to swear. It is the continuity of traditions that is striking, and we can assume that large parts of the Near East from very early times shared some common standards for international relations. Any attempt to analyze the origin and development of treaty procedures in the ancient Near East only on the basis of the few surviving treaty documents will remain inade- quate, but the lucky appearance of a unique find like the Leilan treaties affords precious information on what such international pacts actually stipulated.

10. For recent surveys of later treaty evidence see the articles published in Canfora, Liverani, and Zaccag- nini (eds.) 1990. 320 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

1.3. Historical Context of the Leilan Treaties 1.3.1. Leilan Treaty-1 to Leilan Treaty-5

Leilan Treaty-1 This treaty was concluded between Qarni-Lim of Andarig together with °⁄ya-abum of Apum and an unidentified king. The text provides the name of Qarni-Lim’s father, a certain Muti-Addu, apparently not attested previously. Quite likely the name of °⁄ya-abum’s father was Turum-natki (cf. above I.1.1.A). The name of the third party to the treaty, who swears to Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya- abum, is not preserved on the tablet, but a geographical entity connected with this figure is, no doubt, mentioned at the end of line 24 in column i, and should probably be read thus: .....] sú-‚úŸ- m[i-i]mki. A locality Sûmum is not attested elsewhere in the texts from Leilan, but is known from several Mari texts (ARMT XXVIII, p. 378 s. n.); also A.2966+ (ARMT XXVI/1, p. 133) that show that it was part of AÍnakkum and located on the northern fringe of Ida-Mara‰ (cf. J.-M. Durand 1991c, 94, and DEPM I, p. 426). The reigns of both °⁄ya-abum and Qarni-Lim belong to the years ca. ZL 4' to ZL 9', and the treaty is, therefore, considerably older than the bulk of material from the Eastern Lower Town Palace. Some historical background, however, is provided by sources from Mari, as well as the more recent epigraphic finds made at Leilan (see I.1.1.1). Further evidence from Mari may possibly document this particular treaty.

Leilan Treaty-2 This treaty was concluded between Mutiya, the king of Apum, and, almost certainly, °azip-TeÍÍup of Razam⁄ (cf. above I.1.2.5). The end of the text is preserved, but carries no date (like L.T.-3). From the evidence provided by the letters and the administrative texts, however, the conclusion of the treaty may reasonably be connected with the end of the war between Mutiya and his allies and °azip-TeÍÍup of Razam⁄ and Buriya of Andarig. The most precise evidence comes from the administrative texts listed above (I.1.3.3). In her study of the texts from the limmu year °abil-k2nu, C. Vincente (1991, 75–77) has provided a comprehensive analysis of the diplomatic activity at this time that need only be briefly summarized here. Texts dated to 10 vii “when the king swore an oath” record the presence of retainers of °azip- TeÍÍup and the °alab general Bin-Dammu, and a text dated 20 vii records silver received by individuals, presumably from Leilan, “when they stayed in Razam⁄.” Finally a text from month viii records issues to Bin-Dammu and others “when Bin-Dammu swore.” This evidence seems clearly to reflect that some diplomatic exchange between Leilan and Razam⁄ took place at this time, and that this activity was the conclusion of a treaty, supported and endorsed by the representatives from °alab. In sum, it seems very likely that this evidence relates to L.T.-2. A text dated to 3 viiib records a meeting attended by the king (Mutiya), Bin-Dammu, and Buriya, the king of Andarig. Vincente suggested that this meeting was the occasion of preparatory negotiations leading up to the second instance during this year when it is recorded that the king swore an oath, namely, in a text dated to 20+ ix—incidentally, the latest text in the archive that is sealed with the seal of Mutiya. If this evidence pertains to a treaty between Mutiya and Andarig, it has apparently left no trace of a written document in our material (cf. below ad L.T.-4). THE TREATIES 321

Leilan Treaty-3 This treaty was concluded between Till-Abnû and Yam‰i-°atnû of KaÓat and is dated 1 iii Amer- IÍtar. Several letters may refer to treaty procedures between the two kingdoms. In [29] Ea-malik invites Till-Abnû to a meeting in KaÓat, and in [30], which is unfortunately almost completely broken, an oath is mentioned. More explicit is [75], where Yam‰i-°atnû himself reminds Till- Abnû of their treaty: “What about the oath we swore between us? When I had you swear I told you this: ‘When a runaway slave from my land turns up, let him be seen in your land, and let me send the master of the slave to you. You shall indeed return the slave to his master!’ This we said in the oath between us.” This seems clearly to be a description of the exchange of terms negotiated at an actual meeting between the signatories, in the style of example (1) above, and such a meeting is perhaps documented in the administrative texts. In [L.87-710], dated 2 iv Amer-IÍtar, thus almost exactly one month later than the date of L.T.- 3, we find issues of luxury items to a number of prominent figures, headed by Ea-malik and including noblemen from smaller localities near KaÓat, such as Kir⁄n (cf. letters [75] and [76]) and KallaÓubri (cf. Charpin 1990a, 76f.). A subscript reads: “when the king met with the ‘man’ of KaÓat” (ll. 24ff.: i-nu-ma lugal, ki lú ka-Óa-at, in-na-am-ru). Yam‰i-°atnû is conspicuously missing in this text, but this does not necessarily lead to the conclusion that Ea-malik must have been the “man” of KaÓat mentioned here. The title “king” most often is used for the kings of Apum and the king of °alab, and rarely for other kings. In the administrative texts, for instance, we have Aya-abu of fiun⁄ listed as both lú fiun⁄ and lugal fiun⁄. Gifts for Yam‰i-°atnû could also have been listed in a separate document.

Leilan Treaty-4 This treaty, from which little consecutive text is preserved, was concluded between Till-Abnû and possibly Yam‰i-°atnû of KaÓat, whose name may be restored in col. i. 1. 1'. If this is correct, it is the first example of the presumed set of treaty tablets exchanged on such occasions.

Leilan Treaty-5 For this text see also the remarks above in I.1.2.2. As suggested in the first edition of this text (Eidem 1991b), the treaty between Assur and Till-Abnû was most likely concluded shortly after his accession. It was also suggested that the treaty procedure in this case may have been different from that found in the other treaties from Leilan and, despite the reservations expressed by Charpin (1991a, 146 n. 23), this seems to find support in the Old Assyrian document kt n/k 794 recently studied by Çeçen and Hecker (1995). This remarkable text describes how an Anatolian king concludes a treaty with the Assyrian traders. The format is very close to the Leilan document. It is the traders who formulate the rules to which the king then swears, but he voices no demands himself. Instead, the proceedings end with the traders swearing that they will observe the terms of the agreement, countersigning it as it were. This indeed seems in agreement with the other Old Assyrian evidence discussed in the previous study, in which it was concluded: …it can tentatively be suggested that the Old Assyrian system, at least in some cases, was purely “unilateral” in the formal sense of treaty obligations. This hypothesis evolves from the assumption that in contrast to the inter-state treaties represented by the other Leilan 322 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Treaties, the agreements concluded between the Old Assyrian authorities and local kingdoms were not between equal parties....The local kingdoms obviously needed the traders, but on the other hand monopolized physical/military control in their domains. The various taxes, tolls and other obligations imposed on the Assyrians were supported by this control and presumably applied generally. There seems to be no a priori reason why the local kingdoms should ask individual trading communities to sanction these obligations in a general way, and at the same time acknowledge them as equal partners. Rather, it was the traders who needed guaranties that the obligations were kept within certain acceptable bounds in addition to guaranties of free passage, protection, etc. This hypothesis, if correct, suggests both the formal subordinate position of the Assyrians, and the vital importance of their activities for local kings, often eager to supply the guaranties demanded. (Eidem 1991b, 191) A further noteworthy feature of kt n/k 794 is that it describes, although the passage is difficult, the ceremonies that conclude the agreement. They are clearly quite different from those discussed above with “normal” international treaties.

1.3.2. Other Treaties in Leilan Evidence If the letters provide no specific evidence for a treaty concluded between Till-Abnû and Buriya of Andarig, it must, on the other hand, also be noted that the letters allude to treaties not represented by extant treaty tablets in our material. (A) The most secure evidence concerns Till-Abnû’s relations with AÍtamar-Adad of Kurd⁄, who in letter [40] writes that he has sent his envoys to fetch the divine symbols of Till-Abnû. Supposedly this preparatory stage would have resulted in the conclusion of a treaty between Apum and Kurd⁄, but no fragments of a written agreement seem to have survived. (B) Next, we have evidence for a projected treaty between Apum and EluÓut, but no proof that it was ever concluded. In [89] ﬁukrum-TeÍÍup, the king of EluÓut, is uncertain about Till-Abnû’s intentions and states that he has “slaughtered [a donkey on] it” [anÍe i-n]a ‰e-ri- ÍuŸ aq-ˇú-ul …. He expects Till-Abnû to “come up” and meet him … ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ, i-na bi-ri-ni ni-za-ka-ru-ma, da-mu-ut-tum i-na [b]i-ri-ni iÍ-Ía-ka-na (C) Also for the king °alu-rabi (of ‡ab⁄tum?) we have specific evidence for conclusion of probably two treaties with Apum. In [56] °alu-rabi refers retrospectively to a treaty between himself and Apum, concluded with the “slaughter of a donkey,” something that causes Buriya of Andarig to slander °alu-rabi to Hammurabi of °alab. This would seem to fit the context of Mutiya’s reign, during which Buriya and Apum were enemies. In [185], on the other hand, °alu-rabi prepares to conclude a treaty with Till-Abnû. (D) Finally, letters mention a projected treaty between Apum and °alab. In [54] °alu-rabi is off to °alab to meet the king and suggests that Till-Abnû should send an envoy and have the king “touch his throat” in the presence of this envoy. The letter [56] was probably sent by °alu-rabi after his return from this same journey to °alab. He reports that all is well, but unfortunately makes no explicit reference to a treaty agreement. The apparently “general” international agreements represented by the Leilan Treaties must constitute a very common type. How many such treaties would each state have at a given point in time? In view of the evidence collected here, Till-Abnû would seem to have had treaties with the following polities: KaÓat (L.T.-3), Assur (L.T.-5), Kurd⁄ (A), EluÓut? (B), °alu-rabi (C), and °alab (D). THE TREATIES 323

This list is almost certainly not complete or entirely correct, but it may be noted that it includes the only correspondent of Till-Abnû who styles himself “father” (Hammurabi of °alab), as well as the main correspondents who identify themselves as “brother” (AÍtamar-Adad, Buriya [cf. L.T.6], °alu-rabi, Yam‰i-°atnû). As for the number of figures from whom one or two letters only are preserved, it is, of course, possible that accidents of discovery may obscure the existence of further treaties, but it seems likely that it can be taken as a true index of less close political relations.

1.4. Format and Contents of the Treaties 1.4.1. General Observations All the treaties follow the same general pattern, which can be divided into four main sections: (1) introductory adjuration; (2) clauses; (3) curse section; and (4) subscript/date. The fragmentary state of the texts unfortunately does not allow us to reconstruct any one complete text or to make very precise comparisons among the different compositions. Instead, comparison of the preserved portions of text can be used to reconstruct in outline the basic contents of this type of composition. The language of the texts is very similar to that of the Mari treaties and loyalty oaths and the quotations of such material found in epistolary evidence. The texts make use of what may be regarded as stock phrases, which, with numerous minor variations, would have been in common use for such purposes throughout northern Mesopotamia and Syria. Despite this international “standard,” however, it may be observed that distinct local traditions seem to have existed, as is shown by the clear differences between L.T.-1, 2, and 4, all composed in Apum, and L.T.-3, composed in KaÓat. It should be noted that the actual clauses of the treaties are phrased as positive and negative promissory oaths in L.T.-1 to 4, in the edition below rendered as “shall/shall not” (instead of “I swear that ... etc.”): L.T.-1: 1 person singular l› + indicative l⁄ + subjunctive L.T.-2: 1 person singular l› + subjunctive l⁄ + subjunctive L.T.-3: 1 person plural/singular l› + indicative l⁄ + subjunctive L.T.-4: 1 person singular l› + indicative l⁄ + subjunctive L.T.-5: 2 person singular l› + indicative l⁄ + indicative The basic scheme of L.T.-1, 3, and 4 is, in fact, that found in all the known treaties and loyalty oaths from Mari, while the use of l› + subjunctive in L.T.-2 is clearly exceptional.11 The mixing of plural and singular in L.T.-3 is interesting and might be regarded as a function of the circumstances necessary for the conclusion of this particular treaty. L.T.-5 has a different format and is phrased as demands expressed to the king of Apum (cf. II.1.3 ad L.T.-5).

11. The more common l› + indicative is listed in GAG § 185 d, which also suggests that Old Akkadian and Old Assyrian seem to make use of l› + subjunctive. The diachronic chart of pledge formulae in Parpola and Watanabe 1988, xxxix, which lists l› + subjunctive as the standard Old Babylonian form, should clearly be revised in view of the new evidence from Leilan and Mari. 324 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

1.4.2. Adjuration All the treaties begin with a list of the deities invoked by the contracting partner. This part is sub- stantially preserved in four of the Leilan treaties as follows: Leilan Treaty-1 Leilan Treaty-2 Leilan Treaty-3 Leilan Treaty-5 Anum Anum Enlil Enlil Enlil Enlil fiarra-m⁄tin Dagan Sîn of heaven Sîn of heaven Sîn of heaven Adad of heaven fiamaÍ of heaven fiamaÍ of heaven fiamaÍ of heaven Sîn of heaven Adad of heaven Adad of heaven Adad of heaven fiamaÍ of heaven Assyrian fiamaÍ AÍÍur Adad of ArrapÓum Adad of ArrapÓum Adad of °alab Adad of Nawali Adad of Nawali Adad of KaÓat Sîn of Yamutbalum Nergal of °ubÍalum Nergal of °ubÍalum Nergal Nergal of °ubÍil Nergal of Zirrami Nergal of Zirrami B2let-Nagar Ea IÍtar of Ninet IÍtar of Ninet IÍtar of Ninet Assyrian IÍtar B2let-Apim B2let-Apim B2let-Apim ...... -ra-a-ia .....-ra-a-ia Ninkarrak Lady of Nineveh [...... ] (break) Ninkarrak IÍtar of Nineveh Lady of Battle Lady of Battle IÍÓara [...... ] divine Mt. Zara [...... ] gods of heaven gods of land/water gods of land/water gods of heaven/earth gods of Saggar/Zara gods of Amur./fiub. THE TREATIES 325

These lists clearly include several categories of deities.12 First, the gods of the international pantheon: Anum, Enlil, and the other great gods “of heaven,” Sîn, fi⁄maÍ, and Adad. Next important regional hypostases of the great gods located in the major cult centers of the north, such as °alab, ArrapÓum, Nawali, °ubÍalum, and Zirramum. Third, some deities that can be considered as “local” in the sense that their inclusion is due to the specific treaty partners involved. To this category belongs probably B2let-Apim, whose name is preserved in three of the lists. In L.T.-3 presumably Adad/TeÍÍup of KaÓat, B2let-Nagar, and Ea owe their inclusion to the fact that the treaty oath was performed by the king of KaÓat, whereas fiarra-m⁄tin (= AÍÍur?) and the “Assyrian” fiamaÍ and “Assyrian” IÍtar are specific for L.T.-5 concluded with AÍÍur. As a final category, the completely preserved lists in L.T.-3 and L.T.-5 end with a round-up of gods of general categories from “heaven, earth, water,” from the mountain ranges of the Sinjar, and from Amurrum and fiubartum (i.e., non-Assyrian gods). Similar passages can be assumed to have existed also in the other texts. It is not quite clear, however, what principles would have guided the choice of deities to be included, especially as regards the categories of regional and local deities. The inclusion of AÍÍur and Adad of ArrapÓum in L.T.-2 may be explained by the fact that the kingdom of Razam⁄ lay on the fringe of the Habur region and had close links to the east and south. However, the inclusion of Adad of ArrapÓum in L.T.-3 concluded between the two Habur kingdoms of KaÓat and Apum is less obvious.

12. Little comparative evidence is available from the Mari treaty fragments: (1) M.6435+ [draft treaty between Zimri-Lim and Hammurabi; Durand 1986; with correction of ll. 1-2 apud Charpin 1990c, 115 n. 29, and Eidem 1991a, 121 n. 39; = DEPM I, no. 290] mentions only ﬁamaÍ of Heaven and Adad of Heaven. (2) A.361 [Zimri-Lim of Mari and Ibal-pî-El II of EÍnunna; Charpin 1991a = DEPM I, no. 292] preserves in the upper part of col. i 16 lines ending in ta-ma, but unfortunately little else remains in these lines: 10' [...]-x-tim 11' [...... ku]r za-ra 12' [...... ]-NEki 13' [...... ] ù èÍ-nu-naki (3) A.96 [Vassal treaty of Atamrum of Andarig to Zimri-Lim; Joannès 1991 = DEPM I, no. 291] mentions only ﬁamaÍ of Heaven. (4) M.7750 [fragment from treaty with king of Kurd⁄; Joannès 1991 = DEPM I, no. 293] preserves eleven lines from the invocation with the following deities: 2' [dutu Ía Ía]-me-e 3' dim Ía Ía-me-e 4' dim be-el ku-um-mi-imki 5' dim be-el Óa-la-abki 6' dÍa-ga-ar be-el kur-daki 7' [d]‚bi?Ÿ-‚si?Ÿ-ir 326 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

1.4.3. Clauses From what remains of clauses in the tablets it is clear that the texts, to a considerable extent, ran parallel, but since often the same portions of the tablets are lost and the texts are not outright dupli- cates, it is not possible to reconstruct any complete set of clauses in any of the compositions. To ease orientation we provide here a synchronic overview of the contents of the clauses preserved. Needless to say, the brief remarks made below in no way exhaust the interesting implications of the clauses, but more detailed studies are beyond the scope of the present volume. It should be noted that the tablets themselves are divided into a number of sections marked by double rulings (marked in the edition by a single line). This system provides a number of “paragraphs” in each text, but unfortunately the fragmentary nature of the material renders full exploitation of this feature impossible. Since it is also obvious that the different compositions arrange the same text matter somewhat differently, the brief remarks here do not necessarily follow the sections marked in the texts. The preserved clauses or parts of clauses mainly concern these six themes: (1) Purpose of the treaty (2) Non-annulment clauses (3) Auxiliaries and military (4) Political loyalty (5) Vassals (6) Treatment of citizens These main themes are distributed as follows in Leilan Treaty-1 to 4:

Theme L.T.-1 L.T.-2 L.T.-3 L.T.-4

1 col. v col. iv col. iv - 2 col. iv col. v col. iv - 3 cols. i–ii col. iii col. ii cols. ii–iii 4 col. iv col. iv col. ii - 5 col. v - col. iii - 6 col. v cols. iv–iii col. iii col. iv

(1) Purpose of Treaty As far as can be seen none of the treaties from Leilan concerns settlement of any specific matter, but are general pacts of alliance between the contracting parties. This purpose is stated explicitly in sections of L.T.-1, 2, and 3:

L.T.-1 col. v: From this day on which this oath by the gods to Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum I have sworn, brotherhood, military aid, friendship, 15''' alliance in certain terms and friendly words, THE TREATIES 327

discourse in complete sincerity I shall entertain with them; I shall not be disloyal to them

L.T.-2 col. iv: 30' From this very day for as long as I live, with Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, king of the country of Apum, brotherhood, military aid, peace [...... ], discourse in complete sincerity 35' for as long as I live I shall perform.

L.T.-3 col. iv: From this very day 10 that this oath by the gods [to Yam‰i-°atnû] the king of KaÓat and [...... we/I swore] brotherhood, military aid [there will be] friendly words [...... ] discourse in complete sincerity 15 with Yam‰i-[°atnû] [the king] of KaÓat [we/I shall speak]

The important keywords in these passages are atÓ›tum “brotherhood,” till›tum “military aid,” and atwûm Ía libbim gamrim,13 perhaps best translated as “loyal communication.” These concepts occur over and again in other contemporary sources and provide the core aspect of the treaties. The kings agree to be “partners” and entertain friendly relations, although with some reservations, as expressed in other segments of the texts.

(2) Non-annulment Clauses The treaties were considered valid for the duration of the reigns of the partners as shown by the frequent assertion “for as long as I live,” and all the treaties presumably originally contained a non- annulment clause similar to those preserved in L.T.-1, 2, and 3:

L.T.-1 col. vi: To [this] oath by the gods that to Qarni-Lim I have sworn, falsehood, incrimination, 10 or any black magic of any humankind [...... I shall not do(?)] [...... ] ————————————————————

13. In contrast to, e.g., ARMT XXVI/2 308, 26–31: RN, i-na mu-ut-ta-at li-ib-bi-Íu, it-ti be-lí-ia i-ta-wi, ù ˇe4-em-Íu ga-am-ra-am, a-na ‰e-er be-lí-ia, ú-ul i-Ía-ap-pa-ar “°⁄ya-Sumu communicates half-heartedly with my lord, and he does not send my lord complete reports.” 328 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

For as long as I live [I shall not say thus:] “Because this my oath by the gods [...... ] 15 has become old my treaty [is void]. I shall [break truce] with Qarni-Lim.” For as long as I live I shall not say thus. This oath by the gods [which I have sworn (to Qarni-Lim)] to sincere [...... ] 20 [...... ]

L.T.-2 col. v: for as long as I live I shall not say thus: “My oath by the gods has become old and the treaty has become void! Enough! To Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, king of the country of Apum, his sons, 35'' his servants, his troops, his seasonal camp, and his kingdom I shall do evil!” For as long as I live I shall not say thus, and with any magic of mankind I shall not be active, and to make void 40'' this oath by the gods which to Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, the king of the country of Apum, his sons, his servants, his troops, his seasonal camp, and his kingdom I have sworn, 45'' I shall do nothing, and this oath of mine by the gods I shall not make void.

L.T.-3 col. iv: The oath by the gods according to the wording of this tablet we shall not sever; we shall [not] forget! This oath by the gods 5 which to Yam‰i-°atnû, the king of KaÓat, Ea-malik [...... ] [we] have indeed sworn!

The most complete version in L.T. 2 speaks for itself. Even after many years the treaties were still meant to remain valid and could not be annulled. THE TREATIES 329

(3) Auxiliaries and Military The first extant clauses of the treaties refer to military matters. Two central themes emerge. The first is the promise not to circumvent the oath and induce someone else to attack the treaty partner. The second theme is the promise to supply troops if requested, and the loyalty of such troops.14 L.T.-1, 2, and 4 seem very similar here, whereas L.T.-3 has the two themes in reverse order.

L.T.-1 col. i: [an oath by the god]s [I] have sworn. To a king, a noble, or [any] human being, in the entire country, thus I have not said, nor will I say, 5' I have not sent words, nor will I send words, I will not give instructions (about it), as follows: “I to Qarni-Lim, son of Muti-Addu, and to °⁄ya-abum have sworn an oath by the gods. You go! As if I had nothing to do with it— 10' Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum, their [sons(?)], [...... ], their servants, their troops, their herders, and [their] kingdom (break) col. ii: and with evi[l and murderous (intents)...... ] and his forces in the [...... ] I have not said, nor will I say; 5 I will not send words, I will not give instructions, and if previously I have sent my letter, or given instructions, in the [...... ] I shall indeed have it [withdrawn, I shall indeed have it ...... ]

L.T.-2 col. iii: When Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, king of the country of Apum, has sent for auxiliaries, on that very day my elite troops 5 and a trusted commander for my troops I shall send! I shall have no objection; I shall not say: “My troops are not available!”

14. What is preserved in the treaty fragment from Mari (treaty between Zimri-Lim and Ibal-pî-El II of EÍnunna, Charpin 1991a), is generally parallel with this portion of the Leilan treaties. 330 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

To my troops and the commander of my troops 10 I shall not say as follows: “When the troops of Mutiya [son] of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, king of the country of Apum, to the front of his enemy has approached to do battle, 15 [in words] of disobedience decamp, and Mutiya and his troops will be killed!” (Thus) I will not order, I will not have ordered, I will not instruct, I will not [send words], 20 and (by) letter I will not send words! Thus I will [instruct] them as follows: [“Like] your own lives [you must protect Mutiya, ...... ] (rest of column too broken for translation)

L.T.-3 col. ii: 10 When Yam‰i-°atnû son of Asdi-NeÓim, king of KaÓat, asks us for troops we shall not withhold him the best troops; we shall not answer him with bad excuses! 15 In the camp of his troops our troops shall be available. We shall join arms, and we shall together overthrow his enemy! ———————————————————— When to any town in the country 20 of Yam‰i-°atnû, the king of KaÓat, or to KaÓat itself our troops enter, with instructions of incrimination and falsehood work of lie and evil we shall not act upon this town! 25 To a king who is his enemy, to any human being who (plots) evil against KaÓat, his kingship, or his kingdom, from Nawar to Nawar, I shall not write this; 30 my own servant, a foreigner, either a servant or citizen or any human being I shall not order thus, as follows: “Go! I have sworn an oath by the gods! As if I had nothing to do with it—to his towns, 35 his country, and his kingdom, THE TREATIES 331

from Nawar to Nawar, of Yam‰[i-°atnû son of Asdi-NeÓim] king [of KaÓat ...... ] (break)

L.T.-4 col. ii: [To a king, a noble, or anyone] there is [in] the entire country [thus] I shall not say, as follows: “I to Till-Abnû son of Dari-EpuÓ, [king] of the country of Apum, his sons, his servants, 5 his troops, his seasonal camp and his kingdom, have sworn an oath by the gods. You go! As if I have nothing to do with it, Till-Abnû son of Dari-EpuÓ, king of the country of Apum, his sons, his servants, his troops 10 ...... kill!” detention of evil and death his capture I shall not order, I shall not have ordered, I shall not give instructions about, I shall not send words about, and by a letter of mine 15 I shall not send; and if previously I sent my letter, I gave instructions [or] I sent a letter [...... ] I shall have withheld, I shall have [...... ] ———————————————————— [When Till-Ab]nû son of Dari-EpuÓ, 20 [king of the country of Apum], his troops, ... (break) col. iii: When Till-Abnû [son of Dari-EpuÓ] king of the country of A[pum for my troops] send words to me [on that very day] elite troops [and a commander] 5 who is trusted [I shall send.] [I shall make no] objection. [I shall not say:] “My troops are not [available!”] To the [troops and their commander] I shall not [say] thus [as follows:] 10 “Your shall go t[o? ...... ] His objective [...... ] the .... [...... ] And when the troops [of Till-Abnû] 332 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

to [do battle] with the enemy 15 advances, [in disobedience] decamp, and Till-Abnû] and his troops [they will kill!”] [I shall not order, I shall] not have ordered

(4) Political Loyalty Text concerning this theme is preserved in only three of the tablets and again it may be noted that L.T.-3 seems to have a different phrasing. The duty to respect and preserve confidential information is the main concern here. In the extreme Machiavellian political milieu of the times, the urge for information and fear of indiscretion are concerns reflected in a vast number of letters.

L.T.-1 col. iv: 6'' Any secret [or confidential] matter, which Qarni-[Lim, son of Muti-Addu], ki[ng of Andarig, tells me], what [is secret and confidential] [I shall indeed keep secret] (break)

(After the break, a passage follows that refers to the “plan and secret” of the treaty partner; iv, 13''ff.)

L.T.-2 col. iv: From this very day for as long as I live any confidential or secret matter, which Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, the king of the country of Apum, 25' tells me, sends words to me about, or sends me a letter about, this matter for as long as I live, I shall keep secret. Its master I shall not [...... ]

L.T. 3 col. ii: (Against) Yam‰i-°atnû, son of Asdi-NeÓim, king of KaÓat, for the city of KaÓat, kings, his brothers, 5 Ea-malik, the elders, his sons, his servants, his troops, his country, his towns, Íi’alPIri (or) nuÓaÍi, and his kingdom, from Nawar to Nawar, we shall not rebel, we shall not instigate rebellion! THE TREATIES 333

(5) Vassals Only two tablets preserve text relating to this theme. In L.T.-1 the badly preserved upper portion of column v concerns the possibility of someone trying to bribe the treaty partner to turn against Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum. This passage may, strictly speaking, not belong with the theme of vassals, but it is immediately followed by a passage that concerns potential treason of an Andarig official, offering the treaty partner an ⁄l p⁄ˇim “a border town” and his own allegiance. A somewhat similar situation is envisaged in L.T.-3. The passage is not entirely clear, but it seems that Till-Abnû is allowed to accept allegiance from a former KaÓat vassal, granted that he treats it according to certain rules. He must not rob it, replace former officials, take away its oxen, or demand corvée labor, but is allowed to demand the ÍibÍum-tax and limited military assistance.

L.T.-1 col. v: [L.87-734] [...... ] [.... Qarni]-Lim, son of Muti-[Addu] [...... ] if [...... ] [...... ] a mayor, or [any] human being 5 in all the land silver, an expensive object, [...... ] a precious thing, a town [...... ] [and?] tribute or anything else [...... ] [...... they] placed, let him promise me [...... ], 10 [let him] send me saying: “[Take] this, [and] with Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum, [break truce!”] I shall not agree with him, I shall not receive [anything from him] With Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum I [shall not break truce, and] their enemies, and their army I shall not join [Qarni-Lim] and °⁄ya-abum [I] shall [...... ] 15 A local official of the country of Andarig [who] to [...... ] (break)

[L.87-229+] [...... ] from [...... ] [...... ] a border town that I hold [I shall] give to you, and I shall follow your lead!” [I shall not] comply with him, I shall not let him follow my lead. 5' I shall arrest his envoy, and I shall have him conveyed [to] Qarni-Lim. [If to] another king he has given the town, [...... ] with Qarni-Lim [...... ] this town 10' [...... ] I shall give! 334 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

L.T.-3 col. iii: When a town, a king, my equal, or a local official who makes his heart big, and with Yam‰i-°atnû and KaÓat becomes hostile, and 5 assumes independent powers, and (says:) “With Yam‰i-°atnû and KaÓat [I will break truce, and] to Till-[Abnû I will go!”] [...... ] 10 and [...... ] troops [...... ] and [...... on] his [.....], near and far, on his land, his fruit, his “anomaly,” his toil, 15 his prosperity I shall not cast my eyes. A previous governor I shall not remove, and I shall not appoint my own governor or commander. Besides the guard (as) military assistance further help I shall not demand. 20 I shall not give oxen the rod! Let [him give me(?)] grain, ÍibÍum-tax, and silver, [and] no cultivators (or) harvesters I shall demand weaponry. I shall not deliver. I shall demand no (part in) loot. 25 Besides military assistance nothing (further) I shall demand.

(6) Treatment of Citizens All the texts (including L.T.-5, which is not considered here) preserve clauses concerning the treatment to be accorded citizens from the land of the treaty partner. As far as preservation allows us to discern, these clauses are of a very general nature and provide few overt surprises. Since no text is complete, it is difficult to evaluate to what extent the same rules would have been applied generally, or whether the different compositions displayed significant differences. We may briefly review the evidence. The fairly long section of L.T.-1 quoted below is divided into three sub-sections. The first concerns people from Andarig and Apum, who, for any number of reasons, such as having escaped captivity in a foreign land, turn up in the land of the treaty partner, may not be appropriated and disposed of as slaves. A second sub-section concerns actual runaway slaves, who must be sent back, interestingly against a “service charge” of one shekel of silver due to the palace. Finally, a section deals with the opaque social category referred to as umÍarÓum, tentatively translated “native” (cf. letter [63], 7), but it is unfortunately poorly preserved. L.T.-2 deals with slightly different subjects. One sections concerns the poorly understood Óayy⁄ˇum-class of people, also mentioned in several letters (cf. index s.v.), but again the passage is badly preserved. Assuming that the passage continues after the break in lines 38'–40', such people THE TREATIES 335 must be released without fail if apprehended. Another section (in [L.87-150+]) deals with captives of Apum led through the land of the treaty partner. Whether they make appeals for help or not, both the captives and their captor, the Ó⁄bit⁄num, a term also used in the letters (cf. index s.v.), must be apprehended and sent to Mutiya for judgment. A fragment from L.T.-4 has part of a similar clause. L.T.-2 and L.T.-3 refer to the just and unbiased legal treatment expected for citizens of the treaty partner. A few badly preserved passages not quoted here seem to concern this theme, the clearest examples being L.T.-1 iv, 1'ff. (detention of muttallik› “messengers”), and L.T.-4 i, 1''' [L.87-549].

L.T.-1 col. v: [L.87-203+] (4 lines too broken for translation) 5'' [and] I shall not detain. From [my] chancellery [I shall...... ] [Who]se parent is a male Yamut-balean, a female Y[amut-balean] who in my palace, my chancellery or [my country] [is present], I shall not sell for silver, and I shall not dispose of him as palace property; and (he who) from a foreign land 10'' escapes, and is seen in my country, I shall not hide him, I shall not sell him for silver; on that very same day I shall send him home safely! ———————————————————— [A] slave or slave girl from the country of Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum 15'' [who] fled here in my palace, my [chancell]ery [shall] be seized and I shall not sell him for silver. I shall not dispose of [him] as palace property; [from] their master I shall not hide him. One shekel of silver as due to the palace I shall receive, and I shall release (him). ———————————————————— 20'' A native of Qarni-Lim, a Yamut[balean ...... ] of °⁄ya-abum [...... ] who came here, and [...... ] [...... ] [...... ] 25'' Because of [this] oath [by the gods ...... ] (break)

L.T.-2 col. iv: A hayy⁄tum, men [from the country of Ap]um [...... in my country] [...... ] 40' [...... anyone] there are 336 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

either a “lord” [...... ] or a worker to whatever extent I shall reinstate in their rights; I shall release them; 45' I shall not detain (them); I shall not hide (them), I shall not sell (them) for silver; I shall not lead (them) secretly away to another country; I shall not declare (them as belonging) to my commoners, and I shall not lead (them secretly) away. (end of column) col. v: [L.87-213] a man [...... ] I shall not [...... ] In a trial I shall not [...... ] to the country [...... ] 5' I shall not lead away [...... ] A verdict like divine [ﬁamaÍ (.....)] I shall render [(....)] ———————————————————— From [this very day] (break)

[L.87-150+] (lines 1'–3' too broken for translation) [....] I shall not have “separated.” 5' Who leads women, a male or female captive from the country of Apum, either a merchant or foreign troops through the interior of my country, (whether) they cry for help 10' have not cried for help, they shall not lead them through! I shall detain his captor; with his captor [for judgment] before Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, [king of the co]untry of [Apum], 15' I shall have [him] sent; I shall not detain (him)! A verdict for citizens [of the country of Apum] like the verdict of a man [from my own country] I shall secure [for him] 20' In the verdict I shall not [...... ] to the hand of [his] opponent THE TREATIES 337

I shall not ...... [...... ] A just verdict [like divine ﬁamaÍ] I shall render! ————————————————————

L.T.-3 col. iii: A citizen of KaÓat, Íi’⁄lPIri or nuÓaÍi with a citizen of [my country ...... ] before the citizen of [my country ....] 30 a good verdict [...... ] a verdict worthy of divine [ﬁamaÍ ....] I shall [render] A servant [...... ] [...... ]

L.T.-4 col. iv: The fragment [L.87-1326] preserves text that parallels that of L.T.-2 v, 5'ff.

1.4.4. Curses The length of the section with curses differs significantly in the extant material. L.T.-1, 2, and 4, which were composed in Apum, show in this respect coherence, since in all three texts the curse section is relatively short and apparently covers only a single column or less. In L.T.-1 the section with clauses continues almost to the end of the text and although the broken state of the tablet renders a precise assessment impossible, the clauses can be seen to continue at least well into column vi (l. 20). After a break of considerable length the text resumes, although sadly in broken condition. This part seems to contain a curse section. In any case, the curse section on this tablet was evidently fairly short. In L.T.-2 the curse section was somewhat longer, since it seems to have commenced almost from the beginning of column vi. Finally, in L.T.-4 the curse section must have taken up the major part of column vi. While these three texts thus represent a “moderate” approach to the application of curses, the two remaining texts, on the other hand, represent extremes. In L.T.-3, written in KaÓat, the curse section begins already in column iv and thus takes up nearly half of the entire text, whereas the treaty with Assur, L.T.-5, which has no curse section preserved, could have had only a very short section at the very end of the last column iv. It is beyond the scope of this presentation to provide any detailed analysis of the preserved curses, but it can be noted that several of them have close parallels in contemporary sources (cf. Kupper 1990 with further literature).

1.4.5. Subscript The last matter in the treaties differs somewhat. In L.T.-1 the last preserved text is very fragmentary and unclear. The remains of text on the left edge could be part of a curse, but there could have been more text, including a subscript, on the rest of the edge. In L.T.-2 the curse section continues to the middle of column vi (with the possible exception of the last two-line section), followed by a blank, and a two-line subscript toward the bottom, stating: “[To] Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, [king of] the country of Apum you swore!” 338 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

In L.T.-3 there is a long section (col. vi, 18'–29') that states that Till-Abnû, his servants, his elders, their sons, and the entire land of Apum have sworn (za-ki-[ir]) to Yam‰i-°atnû etc., followed by the date 1 iii, limmu Amer-IÍtar. The remainder of the material provides no further evidence.

None of the treaties from either Leilan or Mari shows any trace of having been sealed. In ARM XXVIII 94, however, ﬁubram of Sus⁄ asks Zimri-Lim to send Il‹-Sumu (contender for the throne of AÍnakkum) a seal, stating that (otherwise?) the name of his father will be on the ˇuppi n‹Í il⁄n‹. In a note to the text, Kupper refers to the opinion of D. Charpin, that the apparent evidence here of a sealed treaty tablet runs counter to the fact that the tablets found are not sealed. It seems possible, however, that treaty tablets exchanged between rulers could have been encased in sealed envelopes. 2. THE TEXTS

Leilan Treaty-1

Treaty between °⁄ya-abum of Apum and Qarni-Lim of Andarig and king(?) of Sûmum

Material reconstruction: The main piece is [L.87-1456] found in room 17. It is the upper part of the tablet and preserves sections of all columns except iii. To this presumably belongs the corner fragment [L.87-524], but this is not completely certain. From the same room come: [L.87-203+260], which joins [L.87-1456] directly and provides part of columns iv–v; [L.87-1442+1444a], which joins [L.87-229+230] from room 22, and provides middle sections of columns iv and v; The smaller fragments L.T-1 b-h, which cannot be joined or placed with precision, but should belong to the middle section of the tablet. From room 22 come, besides [L.87-229+]: [L.87-507b+620+622], which provides the lower left corner of the tablet with portions of columns i and vi. It can be joined with the surface fragment [L.87-734], which provides the beginning of column v; The fragment L.T.-1 a [L.87-711], which belongs to the obverse; the smaller piece L.T.- 1 i cannot be placed. col. i: [L.87-1456(+524(?)] den-líl [ta-ma] den-zu Ía Ía-me-‚eŸ [ta-ma] ‚dutuŸ [Í]a ‚Ía-me-eŸ ‚taŸ-ma ‚dimŸ Ía Ía-me-‚eŸ ta-ma d 5n[è-iri11-gal] be-el ‚ÓuŸ-u[b-Í]a-[l]im ta-ma d [ nè-iri11-gal b]e-el ‚ziŸ-i[r-ra-m]i ‚ta-maŸ d ki [ eÍ4-tár nin ni-n]e-et‚ Ÿ ta-ma [dx x x-r]a-a-ia ta-ma [dx x x]‚xŸ a-‚xŸ-ri ta-ma 10 [dx x]-na [x] ta-ma d [ eÍ4-tár n]in ‚ni-ne-waŸ ta-ma d g iÍ [ eÍ4-tár nin ] tukul-Óá ta-m[a]

339 340 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[...... ]‚x xŸ[....] ‚x PI xŸ [ta-ma] [...... ]‚xŸ BI [...... ta-ma] 15 [dingir-meÍ an-nu-ti]m!? a-na qar-ni-li-i[m] [...... Óa-a-i]a-a-bu dumu t[u?-ru-um-n]a?-at-[ki] [...... dum]u-‚meÍ-Íu-nuŸ ‰a-bi-Í[u-nu na-wi]-‚Íu-nuŸ [ù nam-l]a-ka-ti-Íu-n[u t]a-‚maŸ ———————————————————— [a-na qa]r-ni-li-im dumu mu-ti-‚dimŸ lugal/[an]-da-ri-[i]g 20 [ù luga]l a-pí-imki dumu-meÍ-Íu-[nu ‰a-bi]-Íu-nu [na-wi-Íu-n]u ù nam-la-‚ka-timŸ ‚gal?Ÿ-la-‚xŸ[...... ] [Ía i-na Íu-bat]-den-lílki [wa-aÍ-bu] [...... ]‚aŸ-na x ti [...... ]‚xŸ [...... ] sú-‚úŸ-m[i-i]mki 25 [(.....) it]-mu ———————————————————— [iÍ-tu u4-mi-im an-ni-im a-d]i ba-al-ˇà-ku [qar-ni-li-im dumu mu-ti-di]m lug[al] an-[d]a-ri-[ig] [...... ] lú-meÍ-[Í]u [...... nam]-la-ka-‚tamŸ 30 [...... -Í]u? (break)

[L.87-507b+] [ni-iÍ dingir-me]Í za-a[k-ra-ku] a-na lug[al] ra-bi-im ù dumu a-wi-l[u-tim Íum-Íu] Ía i-n[a] ma-a-tim ka-li-Ía i-ba-a[Í-Íu-ú] ki-a-[am l]a aq-bu-ú la a-qa-ab-b[u-ú] 5' la aÍ-pu-ru la-a a-Ía-pa-r[u] la ú-wa-a-r[u] um-ma a-na-ku-ma a-na-ku a-n[a q]ar-ni-li-im dumu mu-ti-d[im] ù Óa-ia-a-bi-i[m] 1 ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ za-a[k-ra-ku] a-lik at-ta ki-ma la i-du-‚úŸ-[ma] 10' Iqar-ni-li-im <> ù Óa-a-ia-a-b[i-im] [du]mu?-m[eÍ? ]-Íu-nu [x x]‚xŸ ìr-meÍ-Í[u-nu] l.e. [‰a-b]i-Íu-[nu] na-we-Íu-[nu] ù nam-la-ka-t[i-Íu-nu....] (rest of preserved edge vacant) col. ii : [L.87-1456] ‚x-ar-du-xŸ[...... ] ‚ù it-ti leŸ-m[u-ut-tim ù na-pi-iÍ7-tim...... ] ù Íukur-Íu-nu i-na qa-[...... ] ‚laŸ aq-bu-ú la a-q[a-ab]-b[u-ú] 5 la a-Ía-pa-ru la u[Í-ta-w]u-[ú] THE TREATIES 341

ù ‚Íum-maŸ pa-na-nu-um ‚ˇupŸ-pí aÍ-p[u-ur] ù ‚úŸ-w[a-e]-er ‚iŸ-na ‚mu-xŸ[...... ] lu-ú ú-Í[a-ak-la lu-ú ú-Ía-...... ] ———————————————————— ‚i-nu-maŸ [...... ] (10 lines with illegible traces) 20 [...... ] Ía? li-[...... ] ‚la ú-Ía-ak-luŸ-Í[u...... ] i-na qa-tim la a-‚na-ad-di-nuŸ-[Íu] ‚la úŸ-Ía-ad-da-[nu-Íu] ———————————————————— ‚iŸ-nu-ma qar-ni-li-‚imŸ lu[gal an-da-ri-ig] 25 ‚ù Óa-a-ia-a-bu lugalŸ a-pí-i[m...... ] ‚x x xŸ i-ru-bu-‚maŸ [...... ] ‚inŸ-ne-mi-da-‚a-ma xŸ[...... ] (10 lines with illegible traces) (break) col. iii: [L.87-1456] Nothing remains of this column. col. iv: [L.87-229+] [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] [...... (-)b]i-il <> ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ] (vacant space) KU [...... ] ù Óa-‚aŸ-[ia-bi-im] [...... ]‚xŸ ‰a-bi qar-ni-l[i-im...... ] 5' ìr-meÍ-Íu-nu mu-ut-ta-al-li-[k]i ‚ù lú x xŸ-Íu-nu i-na [m]a-ti-ia ù ma-a-a[t x ]‚x xŸ[x]‚xŸ-ia la ú-k[a-al-lu-ú (...... )] ———————————————————— x-si-‚tam leŸ-mu-un-tam ‚ùŸ [...... ]‚x x xŸ ‚ùŸ [a-na...... ]-bi-im lugal ra-bi-‚im? x xŸ[...... ] 10' ‚ÍaŸ [i-na m]a-tim ka-‚liŸ-Ía ‚i-ba-Íu-úŸ [...... l]i-Ía-‚bi-lamŸ [...... ]-du ‚xŸ[...... -n]u-ú ‚xŸ[...... ] 15' ‚xŸ[...... ] (break) 342 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[L.87-203+] Ía [...... ] a-na lug[al...... ] Ía ‚i?Ÿ-[...... ] la a-Í[a-ap-pa-ru...... ] 5'' ù ˇup-[pí la ú-Ía-ab-ba-lu ...... ] a-wa-tam n[a-‰í-ir-tam ù pí-ri-iÍ-tam] ‚ÍaŸ ‚qarŸ-n[i-li-im dumu mu-ti-dim] lug[al an-da-ri-ig i-qa-ab-bé-em] Ía n[a-‰í-ir-tim ù pí-ri-iÍ-tim] 10'' lu-[ú a-na-a‰-‰a-ar] (break) (last line seems to precede [L.87-1456] col. iv, 1' immediately)

[L.87-1456] ‚a-na uruŸ-ki Ía la ú-[...... ] a-na na-‰a-ri-Ía ma KU [...... ] ———————————————————— iÍ-tu a-Íà-li-ia i-la-k[u...... ] ‚eŸ-‰í-i[r-tam] ù pa-z[i-ir-tam Ía qa-ar-ni-li-im] 15'' ù Óa-a-ia-a-bi-im la [...... ] ‚itŸ-ti qar-ni-li-im [ù Óa-a-ia-a-bi-im] ‚a-di baŸ-al-ˇà-ku ‚xŸ[...... ] ‚dumu-meÍ ù xŸ[...... ] la a-Ía-a[p-p]a-[ru...... ] 20'' ‚ù Óa-aŸ-ia-a-[...... ] [i]t-ti lú-kúr [...... ] ù ‚ki-aŸ-am la a-qa-[ab-bu-ú] [u]m-ma-‚aŸ-mi a-lam Ó[a?-...... ] i-na e-we-tim Í[a?-...... ] 25'' ‚x x xŸ-ta-PI-i[r...... ] ‚ÍaŸ [i]t-‚tiŸ qar-ni-[li-im] ‚ùŸ Óa-a-i[a-a-bi-im ...... ] i-n[a...... ] ú-[...... ] 30'' i-n[a...... ] (break) col. v: [L.87-734] (beginnings of lines 5–8 supplied from[L.87-507b+])

[...... -a]m ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... qar-ni]-‚li-im dumuŸ mu-ti-‚dŸ[im] THE TREATIES 343

[...... ] ‚Íum-maŸ [x]‚x xŸ[...... ] [lú r]a-bé-nu-um ù ‚dumu aŸ-wi-lu-[tim Íum-Íu] 5Ía [i]-na ma-a-tim ka-li-Ía ‚iŸ-[ba-Íu-ú] kù-[babbar n]a-‚‰íŸ-ir-tam da-mi-iq-[tam...... ] aÍ-‚laŸ-le-em da-am-qa-am a-lam n[i-...... ] ‚xŸ bi-il-tam ù mi-im-ma Íum-Íu ‚xŸ[...... ] [x x]‚xŸ iÍ-ku-nu li-iq-bé-em l[i-...... ] 10 [li-Í]a-bi-lam um-ma-a-mi an-né-em l[e-qé-ma] [i]t-ti qar-ni-‚liŸ-im ù Óa-a-ia-a-bi i-k[i-ir] ‚laŸ a-ma-ag-ga-‚ru-ÍuŸ la a-ma-aÓ-Óa-[ru-Íu] it-ti qar-ni-li-im ù Óa-a-ia-a-bi la a-[na-ak-ki-ru-ma] ‚na-kiŸ-ri-Íu-nu ù Íukur-Íu-nu la a-la-ku-m[a? qar-ni-li-im] 15 ù Óa-a-ia-a-bi-im lu-[ú...... ] ‚lúŸ sú!-ga-‚gu Ía ma-a-atŸ an-da-r[i-ig(ki)] [Ía] a-na [...... ] (break)

[L.87-229+] [...... ]‚xŸ iÍ-t[u.....] [...... ] a-al pa-ˇí-im Ía ú-‚ka-al-luŸ [lu-d]i-na-ak-kum-ma wa-ar-ki-ka lu-ul-li-ik [la a]-ma-ag-ga-ru-Íu wa-ar-ki-ia la ú-Ía-la-ku-Íu 5' [dumu Íi]-ip-ri-Íu lu-ú a-ka-as-sú-ma [a-na ‰]e-er qar-ni-li-im lu-ú ú-Ía-ar-ra-Íu [Íum-ma(?) a-n]a lugal Ía-ni-im-ma a-lam it-ta-di-in [...... i]t-ti qar-[n]i-l[i-i]m [...... ]‚xŸ-ma a-lam ‚Ía-aŸ-t[i] 10' [...... ]‚xŸ ma AN ‚x lu-úŸ a-na-ad-di-in ———————————————————— [...... Ía qar-ni-li-i]m ù Óa-a-ia-a-bi-im i-na ma-ti-[i]a [...... ]‚xŸ-ma [...... la a-ka-a]s-sú-ú [...... ]‚xŸ (break)

[L.87-203+] [...... ]‚a-naŸ[...... ] [...... la] ú-Íe-‰ú-ú ‚ba?-al?-xŸ[...... ] [...... ] ‚x gémeŸ é we-[du-ti-ia...... ] [la e]-pu-Íu-ú ‚xŸ[...... ] 5'' [ù l]a a-ka-lu-ú iÍ-tu ‚éŸ w[e-du-ti-ia lu-ú ...... ] [Ía] ‚aŸ-bu-Íu dumu ia-mu-ut-ba-limki dumu-mí i[a-mu-ut-ba-limki] [Í]a i-na é-‚kál-liŸ-ia é we-du-ti-ia ‚ùŸ [ma-ti-ia] [i-ba-aÍ-Íu-ú] ‚aŸ-na kù-babbar la a-na-ad-di-[nu] 344 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

‚ùŸ a-na zi-‚gaŸ la ú-Íe-‚‰úŸ-Íu ù iÍ-tu ma-a-tim a-Ói-tim 10'' [Í]a in-na-bi-tam-ma [i-n]a ma-a-ti-ia in-na-am-ma-ru la ú-pa-za-ru-Íu <> [a]-na kù-babbar la a-na-ad-di-nu-Íu i-na u4-mi-Íu-ma [i-n]a Íu-ul-mi-im [l]u-ú a-ˇà-ar-ra-as-sú ———————————————————— [ì]r-sag ‚geméŸ Ía ma-a-at qar-ni-‚liŸ-im ù Óa-a-ia-a-bi-im 15'' [Ía in]-na-bi-tam i-na é-kál-li-i[a é we-d]u-ti-ia [lu-ú i‰-‰]a-bi-it-ma a-na kù-babbar l[a a-na-a]d-di-nu-Íu ‚a-na zi-gaŸ la ú-Íe-‰ú-Í[u-nu a-n]a be-lí-Íu-nu [l]a ú-ka-‚taŸ-mu-Íu ‚1 gín kù-babbarŸ Íu-ti-a é-‚kálŸ-lim ‚lu-úŸ a-ma-‚aÓŸ-Ó[a-a]r-ma lu-ú u-wa-aÍ-Í[a-a]r ———————————————————— 20'' ú-um-Ía-ar-Óa-am [Í]a [qa]r-ni-‚li-im!?ia-mu-utŸ-[...... ] Ía IÓa-a-ia-a-bi-i[m...... ] [Í]a ‚il-li-kamŸ-m[a?...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ-na-ap-p[á-...... ] [...... ] ———————————————————— 25'' [a]Í-Íum ni-iÍ [dingir-meÍ an-ni-im...... ] [x]‚xŸ[...... ] (break) (line 24'' may equal [L.87-1456], 3'', where double ruling omitted in copy)

[L.87-1456] [...... ]‚x-ba-amŸ [...... ]‚x xŸ [...... ]‚xŸ [...... ] qar-ni-li-im 5''' [...... ]‚xŸ-am bi-il-tam [...... ]‚xŸ-tam a-na pa-an qar-ni-li-im [...... ] qar-ni-li-im [...... ni-iÍ dingir]-‚meÍŸ Ía pí-i ˇup-pí-ia [an-ni-im la a-k]a-Íi-ˇ[ú] la a-ma-aÍ-Íu-ú 10''' [ni-iÍ] ‚dingir-meÍŸ an-né-em Ía a-na qar-ni-li-im [Í]a ba-lum li-ib-bi-ia lu-‚úŸ za-ak-ra-ku ———————————————————— iÍ-tu u4-‚miŸ-im an-ni-im Ía ni-iÍ dingir-me[Í] a-na qar-ni-li-im ù [Ó]a-ia-a<<-bi>>-bi-im áz-ku-ru at-Óu-tam ti-lu-tam [ra]-i-mu-tam 15''' ‚saŸ-li-im ‚keŸ-na-tim Í[a a-wa]-ti-in dam-qa-tim at-wa-am Ía li-‚ib-bi-imŸ ga-am-ri-im it-ti-Íu lu-ú a-ta-w[i] la ú-Íe-e-ˇú-Íu-nu-ti ‚x x xŸ pa-ni-ia [la] ‚aŸ-Ía-ka-nu ‚xŸ[...... Í]a i-na ma-a-[tim] ka-li-[Ía] THE TREATIES 345

20''' ‚xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ ‚xŸ[...... ] u.e. la a-[...... ] [...... ] [iÍ-tu u4-mi-im] an-ni-im a-di ba-a[l-ˇà-ku] 25''' [...... q]ar-ni-li-im lu-ú ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚x xŸ li-ba-am la a-pa-[...... ] [ù i-n]a nu-ku-ú[r-t]im ù le-mu-ut-ti[m...... ] (end of column) col. vi: [L.87-507b+] ‚ki?-ma?Ÿ na-pí-iÍ-ti-ia ‚ùŸ [na-pí-iÍ-t]i ma-t[i-ia] a-na na-‰a-ri-im [u]Í-ta-ma-ra-‰ú a-na na-‰a-ar na-p[í-iÍ-ti] qar-ni-li-im ù a-na ni-iÓ-r[a-ri-Íu a-l]a-ki-im 5‚lu-úŸ u[Í-ta-ma-r]a-a‰ a-Ói la a-‚na-duŸ-ú ‚x x-UD x xŸ[...... ù .....-n]i-Íu la a-la-ku ‚x xŸ-UD [...... ]‚x x-ÍuŸ ‚luŸ-ú a-la-ak ———————————————————— a-na ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ [an-ni-i]m Ía a-na qar-ni-li-im ‚àzŸ-ku-ru sú-ur-ri-t[am e-w]e-tim 10 ‚ù up-ÍaŸ-Íe-e Í[a i-na] a-wi-lu-tim Íum-Íu i-ba-a[Í-Íu-ú] ‚x x xŸ[...... l]a ú-li!?-pé-[Íu] [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] ———————————————————— ‚a-di baŸ-al-ˇà-ku k[i-a-am la a-qa-ab-bu-ú] aÍ-Íum ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ-ia a[n-nu-um...... ] 15 ‚ilŸ-ta-bi-ru ma-mi-ti [ir-te-eq] it-ti qar-ni-li-im lu-‚úŸ [anakkin(?)] a-di ba-al-ˇà-ku ki-a-am la a-q[a-ab-bu-ú] ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ an-né-[em ...... ] ‚aŸ-na li-ib-[bi...... ] 20 [x x]‚xŸ[...... ] (break)

[L.87-1456] [...... ]‚xŸ [...... ]-‚iaŸ [...... ]-x [...... -i]a 5' [...... ]‚xŸ-ma [...... ]‚x xŸ [...... ]‚xŸ-im ‚x x xŸ 346 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[...... ]-ia li-‚pu-úÍŸ ———————————————————— [...... ]‚xŸ da bi ki 10' [...... ]‚xŸ-im-ma [m]a-a-ti [...... ]‚xŸ-ib-bi-it [...... a]n-ni-im e-‰í-i[r-x] ‚xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ-tim e-‰í-ir-tam [....] n[i-...... ]‚xŸ-ú a-na qar-ni-li-[im] 15' ù [Óa-a-ia-a-bi-im] ‚x x xŸ Óa-[...... ] ni-iz-[...... l]i-‚x x xŸ[...... ] (end of column)

Beginnings of last four lines from corner fragment [L.87-524], which also has on left edge: ze-ra [Í]a dumu-meÍ [...... ] a-i ú-Ía-[...... ]

Additional Fragments L.T.-1 a [L.87-711] (surface fragment; flat and hence from obverse)

[...... ]-li la ‚x x x xŸ[...... ] ———————————————————— [i-nu-ma lú-kúr] ù a-ia-bu-um qa-du-um ‰a-bi-i[m ...... ] [a-na ‰e-er] qar-ni-li-im lugal an-d[a-ri-ig(ki)...... ] [a-na ma-at a]-pí-im [l]a nu-Óa-ab-ba-[tu-ma] 5' [a-na dumu Íi-i]p-ri-Íu ù na-aÍ-pa-ar-ti-Í[u] [la a-Í]a-pa-ra-am la uÍ-ta-[ap-pa-ra-am] [...... i]t-ti ‰a-bi-ia lu-ú an-Óa-r[a-ar-ma] [...... ]-Íu ù Íukur-Íu-nu i-na x-‚xŸ[...... ] [...... -Í]u-‚nuŸ lu-ú e-e[p?-pé-eÍ] 10' [...... ]-am i-na-aÍ-Íe-em ù na-[...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ li-iq-b[i?...... ] [...... ]‚x x xŸ[...... ]

L.T.-1 b [L.87-1440] (surface fragment)

[...... ] (vacant) [...... ] [...... ni-iÍ din]gir-meÍ an-ni-i[m...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ ù Óa-a-ia-[a-b...... ] [...... q]ar-ni-li-im ú?-[...... ] THE TREATIES 347

5' [...... ]‚xŸ Ía ni-iÍ7-ka-[...... ] [.....a-ka-a]l? a-sa-‚ki-ÍuŸ[...... ]

L.T.-1 c [L.87-1441] (not copied; 2 small insignificant pieces of same type of clay)

L.T.-1 d [L.87-1443] [...... ]‚xŸ Íu [...... ] ———————————————————— [...... ]‚x-im?Ÿ[...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ(-)ka-ri-im[...... ] [...... ]‚Óa-iaŸ-a-b[u...... ] 5' [...... l]i?-di-in [...... ]

L.T.-1 e [L.87-1444a] (unjoined fragment) [...... ]‚x x xŸ[...... ] [...... ] i-na pí-i-im dumu i[a-mu-ut-ba-lim] [...... w]a?-bi-il ˇup-pí-im a[n-ni-im....] [la a-k]a-as-sú-Íu [...... ] 5' [(ù) a-na ‰e-e]r qar-ni-li-i[m...... ] [...... n]i-qa-bi-ma u[m-ma-a-mi (...)] [...... ]‚x x xŸ[...... ]

L.T.-1 f [L.87-1446a] (not copied; 2 small insignificant pieces with only a few signs preserved)

L.T.-1 g [L.87-1447] (fragment from edge, same grey color as the other pieces)

‚xŸ (vacant space) [...... ] [l]a (vacant space) [...... ] ‚xŸ (vacant space) [...... ] [lu]-ú ú-Ía-ar-ra-Íu [...... ] 5' [x x]‚xŸ-Óa-bu [...... ] 348 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

L.T.-1 h [L.87-1450] (not copied; small insignificant piece)

L.T.-1 i [L.87-1340a] [...... Ó]a-a-‚iaŸ-a-[bu(?)...... ] [...... -ma]r-ra-a‰ [...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ Óa-‚aŸ-[ia-a-bu...... ] [...... ] ‚xŸ i-ri ZU ‚xŸ[...... ] 5' [...... ] dam-qa-a[m...... ] [...... a-na pa-]an ‰a-bi-i[a...... ] [...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ] col. i: [Swear] by Enlil! [Swear] by Sîn of Heaven Swear by ﬁamaÍ of Heaven! Swear by Adad of Heaven! 5 Swear by Nergal, the lord of °ubÍalum Swear by [Nergal], the lord of Zirrami! Swear by [IÍtar, the Lady of Ni]net! Swear by [...... ]-r⁄ya! Swear by the Assyrian(?) [god(dess)] 10 Swear by [...... ]! Swear by [IÍtar, the Lady of] Nineveh(?) Swear by [IÍtar, the Lady of] Weapons! [Swear by ...... ]! [Swear by ...... ]! 15 [By these gods] to Qarni-Lim [...... °⁄]ya-abum, son of T[urum-n]at[ki(?)] [...... ] their citizens, their troops, their [herders] and their kingdoms—swear! ———————————————————— [To] Qarni-Lim, son of Muti-Addu, the king of Andarig 20 [and the king] of Apum, their sons, their [troops], [their herders], and the ...... kingdom, [all who live in] ﬁubat-Enlil [...... ] to ..... [...... ] [...... of] Sûmum(?) 25 [swo]re. ———————————————————— [From this day for] as long as I live [Qarni-Lim, son of Muti]-Addu, the king of Andarig [...... ] his men THE TREATIES 349

[...... ] the kingdom [...... , and] his [...... ] (break)

[L.87-507b+] [an oath by the god]s [I] have sworn. To a king, a noble, or [any] human being, in the entire country, thus I have not said, nor will I say, 5' I have not sent words, nor will I send words, I will not give instructions (about it), as follows: “I to Qarni-Lim, son of Muti-[Addu], and to °⁄ya-abum have sworn an oath by the gods. You go! As if I had nothing to do with it— 10' Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum, their [sons(?)], [(...... )] their servants, their troops, their herders, and [their] kingdom (break) col. ii: [L.87-1456] and with evi[l and murderous (intents)...... ] and their forces in the [...... ] I have not said, nor will I say; 5 I will not send words, I will not give instructions, and if previously I have sent my letter, or given instructions, in the [...... ] I shall indeed have it [withdrawn, I shall indeed have it ...... ] ———————————————————— When [...... ] (11 illegible lines) I shall not keep [him] in restraint [...... ], I shall not hand him over to someone else I shall not have [him] sold. ———————————————————— When Qarni-Lim, ki[ng of Andarig], 25 and °⁄ya-abum, king of Apum, [...... ] have entered and [...... ] have joined up and [...... ] (10 illegible lines) (break) 350 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN col. iii: [L.87-1456] (Nothing remains of this column.) col. iv: [L.87-229+] (3 lines too broken for translation) [...... ] troops of Qarni-L[im ...... ] 5' their servants, the messengers, and their [...... ] in my country and the country of my [...... ] I shall not [detain (....)] ———————————————————— ...... , evil and [...... ] and [to a .....] ... a king, a noble, [or any human being] 10' in all the land let him send me [...... ] (4 lines too broken for translation) (break)

[L.87-203+] who [...... ] to a king [...... ] who [...... ] I shall not se[nd words ...... ] 5'' and [my] letter [I shall not send]. Any secret [or confidential] matter, which Qarni-[Lim, son of Muti-Addu], ki[ng of Andarig, tells me], what [is secret and confidential] 10'' [I shall indeed keep secret] (break)

[L.87-1456] to a town that will not [...... ] for its protection ....[...... ] ———————————————————— (Those who) leave my territory [...... ] the intention and secret [of Qarni-Lim] 15'' and °⁄ya-abum [I will] not [reveal]. With Qarni-Lim [and °⁄ya-abum] for as long as I live [...... ] sons and [...... ] I will not send [...... ] THE TREATIES 351

20'' and °⁄ya-abum [...... ] with the enemy [...... ] and I will not say thus as follows: “The town [...... ] in falsehood of [...... ] 25'' and ..... [...... ] who with Qarni-Lim and °⁄y[a-abum ...... ] (3 lines too broken for translation) (break) col. v: [L.87-734] [...... ] [.... Qarni]-Lim, son of Muti-[Addu] [...... ] if [...... ] [...... ] a mayor, or [any] human being 5 in all the land silver, an expensive object, [...... ] a precious thing, a town [...... ] [and?] tribute or anything else [...... ] [...... they] placed, let him promise me [...... ], 10 [let him] send me saying: “[Take] this, [and] with Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum, [break truce!”] I shall not agree with him, I shall not receive [anything from him] With Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum I [shall not break truce, and] their enemies, and their army I shall not join [Qarni-Lim] and °⁄ya-abum [I] shall [...... ] 15 A local official of the country of Andarig [who] to [...... ] (break)

[When a ..... of Qarni-Li]m and °⁄ya-abum in my country (3 lines too broken for translation) (break)

[L.87-203+] (4 lines too broken for translation) 5'' [and] I shall not detain. From [my] chancellery [I shall...... ] [Who]se parent is a male Yamut-balean, a female Y[amut-balean] who in my palace, my chancellery or [my country] [is present], I shall not sell for silver, and I shall not dispose of him as palace property; and (he who) from a foreign land 10'' escapes, and is seen in my country, I shall not hide him, I shall not sell him for silver; on that very same day I shall send him home safely! ———————————————————— [A] slave or slave girl from the country of Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum 15'' [who] fled here in my palace, my [chancell]ery [shall] be seized and I shall not sell him for silver. I shall not dispose of [him] as palace property; [from] their master I shall not hide him. One shekel of silver as due to the palace I shall receive, and I shall release (him). ———————————————————— 20'' A native of Qarni-Lim, a Yamut[balean ...... ] of °⁄ya-abum [...... ] who came here, and [...... ] [...... ] [...... ] ———————————————————— 25'' Because of [this] oath [by the gods ...... ] (break)

[L.87-1456] (3 lines too broken for translation) [...... ] Qarni-Lim 5''' [...... ] tribute [...... ] before Qarni-Lim [...... ] Qarni-Lim [...... the oath] according to the wording of my tablet [of mine] I shall [not] cut off, I shall not forget. 10''' This is the [oath] by the gods that to Qarni-Lim without (secret) reflection I have sworn. ———————————————————— From this day on which this oath by the gods THE TREATIES 353

to Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum I have sworn, brotherhood, military aid, friendship, 15''' alliance in certain terms and friendly words, discourse in complete sincerity I shall entertain with them; I shall not be disloyal to them [...... ] before me I shall not place; [...... ] that/who (are) in the entire country (4 lines too broken for translation) [From] this [day] for as long as I live 25''' [...... to/for] Qarni-Lim I shall [...... ] [...... ].... I shall not [...... ] [and in en]mity and evil [I shall not ....………] (end of column) col. vi: [L.87-507b+] Like for my life and [the life] of [my] country I exert myself to protect it, to protect the life of Qarni Lim and to come to his aid 5 I shall exert myself, I shall not be negligent [.....as his enemy] I shall not go [...... as his ...... ] I shall go ———————————————————— To [this] oath by the gods that to Qarni-Lim I have sworn, falsehood, incrimination 10 and black magic of any humankind [...... I shall not do(?)!] [...... ] ———————————————————— For as long as I live I shall not [say thus:] “Because this my oath by the gods [...... ] 15 has become old my treaty [is void]. I shall [break the truce] with Qarni-Lim.” For as long as I live I shall not say thus. This oath by the gods [which I have sworn (to Qarni-Lim)] to sincere [...... ] 20 [...... ] (break)

[L.87-1456] and [L.87-524] (too fragmentary for translation) 354 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Additional Fragments L.T.-1 a [L.87-711] [...... ] ———————————————————— [When an opponent] and enemy with troops [...... ] [to] Qarni-Lim, king of Anda[rig ...... ], [in the country of A]pum we shall not make incursions. 5' [For] his [env]oy and his dispatch [I] shall not send, I shall not have sent. [...... w]ith my troops I shall come in relief [and] [...] his [...... ] and their forces in .... [...... ] [and] their [...... ] I shall do [(...)] 10' [...... the .....] he shall carry/lift and [...... ] [...... ] let him say(?) [...... ] (break)

The remaining fragments, L.T.-1 b-i, are all too fragmentary to warrant translation. In L.T.-1 b [L.87-1440] both Qarni-Lim and °⁄ya-abum are mentioned. In line 5' we possibly have the word asakkum “taboo,” which is not found elsewhere in these texts. In L.T.-1 d [L.87-1443] line 3' we have perhaps the word k⁄rum “merchant quarter,” which is otherwise found only in L.T.-5.

NOTES col. i: (1–14) For the deities invoked in the adjuration, see in general above, II.1.4.2. (6) Nergal of Zirrami is mentioned also in L.T.-2 i, 10. A town Zirramu(m), evidently an important north Mesopotamian cult center, is otherwise attested only in some as yet unpublished texts from Mari (Eidem 1996a). (8–14) The extant signs in these badly preserved lines cannot be read with complete confidence. The deity listed in line 8 occurs also in L.T.-2 i, 13, but cannot be identified. For the tentative reading in line 9, cf. L.T.-5 i, 11. The reading in line 11 is highly tentative since: (a) one expects the spelling ni-nu-wa (like in L.T. 5), and (b) line 7 seems to list Ninet, assumed to be identical to Ninuwa (Nineveh) (cf. Yuhong 1994). In line 14 B2let-Apim may be involved. (15) The patronym of °⁄ya-abum is partly broken, but the proposed reading is epigraphically sound and has historical probability. For Turum-natki, see above I.1.1.1. (25) For the remains in this line probably denoting the treaty partner, see above II.1.3.1. (9'ff.) The passage here is parallel to L.T.-4 ii 1ff. col. ii: (1) The first part of this line presumably parallels L.T.-4 ii 10, which unfortunately also is unclear. A similar passage is found in A.361 (Charpin 1991a = DEPM I, no. 292), where column ii, 11' is read: ZU-ra-Íu-nu x-ka-Íu-nu (their ..... I shall not order etc.). I can offer no convincing solution to this riddle. (3) The lance (giÍ)igi-kak = Íukurrum as metonym for military force is also found in column v, 13. THE TREATIES 355 col. iv: (5') For muttallikum “courier,” cf. letter [66], 15. (8') The reading of the first sign in this line is uncertain; LA, KU, MA, BA are possibilities, but none makes apparent sense in the context. (6''ff.) This passage is tentatively restored from L.T.-2 iv, 22'ff. (14'') e‰irtum (= u‰urtum) occurs also in vi, 12–13, but in a broken context. col. v: (7) For aÍlalûm, see the references collected by Durand (1991b, 18–20), who translates aÍlalêm dam- qam in A.3696, 11 (= DEPM I, no. 50) “fourniture de luxe.” (16) For this official, cf. Villard 1994. (1–2'') These two lines not in copy! (9''ff.) The administrative keywords zi-ga and Íu-ti-a are found often in the administrative texts from the Lower Town Palace (see texts and comments in Vincente 1991). Interesting here is the fact that the palace apparently had a “service” charge of one shekel of silver for the extradition of runaway slaves (ll. 18''f.), in contrast to the ipˇerum “redemption price” of individuals over whom the palace had complete control, like typical prisoners of war, and that at fieÓn⁄ ranged between 10 and 25 shekels (cf. Vincente 1991, nos. 26–51 and comments). (17) For Íâˇum “be disloyal,” here in the D-stem, cf. CAD fi/2. (20'') For umÍarÓum, see letter [63], 7. col. vi: (10) The word upÍaÍÍû “Aktion(en); Behexung(en), Hexerei(en)” (cf. AHw, 1425bf.) is found also in L.T.-2 v, 39'' in a similar context. (11) At the end of this line one expects a fit-form of ep¤Íum in parallel with L.T.-2 v, 39''. (9') The preserved signs may be part of a GN ...... -DaBiki.

L.T.-1 a: (4') We here have the only sure example of a plural verbal form with a pledge in this composition (cf. also vi, 16 and e, 6').

L.T.-1 b: For asakkam ak⁄lum and related expressions, see Charpin 1996. 356 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Leilan Treaty-2

Treaty between Mutiya (Mutu-AbiÓ) of Apum and °azip-TeÍÍup of Razam⁄

Material Reconstruction: Out of context: [L.87-150] (from lot 1 in square 57G/H04) Room 17: [L.87-208], [L.87-209], [L.87-213] Room 22: [L.87-438a], [L.87-441a], [L.87-552], [L.87-617], [L.87-1392a] Room 23: [L.87-811a] Except for most of the fragments from room 17 and some small fragments belonging with [L.87- 1392a], among them the lower left corner, all these pieces join directly. The material from room 17 consists of a number of smaller fragments of which one piece from [L.87-209] has been joined. Another fragment with the same number is the lower right corner. It seems certain that the fragments from room 17 generally constitute remains from the otherwise missing lower portion of the tablet. Presumably the tablet was broken in such a way that most fragments from the upper part landed in room 22 and the lower part in room 17, while a single piece from the upper edge ended in room 23. The isolated [L.87-150], found quite some distance away from these rooms and out of context, was most likely moved by post-depositional disturbance. col. i: [de]n-líl ta-m[a] [den-z]u Ía Ía-me-‚eŸ ta-m[a] [dutu Ía Í]a-me-e ta-m[a] [dim Í]a Ía-me-e ta-m[a] 5‚dŸa-Íur ta-m[a] ‚dŸim Ía ar-ra-ap-Ói-im ta-ma di[m Í]a na-wa-liki ta-ma den-‚zuŸ b[e]-el ia-mu-ut-ba-lim ta-[ma] d ne11-‚ìriŸ lugal Óu-ub-Ía-lim ta-[ma] d 10 ne11-ìri lugal zi-ir-ra-mi ta-[ma] d eÍ4-tár ni-ne-et ta-[ma] dnin-a-pí-im ‚ta-maŸ d‚xŸ [x] ‚xŸ-ra-a-ia [ta-ma] [dnin-ka-r]a-‚akŸ[ta-ma] (break of ca. 11.5 cm [= ca. 30–35 lines]) [...... ]‚xŸ [...... ]‚dumu-meÍŸ [...... ] [...... ]‚x xŸ 5' [...... ]-tim (break) THE TREATIES 357

[L.87-1392a] (text preserved only on obverse) ‚xŸ[...... ] la ú-[...... ] ù ˇup-p[í(?)...... ] (end of column) col. ii: [...... -Í]u-nu-ti [...... ]-‚irŸ [...... ]-‚xŸ [...... ]-‚xŸ 5' [...... ]-‚xŸ [...... mu-ti-ia dumu Óa-lu-u]n-pí-mu [lugal ma-a-at a-pí-imki...... ] ‰a-bi-Íu [...... ]-im [...... ]-‚xŸ-kam 10' [...... -k]u-ru [...... -n]i-ia [...... -i]m? (break; ca. 15 lines) [...... ]‚xŸ [...... ]‚xŸ [...... ]‚xŸ (break of 6.3 cm [= ca. 15 lines]) [...... ]‚xŸ [...... ] [...... ]‚x xŸ [...... ] [x x] mu-ti-ia [dumu Óa-lu-un-pí-mu] [lug]al [m]a-a-at a-‚pí-imŸ[ki...... ] 5'' ‚xŸ[x-t]i-‚ÍuŸ ‰a-ba-Í[u...... ] [...... ]‚x xŸ mi [...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] 10'' ‚x x x xŸ[...... ] ‚xŸ[...... ] la ú-[...... ] ‚xŸ[x x] ma [...... ] (break) col. iii: i-nu-ma mu-ti-ia dumu Óa-lu-un-pí-mu ‚lugal maŸ-a-[at a-p]í-imki a-na [‰]a-ab n[i-iÓ-ra-ri]-im iÍ7-ta-ap-ra-am 358 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

i-n[a] u4-mi-Í[u-m]a ‰a-bi dam-qa-am 5ù a-lik pa-[a]n ‰a-bi-ia ta-ak-lam lu-ú a-ˇà-‚ar-raŸ-du né-me-et-t[am la a-r]a-aÍ-Íu-ú ‰a-bi ú-ul ri-‚iqŸ la a-qa-ab-bu-ú a-na ‰a-bi-ia ù a-lik p[a-a]n ‰a-bi-ia 10 ki-a-am la a-qa-ab-bu-ú u[m-m]a a-na-ku-[m]a i-nu-ma ‰a-bu-um Ía mu-ti-ia d[umu] Óa-lu-un-pí-mu lugal ma-a-at a-pí-imki [a-n]a pa-an lú-kúr-Íu [a-na giÍtu]kul-meÍ e-pé-Íi-im is-sà-an-qú 15 [i-na a-wa-tim Í]a ú-zu-un sà-ar-tim ‚pu-uˇ-raŸ-m[a mu-t]i-ia ù ‰a-ba-Íu [i-d]u-ku la a-qa-a[b]-bu-ú l[a ú-Í]a-‚aq-buŸ-ú la ú-wa-a-‚ruŸ l[a a-Ía-ap-pa-ru] 20 ù ˇup-pa-[am la ú-Ía-a]b-‚ba-luŸ [k]i-a-am lu-‚úŸ [ú-wa-a-ru]-Íu-nu-ti [um-ma] a-n[a-ku-ma i-na] na-pí-iÍ7-ti-ku-nu [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ] 25 [...... m]u-ti-[ia] [dumu Óa-lu-un-pí-mu lugal] ma-‚a-atŸ a-[pí-imki] [...... ]‚xŸ Íu ta a[m...... ] ———————————————————— [...... ]‚xŸ ù [...... ] [...... ma-a-at a-pí]-imki 30 [...... -t]u (break)

[L.87-209] [...... ] la ‚aŸ-k[a? x]‚x xŸ [...... ]-Íu [...... ] ar-nam ‚le-mu-utŸ-tim l.e. [...... ]-iq-tim 5' [...... mu-ti-ia] dumu Óa-lu-pí-ú-mu [lugal ma-a-at a-p]í-imki col. iv: rev. [iÍ-tu u4-mi-im an-n]i-im [Ía ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ] an-né-em [a-na mu-ti-ia dumu Óa-l]u-un-pí-mu [lugal ma-a-at a-pí-im ...... ] (break) THE TREATIES 359

[L.87-150+] ‚x xŸ [...... ] la a-‚xŸ[...... ] ———————————————————— iÍ-tu u4-m[i-im an-ni-im a-di ba-al-ˇà-ku] le-em-nu-um a-[ia-bu-um...... ] 5' be-el a-wa-tim Í[a mu-ti-ia] dumu Óa-‚lu-unŸ-p[í-mu lugal ma-a-at a-pí-imki] ‚ùŸ [a-n]a kù-s[ig17...... ] [x (x)] tu ‚xŸ[...... ] ‚xŸ[...... ] 10' ‚xŸ[...... ]‚x xŸ le-qé-[...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ] le-‚x xŸ[x x x] la ‚a xŸ[...... ] ‚it-ti muŸ-[ti-ia dumu Ó]a-l[u-un-pí-mu] lugal ma-a-a[t] a-pí-im[ki...... ] 15' a-di ba-[a]l-ˇà-ku l[a...... ] [...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ bi Íu [...... ] [...... ma-Ó]a?-ar [mu-ti-ia] [dumu Óa-lu-u]n-pí-mu lug[al ma-a-at a-pí-imki] 20' [la ...... -a]r-ru-Íu la a-‚Ía-al-lu-ÍuŸ [l]a ‚úŸ-[...... ]-‚e?Ÿ-ru-Íu ———————————————————— [iÍ-t]u u4-mi-im a[n-n]i-im ‚a-diŸ ba-al-‚ˇà-kuŸ [a-w]a-tam pí-ri-iÍ7-t[am] ù [n]a-‰i-ir-tam Í[a m]u-ti-ia dumu Óa-lu-un-pí-mu 25' luga[l m]a-a-at a-pí-imki i-qa-[a]b-bé-em i-Ía-[a]p-pa-ra-am ù ‚ˇupŸ-p[a]-am ú-Ía-‚ab-ba-lamŸ a-wa-tam Ía-a-ti a-di ba-‚al-ˇàŸ-k[u] lu-ú a-na-a‰-‰a-ru 30' be-el-Ía la ‚úŸ-[.....-Í]a?-du ———————————————————— iÍ-tu u4-mi-im an-n[i-im a-d]i ‚baŸ-al-ˇà-ku it-ti<<-ia >>mu-ti-ia dumu ‚ÓaŸ-lu-un-pí-mu lugal ma-a-at a-pí-[im]ki ‚atŸ-Óu-tam til-lu-tam sa-l[i-ma-am (...)] 35' ‚atŸ-wa-am Í[a] li-ib-bi [ga-a]m-ra-am a-di ba-al-ˇà-ku l[u-ú] e-ep-pé-Íu ———————————————————— Óa-a-‚iaŸ-tam ‚lúŸ-meÍ Í[a ma-a-at a-p]í-imki [...... i-na ma?]-ti-ia 40' [...... ]-‚xŸ 360 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[...... -n]im i-ba-aÍ-Íu [l]u-ú be-e[l...... l]u-‚úŸ dumu ‚umŸ-me-ni ‚aŸ-di mi-im-ma Íum-Íu [an-d]u-‚raŸ-ar-Íu-n[u l]u-ú a-Ía-ak-‚ka-anŸ 45' lu-ú ú-[w]a-aÍ-Ía-‚ruŸ-Íu-nu-ti la a-ka-al-lu-ú la ú-sa-am-ma-Íu a-[n]a kù-babbar la a-na-ad-di-nu a-na ma-a-tim Ía-ni-ti[m l]a ú-pa-az-za-ru a-na lú mu-uÍ-ke-ni-‚iaŸ la a-qa-ab-bu-ma 50' la ú-pa-az-za-ru (end of column) col. v: [L.87-213] l[ú ...... ] la ub-ba-‚x xŸ[...... ] i-na di-nim la a-[...... ] a-na ‚ma-at xŸ[...... ] 5' ‚laŸ a-ta-ar-r[u...... ] di-nam ki d[utu ...... ] lu-ú a-di-[nu ...... ] ———————————————————— iÍ-tu u4-[mi-im an-ni-im] (break)

[L.87-150+] [...... ]‚xŸ-AN li-‚xŸ[x] [...... ]‚xŸ[x] [...... ]‚x x xŸ [...... -s]ú-ú la ‚úŸ-pa-ar-ra-s[ú] ———————————————————— 5'' ‚ÍaŸ munus-meÍ ‚ÓaŸ-ab-lam Óa-bi-il--tam Ía ma-a-[a]t a-pí-imki Ía da[m]-gàr ù ‰a-bu-um a-Ói-tu a-n[a] li-ib-bi ma-a-ti-ia ú-[Í]e-et-te-qú Óa-ab-ta-ku i-Ía-sú-ú 10'' la [i]Í-ta-sú-ma la ú-Íe-et-[te-q]ú lú Óa-bi-ta-an-Íu lu-ú a-ka-[al-lu-ú] [q]a-du Óa-bi-ta-ni-Íu [a-na di-nim] a-na ma-Óa-ar mu-ti-[ia] dumu Óa-lu-[u]n-pí-mu l[ugal m]a-a-at [a-pí-imki] 15'' lu-ú ú-Ía-ar-r[u-Íu] l[a] a-k[a-a]l-lu-ú di-in dumu-meÍ [ma-a-a]t ‚aŸ-[pí-i]mki THE TREATIES 361

ki-ma di-in l[ú (....) ma-ti]-ia lu-ú ú-Íe-eÍ-Í[e-ru-Íu] 20'' i-na di-nim la ú-Í[a?-...... ] a-na qa-at be-e[l] ‚aŸ-[wa-ti-Íu] la ‚aŸ-ma-Óa-r[u...... ] di-na-am ki-na-am [Ía dutu lu-ú] a-di-[nu] ———————————————————— iÍ-tu u4-mi-im an-ni-i[m] 25'' Ía ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ-ia an-né-em a-na mu-ti-ia dumu Óa-lu-un-pí-mu lugal ma-a-at a-pí-imki dumu-meÍ-Íu ìr-meÍ-Íu ‰a-bi-Íu na-wi-Íu ù nam-la-ka-ti-Íu áz-ku-ru 30'' a-di ba-al-ˇà-ku ki-a-am la a-qa-bu-ú um-ma a-na-ku-ma ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ-ia il-ta-bi-ir ma-mi-tum ir-te-eq ma-‰í a-na mu-ti-ia dumu Óa-lu-un-pí-mu lugal ma-a-at a-pí-imki dumu-meÍ-Íu 35'' ìr-meÍ-Íu ‰a-bi-Íu na-we-Íu ù nam-la-ka-ti-Íu lu-gal-li-il a-di ba-al-ˇà-ku an-ni-tam la a-qa-ab-bu-ú ù i-na up-Ía-Íe-e Ía a-wi-lu-tim Íum-Íu la uÍ-te-ep-pí-Íu-ma Ía Íu-uÓ-Óu-ut 40'' ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ-ia an-ni-im Ía a-na mu-ti-ia dumu Óa-lu-un-pí-mu lugal ma-a-at a-pí-imki dumu-meÍ-Íu ìr-meÍ-Íu ‰a-bi-Íu na-we-Í[u] ù nam-la-ka-ti-Íu áz-ku-r[u] 45'' la ‚e-epŸ-pé-Íu-ma n[i-i]Í dingir-meÍ-i[a] an-[né-em la ú-Í]a-aÓ-Óa-tu i-[na a-wa-at li-ib-bi g]a-am-ri-im [...... ]-ri-Íum lu-ú a-sa-‚anŸ-ni-[q]ú [a-na mu-ti-ia dumu Óa-l]u-u[n-pí-m]u 50'' [lugal ma-a-at a-pí-imki dumu-meÍ]-Íu [ìr-meÍ-Íu ‰a-bi-Íu na-we]-Íu [...... ]‚xŸ-KU? [...... ] áz-ku-ru [...... a]-na da-ri-tim 55'' [...... la] e-te-eq [...... -n]i-in-ne ———————————————————— (end of column) 362 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN col. vi: [L.87-213] [...... ] ut-ta-ak-k[i-ir] ———————————————————— [dutu e-le-nu-um z]e-ri li!-‚il!Ÿ-qú-ut [er-‰e-tum Ía-ap-l]a-nu-um [Íu-ur-Íi li-ik-s]ú-‚umŸ ———————————————————— 5' [...... ]‚xŸ-ti-Íu-[n]u [...... ]‚x x xŸ [...... ]‚x x xŸ [...... ]‚x xŸ (break)

[L.87-150+] den-zu Í[e-er-tam li-mu-ut-tam] Ía a-na d[a-ri-tim la ut-ta-ak-ka-ru] e-li-ia ‚ùŸ [e-li ma-ti-ia li-mi-id] a-na ‚daŸ-r[i-tim a ut-ta-ak-ki-ir] 5'' dim ki-ma e-‚liŸ a-ia-b[i-Íu ...... ] e-l[i-i]a ù e-li bi-n[i-...... ] [li-iÍ-t]a-ar-Ói-ib li-[ir-Ói-‰a-an-n]i-ma [ù pí-r]i-iÓ bé-en [...... a] ir-Í[i] [ki-ma ga-aÓ-Ó]i-‚im-ma a-na aÍ-ri-ÍuŸ la i-tu-ru 10'' [a-na-ku a-na a]Í-ri-ia a a-‚tu!-ru!Ÿ ———————————————————— giÍ [eÍ4-tár nin ]tukul-‚meÍŸ ù ta-Óa-zi [giÍtukul-i]a ù giÍtukul ma-a-ti-ia [li-iÍ-bi-ir a-n]a pa-an me-eÓ-ri-ia [giÍtukul-ia a a]Í-Íi ———————————————————— 15'' [...... ](-)‚xŸ-Íi-im [...... -r]i-e e-li ma-ti-ia [...... ]‚a ibŸ-Íi [...... ]‚x-idŸ [i-na ma-Óa-ar]‚dingir-meÍŸ gal-gal 20'' [li-iÍ-pí]-iˇ ———————————————————— [...... ]-AN [...... ]-a (space) [a-na] mu-ti-ia dumu Óa-lu-un-pí-mu [lugal m]a-a-at a-pí-im UD ta-at-ma THE TREATIES 363

Additional Fragments L.T.-2 a [L.87-1392a] (Three additional small inscribed fragments. Presumably they belong to extant beginnings of columns iv–vi.)

1) [.....]‚x-ÍuŸ-nu [...... ] [.....]-NE-tum Ía [...... ] [.....]‚x xŸ[...... ]

2) [.....]‚x xŸ[...... ] [.....] ‚aŸ-na qa-at [...... ] [.....le?]-em-ni-Íu i-‚xŸ[...... ] ———————————————————— 3) [.....]‚xŸ[...... ] [.....]‚xŸ-am a-‚xŸ[...... ] [.....] ‚ùŸ lu ‚xŸ [...] [.....]‚xŸ kù-bab[bar...... ]

These are the field numbers L.87-208, 209, and 213, which all include several smaller fragments. Only two pieces from 208 and 209 join directly, but the entire group must belong to the same general part of the original tablet. They all come from room 17.

L.T.-2 b [L.87-208+209] Fragment with remains of 3 columns. Thus from column ii or v. Only significant text preserved in middle column.

[...... a-n]a mu-[ti-ia] [lugal ma-a-at a-pí-i]m áz-‚kuŸ-ru [...... ]‚xŸ-lu-tam ra-i-mu-tam [...... ]‚xŸ-la-tim 5' [...... a-wa-t]i-in dam-qa-t[im] [...... Í]a li-ib-bi ga-AB-[.....] [a-na mu]-ti-ia a-di ‚baŸ-a[l-ˇà-ku] lu ‚x x x xŸ[...... ] a-na ‚(x) x xŸ mu-t[i-ia ...... ] 10' ‚a-na? bu-ul-lu?-uˇ?Ÿ[...... ] [l]a a-Ía-ak-[ka-nu...... ] ———————————————————— ‚iÍ-tu u4-m[i-im an-ni-im ...... ] (break) 364 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

L.T.-2 c [L.87-208] Two remaining small fragments with this number; cf. copy.

L.T.-2 d [L.87-209] A small fragment that is extremely important since it almost certainly provides the name and title of the other contracting party to L.T.- 2: °azip-TeÍÍup of Razam⁄ (cf. Introduction).

[...... Óa-z]i-‚ipŸ-te-Í[u-ub] [dumu ...... ] lugal ra-za-m[a-a(ki)] [...... an-n]i-im [(...)] [...... ]‚x xŸ[.....]

L.T.-2 e [L.87-213] Unjoined fragment with remains of signs in 3 lines from 2 different columns; cf. copy. col. i: Swear by Enlil! Swear by Sîn of Heaven! Swear by [ﬁamaÍ] of Heaven! Swear by [Adad] of Heaven! 5 Swear by AÍÍur! Swear by Adad of ArrapÓum! Swear by Adad of Nawali! Swear by Sîn, the lord of Yamut-balum! Swear by Nergal, the king of °ubÍalum! 10 Swear by Nergal, the king of Zirrami! Swear by IÍtar of Ninet! Swear by B2let-Apim! Swear by ...-r⁄ya! Swear by [Ninkar]rak! (break) (the remaining lines in this column are too broken for translation) col. ii: (too broken for translation) col. iii:

When Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, king of the country of Apum, has sent for auxiliaries, THE TREATIES 365

on that very day my elite troops 5 and a trusted commander for my troops I shall send! I shall have no objection; I shall not say: “My troops are not available!” To my troops and the commander of my troops 10 I shall not say as follows: “When the troops of Mutiya [son] of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, king of the country of Apum, to the front of his enemy has approached to do battle, 15 [in words] of disobedience decamp, and Mutiya and his troops will be killed!” (Thus) I will not order, I will not have ordered, I will not instruct, I will not [send words], 20 and (by) letter I will not send words! Thus I will [instruct] them as follows: [“Like] your own lives [you must protect Mutiya, ...... ] (the remaining lines in this column are too broken for translation) col. iv: [L.87-209] [From the very day] [that] this [oath by the gods] [to Mutiya, son of °al]un-pî-(yu)mu [king of Apum, I swore] (break) [L.87-150+] [...... ] I shall not.... ———————————————————— From this very day [for as long as I live] an evil-doer and en[emy ...... ] 5' an adversary [of Mutiya], son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, [king of the country of Apum] and for gold [...... ] (lines 8'–12' too broken for translation) with Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, king of the country of Apum [...... ] as long as a live I shall not [...... ] (lines 16'–17' too broken for translation) [...... befo]re(?) [Mutiya] 366 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[son of °alu]n-pî-(yu)mu, ki[ng of the country of Apum,] 20' I shall not [.....] him, I shall not bring him to account, [...... I shall not ....] him. ———————————————————— From this very day for as long as I live any confidential or secret matter, which Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, 25' the king of the country of Apum, tells me, sends words to me about, or sends me a letter about, this matter for as long as I live, I shall keep secret. Its master I shall not [...... ] ———————————————————— 30' From this very day for as long as I live, with Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, king of the country of Apum, brotherhood, military aid, peace [...], discourse in complete sincerity 35' for as long as I live I shall perform. ———————————————————— A Óayy⁄tum, men [from the country of Ap]um [...... in my country] [...... ] 40' [...... anyone] there are either a “lord” [...... ] or a worker to whatever extent I shall reinstate in their rights; I shall release them; 45' I shall not detain (them); I shall not hide (them), I shall not sell (them) for silver; I shall not lead (them) secretly away to another country; I shall not declare (them as belonging) to my commoners, and I shall not lead (them secretly) away. (end of column) col. v: [L.87-213] a man [...... ] I shall not [...... ] In a trial I shall not [...... ] to the country [...... ] 5' I shall not lead away [...... ] A verdict like divine [ﬁamaÍ (.....)] THE TREATIES 367

I shall render [(....)] ———————————————————— From [this very day] (break) [L.87-150+] (lines 1'–3' too broken for translation) [....] I shall not have “separated.” 5' Who leads women, a male or female captive from the country of Apum, either a merchant or foreign troops through the interior of my country, (whether) they cry for help 10' or have not cried for help, they shall not lead them through! I shall detain his captor; with his captor [for judgment] before Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, [king of the co]untry of [Apum], 15' I shall have [him] sent; I shall not detain (him)! A verdict for citizens [of the country of Apum] like the verdict of a man [from my own country] I shall secure [for him] 20' In the verdict I shall not [...... ] to the hand of [his] opponent I shall not ...... [...... ] A just verdict [like divine ﬁamaÍ] I shall render! ———————————————————— From this very day 25' that this oath of mine by the gods to Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, king of the country of Apum, his sons, his servants, his troops, his seasonal camp, and his kingdom, I swore, 30' for as long as I live I shall not say thus: “My oath by the gods has become old and the treaty has become void! Enough! To Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, king of the country of Apum, his sons, 35' his servants, his troops, his seasonal camp, and his kingdom I shall do evil!” For as long as I live I shall not say thus, and with any magic of mankind I shall not be active, and to make void 40' this oath by the gods which to Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu, 368 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

the king of the country of Apum, his sons, his servants, his troops, his seasonal camp, and his kingdom I have sworn, 45' I shall do nothing, and this oath of mine by the gods I shall not make void. In word(s) of complete sincerity [...... ] for him I shall keep. [to Mutiya, son of °alun-bim]u, 50' [king of the country of Apum], his [sons,] [his servants, his troops,] his [seasonal camp] (lines 52'–56' too broken for translation) col. vi: [L.87-213] [...... ] may it not be changed! ———————————————————— [ﬁamaÍ on high] shall take away my sprouts [the earth bel]ow [my roots shall weed] out! ———————————————————— (4 lines too broken for translation)

[L.87-150+] May Sîn [an evil punishment] which for[ever cannot be changed] on me and [my country impose;] forever [let it not be changed!] 5'' Like Adad against his enemy [(is brought into rage)] let him against me and against my descendants [...... ] be brought into rage and [blow me away!] [and no off-]spring of descendants [...... ] there shall be! [Like a cough] does not return to its base 10'' [I to my]home shall not return! ———————————————————— [IÍtar, the Lady of] Weapons and Battles [my weapons] and the weapons of my country [shall break! In] front of my opponent [weapons I shall not car]ry! ———————————————————— (lines 15''–22'' too broken for translation) Subscript: [To] Mutiya, son of °alun-pî-(yu)mu [king of] the country of Apum you swore THE TREATIES 369

Additional Fragments

None of the fragments L.T.-2 a-e yields much consecutive text. The most important information is found in L.T.-2 d, which probably contains the name and title of the treaty partner:

[...... °az]ip-TeÍÍ[up], [son of ...... ], king of Razam[⁄], [...... ] this [...... ]

NOTES col. i: (1–14) For the gods in the adjuration, see in general above, II.1.4.2. col. ii: The sorry remains of this column probably contained clauses concerning military matters. Compare L.T.-1 ii–iii. col. iii: For parallels to the main passage in this column, see II.1.4.3 ad Theme 3. col. iv: (22') For piriÍtum “privy council,” see Durand 1991b, 65. (32') The suffix after itti seems to be an error, but a verb with Mutiya as subject at the end of line 34' cannot be excluded. (37') For Óayy⁄tum, see above ad letter [33], 4. (44') For andur⁄rum in this period, see Charpin 1990e. (47') For further references to summuÍum “hide away,” see Charpin 1993–94, 10. Note the contrast- ing use of puzzurum in line 48' about hiding people while moving them “to another country.” col. v: (4') (double ruling after this line omitted in copy) (9'') For the expression Óabt⁄ku Íasûm, see the examples collected in ARMT XXVI/2, p. 299. (11''f.) Cf. the discussion in I.1.2.3 for Ó⁄bit⁄num. (39'') For ÍaÓ⁄tum, D “to clear of obligations” in Old Assyrian texts, see CAD ﬁ/I, 85f. The same verb is used in line 46''. col. vi: (1'ff.) The first preserved part of the curse section. Lines 2'–4' are restored in parallel with L.T.-3 iv, 12'–14' but after the last collation of the fragment, which explains the maladroit signs LI and IL in line 2' of copy. Probably the small fragment L.T.-6 f belongs here and provides the first signs in lines 1'–2'. (1–4'') This passage has been restored in parallel with L.T.-3 iv, 15'–21'. (5''–10'') This passage has been restored from L.T.-3 v, 6–16. (24'') A form ut-ta-at-ma makes no sense, and the sign formally UD may be a faulty KI as GN determinative for Apum. The signs in the subscript were impressed in a drier tablet than the rest of the text, and, therefore, may have been applied only after the actual treaty ceremony was performed. 370 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Leilan Treaty-3

Treaty between Till-Abnû of Apum and Yam‰i-°atnû of KaÓat

Material reconstruction: This is the best preserved of the Leilan treaties. Fragments represented by eleven different L.87-nos. join to form two main pieces from a tablet with six columns of writing. [L.87-1362+1363+786a+603d+180] constitutes approximately the upper half of the tablet. It measures 13.2 cm in length and 11.3 cm in (complete) width. [L.87-241a+557a+750+790a+869b+484] forms a large piece from the lower part of the tablet. It measures 7.5 cm by 9.2 cm in width. All the fragments were found in room 22 except the very small splinters numbered [L.87-180] of which one joins the right edge of [L.87-1362+] directly, which come from room 2. Given the distance between rooms 2 and 22, the presence of the small pieces in room 2 must be due to some post-depositional disturbance. The complete tablet must have been ca. 25–28 cm long. Using 0.5 cm as an average line height, it is possible to estimate the number of lines in each column at ca. 60. Adding to this 12 lines on the lower edge and 13 lines on the upper edge, we reach a total of some 385 lines for the whole text. Since the extant remains cover some 280 lines, it can be estimated that ca. 100 lines, equalling about one-fourth of the text, are completely missing. col. i: an ta-ma den-líl ta-m[a] den-zu Ía Ía-me-e ta-m[a] dutu Ía an ta-ma 5 dim Ía an ta-ma dim Ía ar-ra-ap-Ói-im ta-ma dim be-el Óa-la-ab ta-ma dim Ía na-wa-li ‚taŸ-ma dim be-el ka-Óa-at ta-ma d 10 nè-iri11-gal ta-ma dnin-na-ga-ar ta-ma dé-a ta-ma d eÍ4-tár ni-n[e-e]t ta-ma ‚dŸn[in-a-p]í-im ta-ma 15 d[nin t]a-Óa-zi-im ta-ma dk[ur-k]i za-ra ta-ma [dingir-meÍ] an ta-ma [dingir ki-m]eÍ ù a-e-meÍ ta-ma [dingir-meÍ] an-nu-ti-in ma-la wa-aÍ-bu ta-ma 20 [dingir-meÍ a]n-nu-ti-in Iti-la-ab-nu-ú [dumu da]-ri-e-pu-uÓ lugal ma-a-at a-pí THE TREATIES 371

[ìr-d]u-meÍ lú-Íu-gi-Íu-meÍ dumu-meÍ-Íu [ù ma]-a-at Óa-na ka-‚luŸ-Íu [it-m]u-ú ———————————————————— 25 [i-nu-ma t]i-la-ab-nu-ú [dumu da-ri]-‚eŸ-pu-uÓ lugal ma-a-at a-pí [ìr-du-meÍ-Íu] lú-Íu-gi-meÍ-Íu dumu-meÍ-Íu-nu [ù ma-a-at] Óa-na ka-lu-Íu [a-na ia-am-‰]í-Óa-at-nu-ú 30 [dumu ás-di-né-Ói-i]m lugal ka-Óa-atki [a-na uru ka-Óa-at]‚kiŸ lugal-meÍ aÓ-Ói-Íu [dé-a-ma-lik l]ú-Íu-gi-meÍ [ìr-di-Íu ‰a-b]i-Íu ma-ti-Íu [uru-ki-Óá-Íu Íi-a-al-PI]-ri 35 [nu-Óa-Íi(-im) ù nam-la-ka-ti]-‚ÍuŸ [iÍ-tu na-wa-ar a-di na-wa-arki] (break)

[L.87-241a+] [...... ]‚xŸ [...... ] [...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ 5' [...... -n]u-ú [...... ] [...... ia-am-‰í-Ó]a-a[t-nu]-‚úŸ [dumu ás-di-ne-Ói-im lugal k]a-Óa-at‚kiŸ [...... ]‚x x xŸ 10' [...... ]‚xŸ (break; probably 2 lines missing before l.e. + ca. 4 lines on l.e.) col. ii: [L.87-1362+] la-a né-ep-pé-Íu la nu-‚Íe-ep-pé-ÍuŸ Iia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú dumu ás-di-né-Ói-im lugal ka-Óa-atki a-na uru ka-Óa-at lugal-meÍ aÓ-Ói-Íu 5Idé-a-ma-lik lú-Íu-gi-meÍ<-Íu> dumu-meÍ-Íu ìr-di-Íu ‰a-bi-Íu ma-ti-Íu uru-ki-Óá-Íu Íi-a-al-‚PIŸ-ri nu-Óa-Íi-im ù nam-la-‚ka-ti-ÍuŸ iÍ-t[u] na-wa-ar a-di na-wa-arki l[a-a n]i-ba-ar-ru ‚laŸ <> nu-ba-ar-ru ———————————————————— 10 ‚i-nu-maŸ ia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú 372 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

dumu ás-di-né-Ói-im lugal ka-‚Óa-atŸki ‰a-ba-am i-ir-ri-Ía-an-né-ti ‰a-ba-am dam-qa-am la ni-ka-al-lu-Íu te-qí-tam la-a ni-ip-pa-lu-Íu 15 i-na ru-bu-u‰ ‰a-bi-Íu ‰a-bu-ni lu-ú i-ra-ab-bi-i‰ giÍtukul-Óá-ni lu-ú nu-uÍ-te-em-mi-id-ma lú-kúr-Íu lu-ú ni-is-sà-ak-ki-ip ———————————————————— i-nu-ma a-na uru-ki [ma-l]i ma-tim 20 Ía ia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu lugal ka-Óa-atki ù a-na uru ka-Óa-at ‰a-bu-ni i-ir-ru-bu i-na Íi-ip-ˇá-tim e-we-tim ù sà-ra-tim Íi-pí-ir s[ú-r]i-tim ù li-mu-un-tim i-na mu-uÓ-Ó[i uru-k]i Ía-a-ti la ni-ip-pé-Íu 25 a-na lugal lú-kúr-Íu a-na dumu a-wi-lu-tim Íum-Íu Ía li-mu-un-tam a-na uru ka-Óa-at lugal-t[i]-Íu ù nam-la-ka-ti-Íu iÍ-tu-na-wa-ar a-di na-wa-arki an-ni-tam la a-Ía-ap-pa-ru 30 ìr-di lú-lam a-Óé-em lu-ú ìr lu-ú l[ú] lu-ú dumu a-wi-lu-tim Í[u]m-Íu ki-‚aŸ-am la a-qa-ab-bu-ú um-ma a-n[a]-‚ku-maŸ a-‚likŸ a-na-ku ni-iÍ ‚dingirŸ-meÍ za-ak-ra-ku ki-‚maŸ la-a i-du-ma a-[n]a uru-ki-Óá-Íu 35 ma-a-ti-Íu ù nam-la-ka-‚tiŸ-Íu iÍ-‚tuŸ na-wa-ar a-di na-wa-arki Ía ia<-am>-‰[í-Óa-at-nu-ú dumu ás-di-ne-Ói-im] lugal [ka-Óa-at ...... ] (break)

[L.87-241a+] a-[...... ] ú-ul [...... ] ———————————————————— i-na lugal [...... ] lu-ú ‚lú xŸ[...... ] 5' a-na Ía [...... ] ‚a-naŸ ‰e-ri-[Íu...... ] [t]a?-az-zi-[...... ] ‚i? [x] ‚xŸ ka ‚xŸ [...... ] an-[ni-t]am lu-‚úŸ[...... ] 10' l[a ...... ] ‚aŸ-‚x x xŸ[...... ]‚x x xŸ[...... ] [x x (x)]‚xŸ[...... ù] nam-la-k[a-ti-Íu] THE TREATIES 373

[...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚x-ÍuŸ ù DU-ZI-[...... ] 15' [...... ]‚xŸ ia-am-‚‰íŸ<-Óa>-at-nu-[ú] [lugal ka-Ó]a-at ‚i-naŸ [x]‚xŸ[...... ] col. iii: [L.87-1362+] i-nu-ma uru lugal a-Ói ‚ùŸ lú sú-ga-gu Ía li-ib-ba-Íu ú-ra-ab-bu-ma it-ti Iia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú ù ka-Óa-atki i-na-ak-ki-ru-ma 5pa-ga-ar-Íu i-Ía-al-la-ˇú-ma ki ia-am-‰í-Óa-[a]t-nu-ú [(..)] ‚ùŸ ka-Óa-at [a-na-ak-ki-ir-ma] a-na ti-il-l[a-ab-nu-ú al-la-ak] ‚igi?Ÿ ka-Ó[a?-at? ...... ] 10 ‚ù (x)Ÿ[...... ] ‚‰aŸ-ba-am [...... ] ù x [...... -Ó]u-Íu qé-er-bu ù ru-‚qú a-na er-‰e-tiŸ-Íu in-bi-Íu iz-bi-Íu ma-na-Óa-ti-Íu 15 du-um-qí-Íu i-ni-ia la a-na-aÍ-‚ÍuŸ-ú lú Ía-ak-nam pa-né-em la a-na-sà-Óu-ma Ía-ak-ni ù Óa-zi-a-ni la a-Ía-k[a-nu] ul-la-an bé-eÓ-ri-im giÍÍukur re-‰ú-tam Ía-ni-tam la-a e-er-ri-Í[u] 20 gu4-Óá ú-du-ga-am la a-na-ad-d[i-nu] Íe-em Íi-ib-Ía-am kù-babbar li-[di-nam-ma] e-re-Íi e-‰í-di mi-[im-ma] la e-er-ri-Íu tukul-Ó[á] ‚a-naŸ e-n[u-tim] la ‚aŸ-[n]a-ad-di-nu Ía-[al-l]a-tim la e-er-ri-Í[u] 25 ul-[la]-nu-um giÍ[Íukur] mi-im-ma la e-‚erŸ-ri-Íu ———————————————————— dumu ka-Óa-at Íi-[a-a]l-PI-ri ù nu-Óa-Íi it-ti dumu m[a-ti-ia...... ](-)‚li-ti-xŸ pa-an dumu ma-[ti-ia?...... ] 30 ‚diŸ-in ˇà-ba-[...... ] di-nam ki d[utu ...... ] lu-ú ‚aŸ-[di-in ...... ] ‚ìrŸ [...... ] ‚xŸ[...... ] (break) 374 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

[L.87-241a+] l.e. [x x]‚x x x xŸ[x x] [la] ni-na-aÍ-Íu-ú [i]t-ti ia-am-‰í-at-nu-[ú] lugal ka-Óa-at la ni-na-ki-ru col. iv: [n]i-iÍ dingir-meÍ Ía pí-i ˇup-pí an-ni-[im] [l]a ni-ka-aÍ-Íi-ˇú [la n]i-ma-aÍ-Íu-ú [n]i-iÍ dingir-meÍ an-né-em 5‚ÍaŸ a-na ia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú lugal ka-Óa-atki dé-a-ma-li[k...... ] lu-ú za-ak-r[a-nu] ———————————————————— iÍ-tu u4-mi-im [an-ni-im] 10 Ía ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ an-né-[em a-na ia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú] [lug]al ka-Óa-at ù x [...... ni-iz-ku-ru] [at-Óu]-tum ti-il-lu-[tum ...... ] [a-wa-t]i-in dam-qa-t[im...... ] [at]-wa-am Ía li-i[b-bi-im ga-am-ri-im] 15 [it-t]i I‚ia-amŸ-‰[í-Óa-at-nu-ú] [lugal] ka-Óa-a[t...... ] (break)

[L.87-1362+] ki-[ma...... ] ni-i[Í dingir-meÍ...... ] KU-[...... ] [...... ] 5' [...... ] x-[...... ] la-‚aŸ[...... ] ———————————————————— i-nu-ma [ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ] an-né-em [Í]a a-[na ia-am-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú] 10' lugal ka-Óa-at n[i-iz-ku-ru] ni-it-t[i]-qú-ma nu-g[al-la-lu] dutu e-‚leŸ-nu-um zi-ra-n[i (...)] er-‰e-t[u]m Ía-ap-la-nu-um Íu-ur-Íi-ni li-ik-sú-um ———————————————————— 15' den-zu Íe-er-tam li-mu-un-tam THE TREATIES 375

Ía a-na da-ri-tim la ut-ta-ak-ka-ru e-li zu-um-r[i-ni li-mi-id] ù zu-[m]u-ur bi-‚xŸ[...... ] 20' li-Íe-pí-ma a-na d[a-ri-tim] a ut-ta-ak-ki-i[r] ———————————————————— d giÍ eÍ4-tár be-le-et tu[kul-meÍ] ù ta-Óa-zi-im giÍtukul-meÍ-ni li-iÍ-bi-ir-ma 25' a-na pa-an lugal me-eÓ-ri-ni ù dumu a-wi-lu-ti[m Íum-Íu] giÍtukul-e-ni [a ni-iÍ-Íu-ú] col. v: [L.87-241a+] (lines 1–2(?) missing) [...... ]‚x xŸ-Íu [...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ] ù ma-a-at Óa-na ka-lu-Íu a-na p[a-n]i lú-kúr-Íu-nu 5 giÍtukul-meÍ a iÍ-Íu-ú ———————————————————— ki-ma dim e-li a-ia-bi-[Í]u uÍ-ta-ra-aÓ-Óa-bu-ma i-ra-[Ói-‰ú] e-li Iti-la-ab-nu-[ú] dumu da-ri-e-pu-uÓ ìr-di-[Íu] 10 ù ma-ti-Íu li-iÍ7-ta-a[r-Ói-ib-ma] li-ir-Ói-‰a-an-ni-[ma] ki-ma ga-aÓ-Ói-im!-ma a-na a[Í-ri-Íu] la i-tu-ru Iti-la-[ab-nu-ú] dumu da-ri-e-pu-uÓ [ìr-di-Íu] 15 ù ma-a-at a-pí-[im...... ] [a-na a]Í-ri-Íu-nu [a i-tu-ru] (break)

[L.87-1362+] ‚ùŸ [...... ] a i-r[i-...... ] Ía ni-iÍ din[gir-meÍ an-n]i-[im x]‚xŸ[...... ] ni-it-ti-qú-‚maŸ a-n[a i]a-a[m-‰í-Óa-at-nu-ú] 5' lugal ka-Óa-at[ki] nu-gal-la-l[u (...)] dé-a [m]a?-tam i-na ‚xŸ[...... ] li-qé-em-ma ‚aŸ-n[a Í]a-ap-lim ma-a-at-ni i-na pu-u[Ó-ri-Íu] 376 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

li-ˇe4-eb-bi-Í[u] 10' Íu-bu-ul-ˇam Íe-ri-iÓ ma-a-at a-pí a i-ib-ni ———————————————————— den-líl be-el Íi-ma-tim Íi-ma-at Óa-la-aq Iti-la-ab-nu-ú dumu da-ri-e-pu-uÓ 15' ù ma-a-at a-pí-im ka-li-Íu i-na ma-Óa-ar dingir-meÍ gal-gal li-iÍ-pí-iˇ ———————————————————— i-nu-ma i-‚taŸ-am [Í]a ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ-ia an-ni-im ni-it-ti-qú-ma a-na ia-am-‰í-‚atŸ-nu 20' lugal ka-Óa-at nu-gal-la-lu Iti-la-ab-nu-ú dumu da-ri-e-pu-uÓ ìr-di-Íu ù ma-as-sú ki-ma me-e na-qí-im li-it-ta-ab-ku-ma e-se-pa-am a i-ir-Íi Iti-la-ab-nu-ù ìr-di-Íu 25' ù ma-a-at Óa-na ka-[l]u-Íu ti-nu-ra-am ù ú-tu-na-am li-ip-Óu-ru-ma i-na pu-uÓ-ri-Íu-nu ninda a ú-ma-al-lu-ú ———————————————————— ki-ma qa-a-ia-tum a-na Íe-numun la i-la-ku 30' Íe-numun ti-la-ab-nu-ú a i-li i-na pí-li-is i-ni-ia mí-dam Ía-nu-um li-Óu-uz ma-a-ti Ía-nu-um li-bé-el giÍgu-za ù ma-a-ti li-ik-ki-ra-an-ni-ma 35' [Í]a-nu-um li-bé-el-Íu [n]é-me-et-tam a ar-[Íi] col. vi: [L.87-241a+] (break; ca. 6 lines) [...... ti-la-ab-nu]-‚úŸ [dumu da-ri-e-]-pu-uÓ [...... Íu]-gi-meÍ-Íu 10 [ù ma-a-at Óa-na ] ka-lu-Íu [...... ]-ID ———————————————————— [...... ni-i]Í dingir-meÍ-ia [...... ni-it-t]i-qú [dx ti-la-ab-nu-]ú THE TREATIES 377

15 [...... ka-Ó]a?-at (break)

[L.87-1362+] [...... -l]i? [...... ]-Íu [...... ]-AN [...... ] ‚xŸ-KU-ú ———————————————————— 5' [...... ]‚xŸ-meÍ-tim ‚xŸ-‚meÍŸ-Í[u ù ma-a-at Óa-n]a ka-lu-Íu is-sú-‚xŸ[...... ]-Íu du-mu-u[q-t]i-Íu i-na i-ni-[...... ] ‚xŸ-ma 10' i-na-a[k-...... ](-)Óa-nu-um ‚a-naŸ Óa-n[a ...... l]i?-‰í ———————————————————— [din]gir-meÍ an-n[u-tum ...... ]‚xŸ-ni-‚ìs-sú-nuŸ [n]i-ìz-ku-r[u...... r]a-bi-i‰ le-mu-u[n-tim...... ] 15' ki-ma a-d[i?...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] ù e-ti-[...... ]‚xŸ-Í[u...... ] ‚liŸ-iÍ7-Í[e-e]r ———————————————————— [a-na ia-am-‰í]-Óa-at-nu-‚úŸ [dumu ás-di-ne-Ói-im] lugal ka-Óa-atki 20' [a-na lugal-meÍ aÓ-Ói-Íu] ‚dŸé-a-ma-lik [lú-Íu-gi-meÍ] d[umu-meÍ-Í]u-nu ìr-di-Íu ‚‰a-bi-Íu ma-ti-Íu uru-‚kiŸ-Óá-Íu Íi-a-al-PI-ri nu-Óa-Í[i-im] ù nam-la-ka-ti-[Íu] 25' iÍ-tu na-wa-ar a-di ‚na-wa-arkiŸ Iti-la-ab-nu-ú dumu da-‚riŸ-e-pu-uÓ ìr-du-‚ÍuŸ lú-Íu-gi-meÍ-Íu dumu-meÍ-Íu-nu ù ma-a-at a-pí-im ka-[l]u-Íu edge ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ za-ki-[ru] ———————————————————— 30' ‚itiŸ tam-Ói-ri u4-1-k[am] [l]i-mu a-me-er-eÍ4-tár col. i: Swear by Anum! Swear by Enlil! 378 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Swear by Sîn of Heaven! Swear by ﬁamaÍ of Heaven! 5 Swear by Adad of Heaven! Swear by Adad of ArrapÓum! Swear by Adad, the lord of °alab! Swear by Adad of Nawali! Swear by Adad, the lord of KaÓat! 10 Swear by Nergal! Swear by B2let-Nagar! Swear by Ea! Swear by IÍtar (of) Ninet! Swear by B2let-Apim! 15 Swear by [the Lady] of Battle! Swear by divine mount Zara! Swear by [the gods of] Heaven! Swear by the [gods of Land]s and Waters! Swear by these [gods], all who are present! 20 By these [gods] Till-Abnû, [son of Da]ri-EpuÓ, king of the land of Apum, (his) [servant]s, his elders, his sons, [and] the whole of the land of °ana [sw]ore. ———————————————————— 25 [When] Till-Abnû, [son of Dari-E]puÓ, king of the land of Apum, [his servants], his elders, their sons, and the whole [land of] °ana, [to Yam]‰i-°atnû, 30 [son of Asdi-NeÓi]m, king of KaÓat, [to KaÓat], the kings his brothers, [Ea-malik], the elders, [his servants], his troops, his country, [his towns (be they) Íi’alPI]ri 35 [(or) nuÓaÍi and his kingdom] [from Nawar to Nawar] (break)

[L.87-241a+] (too broken for translation) (break)

[L.87-1362+] col. ii: we shall not do, we shall not instigate. THE TREATIES 379

(Against) Yam‰i-°atnû, son of Asdi-NeÓim, king of KaÓat, for the city of KaÓat, kings his brothers, 5 Ea-malik, his elders, his sons, his servants, his troops, his country, his towns, Íi’alPIri (or) nuhaÍi, and his kingdom, from Nawar to Nawar, we shall not rebel, we shall not instigate rebellion! ———————————————————— 10 When Yam‰i-°atnû, son of Asdi-NeÓim, king of KaÓat, asks us for troops we shall not withhold him the best troops; we shall not answer him with bad excuses! 15 In the camp of his troops our troops shall be available. We shall join arms, and we shall together overthrow his enemy! ———————————————————— When to any town in the country 20 of Yam‰i-°atnû, the king of KaÓat, or to KaÓat itself our troops enter, with instructions of incrimination and falsehood work of lie and evil we shall not act upon this town! 25 To a king who is his enemy, to any human being who (plots) evil against KaÓat, his kingship, or his kingdom, from Nawar to Nawar, I shall not write this; 30 my own servant, a foreigner—either a servant or citizen, or any human being I shall not order thus, as follows: “Go! I have sworn an oath by the gods. As if I had nothing to do with it—to his towns, 35 his country, and his kingdom, from Nawar to Nawar, of Yam‰[i-°atnû son of Asdi-NeÓim] king [of KaÓat ...... ] (break)

[L.87-241a+] (too broken for translation) 380 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN col. iii: [L.87-1362+] When a town, a king, my equal, or a local official who makes his heart big, and with Yam‰i-°atnû and KaÓat becomes hostile, and 5 assumes independent powers, and (says:) “With Yam‰i-°atnû and KaÓat [I will break truce, and] to Till-[Abnû I will go!”] [...... ] 10 and [...... ] troops [...... ] and [...... on] his [.....], near and far, on his land, his fruit, his “anomaly,” his toil, 15 his prosperity I shall not cast my eyes. A previous governor I shall not remove, and I shall not appoint my own governor or commander. Besides the guard (as) military assistance further help I shall not demand. 20 I shall not give oxen the rod! Let [him give me(?)] grain, ÍibÍum-tax, and silver, [and] no cultivators (or) harvesters I shall demand weaponry. I shall not deliver. I shall demand no (part in) loot. 25 Besides military assistance nothing (further) I shall demand. ———————————————————— A citizen of KaÓat, Íi’⁄lPIri or nuÓaÍi with a citizen of [my country ...... ] before the citizen of [my] country ....] 30 a good verdict [...... ] a verdict worthy of divine [ﬁamaÍ ....] I shall [render]. A servant [...... ] [...... ] (break) l.e. [L.87-241a+] [...... ] we shall [not] carry. With Yam‰i-°atnû, the king of KaÓat, we shall not break truce. THE TREATIES 381 col. iv: The oath by the gods according to the wording of this tablet we shall not sever; we shall [not] forget! This oath by the gods, 5 which to Yam‰i-°atnû, the king of KaÓat, Ea-malik [...... ] [we] have indeed sworn! ———————————————————— From this very day 10 that this oath by the gods [to Yam‰i-°atnû] the king of KaÓat and [...... we/I swore] brotherhood, military aid [there will be.] Friendly words [...... ], discourse in complete sincerity 15 with Yam‰i-[°atnû] [the king] of KaÓat [we/I shall speak] (break)

[L.87-1362+] (7 lines too broken for translation) When this [oath by the gods] which to [Yam‰i-°atnû], 10' the king of KaÓat, we [swore] we transgress and [violate], may ﬁamaÍ on high our sprouts, the earth below our roots weed out! ———————————————————— 15' May Sîn [impose] an evil punishment which eternally cannot be changed on our bodies, and the body of [our descendants] 20' let him put to silence and for[ever] let it not be changed! ———————————————————— May IÍtar, the Lady of Weapons and Battles, break our weapons, and 25' before a king who is our opponent or any human being we shall not carry our weapons 382 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN col. v: [L.87-241a+] (break; ca. 5 lines) [...... ] his [.....] [...... ] and the country of °ana all of it (when) facing their enemy let them not carry weapons. ———————————————————— 10 Like Adad against his enemy is brought into rage and blow[s (him) away], let him against Till-Abnû, son of Dari-EpuÓ, his servants, and his country be brought into rage [and] 15 blow me away, [and] like a cough to [its base] did not return, Till-A[bnû], son of Dari-EpuÓ, [his servants,] and the country of Apum 20 [shall not return to] their [homes] (break)

[L.87-1362+] and [...... ] shall not [...... ] of this oath by the gods [...... ] we transgress and against Yam‰i-°atnû, 5' the king of KaÓat, we sin may Ea [the country] in [...... ] take, and to the deep our country in its entirety may he submerge; 10' ear of grain a furrow of the country of Apu(m) shall not create. ———————————————————— May Enlil, the lord of fates, a fate of annihilation for Till-Abnû, son of Dari-EpuÓ, 15' and the entire country of Apum before the great gods decree ———————————————————— When the bound(s) of this oath by the gods we transgress and against Yam‰i-°atnû, 20' the king of KaÓat, we sin, may Till-Abnû THE TREATIES 383

son of Dari-EpuÓ, his servants and his country like libation water be poured out, and he shall not be picked up. Let Till-Abnû, his servants, 25' and the entire country of °ana in a clay oven or a ceramic oven gather, and in their assembly bread shall not be supplied. ———————————————————— Like roasted seeds do not sprout 30' the seed of Till-Abnû shall not rise. Before my very eyes (my) wife someone else shall marry. My country someone else shall rule. Let the throne and my country be alienated from me, and 35' let someone else be master of it— I shall have no complaint! col. vi: (break; ca. 6 lines) [L.87-241a+] [...... Till-Abn]u, [son of Dari-E]puÓ, [...... ] his elders, 10 [and] the whole [land of °ana] (lines 11–15 too broken for translation) (break)

[L.87-1362+] (lines 1'–17' too broken for translation) [To Yam‰i]-°atnû [son of Asdi-NeÓim], the king of KaÓat, 20' [to the kings who are his allies], Ea-malik, [the elders, their sons], his servants, his troops, his country, his towns, Íi’alPIri and nuÓaÍi, and his kingdom, 25' from Nawar to Nawar, Till-Abnû son of Dari-EpuÓ, his servants, his elders, their sons, and the entire country of Apum are swea[ring] an oath by the gods. ———————————————————— 30' Month TamÓ‹rum, the first day; limmu Amer-IÍtar. 384 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

NOTES col. i: (1–18) For the deities invoked, cf. above II.1.4.2. (16) This seems a plausible restoration. The divine Mt. Zara is also mentioned in the treaty fragment from Mari A.361 (Charpin 1991a = DEPM I, no. 292). (19f.) For nunation in Old Babylonian texts, see Heimpel 1996b. (22) The insertion of the suffix before the plural element -meÍ is probably a scribal error. The suffix with dumu “son” is singular here, but in i, 27 and vi, 27' plural. The same variation is found in connection with Yam‰i-°atnû: ii, 5 dumu with singular suffix, but vi, 21' with plural. The scribe/writer would seem to have wavered between two ideas, that of actual sons of the king, and that of sons of the king and his dependents. (23) The association between the country of Apum and m⁄t °ana in this text recalls the title earlier used by kings of Mari (YaÓdun-Lim, Zimri-Lim), and later by the kings based in Terqa on the mid-Euphrates. °aneans are not often mentioned in our texts, but letter [150] shows them to be present with sheep and camps probably south of Leilan. J.-M. Durand (1992, 113) has suggested that °anean be understood as “bedu,” the term deriving from the root °N’, meaning “habiter sous la tente.” In a general way “bedu” seems an appropriate operational understanding of the term in many contexts, and here it would serve to include both the settled core of Apum and the steppe land on its borders. An interesting question is why specifically the king of Leilan uses this term, and on present evidence no other king in our texts. (31) These kings must be allies of Yam‰i-°atnû. (34f.) Plausible restorations following column ii, 7: (uru-ki-Óá-Íu) Íi-a-al-PI-ri nu-Óa-Íi-im; column iii, 26: (dumu KaÓat) Íi-[a-a]l-PI-ri ù nu-Óa-Íi; and column vi, 23': (uru-Óá-Íu) Íi-a-al-PI-ri nu-Óa-[Íi(- im)]. The two words involved must designate main ethnic, social, or geographical components of the kingdom of KaÓat. For this problem and the definition iÍtu Nawar adi Nawarki, see above I.1.2.5, s.v. Yam‰i-°atnû. (36) This line does not exist on the tablet, but has been restored from parallels. col. ii: (15) For rub‰um “camp,” see Birot, ARMT XXVII, p. 280 ad 164 d. (18) The verb sak⁄pum is used here in the otherwise unattested Gt-stem. (22) For ewêtum (pl. of iw‹tum “böswillig falsche Behauptung,” AHw, 408a), cf. the close parallel LE A iii, 21: i-wi-tam u sartam l⁄ 2puÍu (in oath). (7') Probably the word tazzimtum “complaint” is involved. Cf. line 13', where the clear DU may be a mistake, and the same word involved. col. iii: (5) Íal⁄ˇum “act independently/on one’s own authority” is not attested elsewhere with pagram, which here serves to emphasize the independent nature of the action performed, namely signing off as vassal of Yam‰i-°atnû. (10) This line would seem to introduce the new passage that outlines what relations Apum may have with a rebel town. (14f.) The idea expressed seems to be that Apum must covet nothing, even down to humble things such as inbum “fruit” and izbum “(ominous) anomaly.” (17) The title Óazzi⁄num, here translated “commander,” denoted a resident political agent in a vassal town. (18) For ullân and for ullânum (cf. l. 25) “besides,” see AHw, 1409. It is also found in, for instance, ARMT XXVI/2 347: 9, and M.8966 (cited in Lafont 1994, 219 n. 33). THE TREATIES 385

(20) Apparently we here have the rare word udugum (AHw, 1402a “ein Stock zB zum Walken”). The meaning seems to be that oxen may not be removed from the town. Note that letter [214], 2', attests a PN ú-du-ga. (21) The ÍibÍum-tax was levied on non-palatial land (cf. Birot, ARMT XXVII, p. 44 ad a). (23–29) The ends of these lines are preserved on the fragment L.87-180. Two more fragments with this field number, but which could not be joined with the tablet, are included in the copy. col. iv: (8'ff.) Cf. L.T.-2 vi, 2'–4' and: (AÍÍur) ina lemuttim ÍuraÍÍu u zeraÍu liksum, in Charpin 1984, no. 9, where the author notes that the verb kas⁄mum (used about weeding fields and cutting trees) in such context is also found in an inscription of EriÍum. In CH column xlix, 34ff., we find another curse where the distinction “above”/“below” is associated with action by fiamaÍ (e-li-iÍ, i-na ba-a[l]-ˇú-tim, li-is-sú-úÓ-Íu, Ía-ap-li-iÍ, i-na er-‰e-tim, gidim-gidim-Íu, me-e li-Ía-a‰-mi), and where it clearly signifies “the world of the living/the Underworld.” The image in our text, no doubt, plays on the same distinction. (19'f.) The construction here, and in L.T.-2 vi, 8'', seems to involve the rare word binum “son” (most often in PNs; cf. Bin-Dammu). The verb in line 20' is taken as a form of Íapûm, D “put to silence” (see CAD fi/I, 491). col. v: (1ff.) The missing portion seems small and, indeed, the first part of the text could belong to the last section in column iv, but a complete restoration is not possible. (5ff.) This passage should be compared to L.T.-2 vi, 5''. (10) For ra’⁄bum, fit “become agitated,” cf. also letter [152], 7. (16) The first two signs are written over erasures. The word ga-aÓ-Ói-im! may be identical to gaÓÓum “fit of coughing” (CAD G, 11). col. vi: (13'f.) This last curse section involves a “bailiff of evil.” (29') The verb at the end is restored thus on the assumption that Till-Abnû and his following are treated like a collective group. 386 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Leilan Treaty-4

Treaty between Till-Abnû of Apum and Yam‰i-°atnû of KaÓat

Material Reconstruction: This is the most fragmentary of the Leilan treaties. The main piece[L.87-924a] preserves a portion of the upper part of the tablet, but otherwise only smaller fragments that cannot be joined directly can be ascribed to this composition: [L.87-412], [L.87-549], [L.87-586], [L.87-744], and [L.87-1326] can be placed in correct order in relation to [L.87-924a], and together provide remains of 130 lines, most of which, unfortunately, are very incomplete. The two pieces [L.87-511] and [L.87-788] cannot be placed with any certainty. All the above fragments were found in room 22. Although several unassigned treaty fragments may also belong to the tablet (cf. L.T.-6 c, d, m, and o), it is clear that only fractions of the text have been preserved. col. i: [L.87-924a] (ca. 6 lines missing) [d...... ta]-ma [d...... t]a-ma [d...... ]ta-ma 10 [d...... t]a-ma [d...... t]a-ma [d...... t]a-ma [d...... t]a-ma [d...... ta-m]a (break) [L.87-412] (fragment from left edge of tablet; on reverse text from curse section [= col. vi])

[...... ]-‰í-[Óa-a]t-nu [...... ti-la-a]b-nu [dumu da-ri-e-pu-uÓ] lugal ma-a-at a-pí-[im] [...... dingir-m]eÍ ‚anŸ-nu-‚tuŸ-un 5' [.....]‚xŸ-nu [(x)] áz-ku-ru [...... n]a[m-la]-ka-ti-ia [...... ]-tim ———————————————————— [iÍ-tu u4-mi-im an-ni-im] a-di ba-al-ˇà-ku [...... ti-la-ab-nu-ú dumu d]a-ri-e-pu-uÓ 10' [lugal ma-a-at a-pí-im...... -m]eÍ-Íu [...... ]‚xŸ-Í[u] (break) THE TREATIES 387

[L.87-744] (fragment from left edge, which must be from center of a column i, since the reverse has remains of curse section, which fits column vi)

[...... ]‚x xŸ[x x]‚xŸ [...... ]‚x xŸ[x x]-dam ‚ki-maŸ ‚xŸ [...... -p]u-um [...... ] Íu?-‚xŸ [x x x] ‚aŸ-n[a...... ] 5'' ‚ùŸ [...... ] pa-nim ‚xŸ [...... ] ———————————————————— i-[nu-ma...... ]‚x x x xŸ[.....] [ìr]-di-m[eÍ (..)] mu-úÍ-[ke-ni]m [w]a-Íi-bu-ut [ur]u Íe-e[Ó]-na-aki ù ma-a-a[t a-p]í-im na-we-Íu ù n[am-la-ka]/-t[i-Íu] 10'' [x x]‚xŸ-la-ku ‚dingirŸ-meÍ an-nu-tu-un ‚x x xŸ [x x] li-mu-un-ti [x] ‚x xŸ [.....g]al-mar-tu-meÍ [...... a-na] da-ri-tim [iÍ-tu-u4-mi-im an-ni-im a-di] ‚ba-alŸ-ˇ[à-ku] 15'' [...... ]‚x x x xŸ ‚x x xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ ta ‚x x xŸ ‚ìr-di-meÍŸ [(..) mu-úÍ]-ke-nim wa-Íi-bu-u[t] uru Íe-eÓ-na-aki ù ma-a-t[ti-Íu] ‚ù nam-laŸ-ka-ti-Íu 20'' [la?] ‚úŸ-gal-la-lu Íi-pí-ir e-pí-iÍ-‚timŸ [...... ]-tim li-mu-un-t[im...... ] [...... ]‚xŸKU-ul-tim ù ‚xŸ[...... ] (break)

[L.87-549] (fragment from left edge, which presumably belongs to column i, but placing not certain) ‚x xŸ[...... ] ù ma-a-a[t ...... ] lú-meÍ ‚xŸ[...... ] munus-meÍ dam-tu-Íu-nu [...... ] 5''' li-it-ta-al-l[a-ku-ma] lú-tur ìr ‚géme?Ÿ a-t[a-...... ] ‚xŸ-ri-‚xŸ i-na l[i-ib-bi ma-a-at] Óa-na ka-li-Íu [.....] ———————————————————— [a-na (?) t]i-la-ab-[nu-ú.....] (break) 388 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN col. ii: [L.87-924a] [Ía i-na m]a-a-‚timŸ ka-‚liŸ-Ía ‚i-ba-aÍ-Íu-úŸ [ki-a-a]m la a-qa-ab-bu-ú u[m]-ma a-na-ku-ma [a-n]a-ku a-‚naŸ ti-la-ab-nu-ú dumu da-ri-e-pu-uÓ [lugal] ma-at-at a-pí-im dumu-meÍ-Íu ìr-du-meÍ-Íu 5[‰]a-bi-Íu na-wi-Íu ù nam-la-ka-ti-Íu ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ za-ak-ra-ku a-lik at-ta ki-ma la i-du-ma t[i-l]a-ab-nu-ú dumu da-ri-e-pu-uÓ ‚lugalŸ ma-a-at a-pí-im dumu-meÍ-Íu ìr-du-meÍ-Íu ‰a-ba-Íu 10 x ar-du-‚x (x)Ÿ DI Íu-mi-it ki-le-et li-mu-ut-tim ù na-pi-iÍ7-tim ki-la-Íu la a-qa-ab-bu-[ú] la ú-Ía-aq-bu-ú la ú-wa-a-r[u-ú] la a-Ía-ap-pa-ru ù ˇup-pí-[ia] 15 la ú-Ía-ab-ba-lu ù Íum-ma pa-na-nu-u[m] [ˇu]p-pí aÍ-pu-ur ú-wa-e-e[r] [ù ˇu]p-pa-am ú-Ía-bi-i[l] [...... ] x lu-ú ú-Ía-ak-la lu ú-Í[a-.....] ———————————————————— [i-nu-ma ti-la-ab]-nu-ú dumu da-ri-e-p[u-uÓ] 20 [lugal ma-a-at a-pí-im (...)] ‰a-bi-[Íu...... ] (break)

[L.87-412] luga[l...... ] Íu-‚x xŸ[...... ] ka-l[i...... ] ‚x x xŸ[...... ] 5'' ù ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ] a [...... ] (break) col. iii: [L.87-924a] ‚i-nu-ma ti-laŸ-ab-n[u-ú dumu da-ri-e-pu-uÓ] lugal ma-a-at a-[pí-imki a-na ‰a-bi-ni] i-Ía-ap-pa-r[a-am i-na u4-mi-Íu-ma] ‰a-ba-am d[am-qa-am!? ù a-lik pa-an ‰a-bi-im] 5 ta-ak-lam [lu-ú a-ˇà-ar-ra-ad] né-me-et-tam [la a-ra-aÍ-Íu-ú] THE TREATIES 389

‰a-bi ú-u[l ri-iq la a-qa-ab-bu-ú] ‚a-naŸ ‰[a-bi-im ù a-lik pa-an ‰a-bi-im] ki-a-am la [a-qa-ab-bu-ú um-ma a-na-ku-ma] 10 a-al-ka a-[...... ] ‰í-bu-us-sú [...... ] mu-ta-ar-r[i-...... ] ù i-nu-ma ‰a-b[u-um Ía ti-la-ab-nu-ú] a-na pa-an lú-kú[r-Íu a-na g]iÍtukul e-pé-Íi-im 15 i-sa-an-ni-[qú] i-na ú-zu-un sà-a[r-tim] pu-uˇ-ra-m[a ti-la-a]b-nu-ú ù ‰a-b[a-Íu i-du]-ku [la a-qa-ab-bu la ú]-Ía-a[q-b]u-[ú] (break)

[L.87-586] (2 fragments) A) fragment close to right edge, joins [L.87-924a] column iii 14ff. B) small fragment with remains of 5 lines; cf. copy

[L.87-1326] (body fragment close to right edge; includes a few signs from col. v) col. iv: [...... ma-]a-at a-pí-i[m...... ] [(x) a-n]a li-ib-bi ma-‚aŸ-[at.....] [l]a a-Óa-ab-ba-tu [(.....)] Óa-ab-lam Óa-bi-il-[tam...... ] 5' Ía ma-a-at a-pí-imki Ía dam-gàr ù ‰[a-...... ] i-na li-ib-bi ma-[a-...... ] ‚x x xŸ[...... ]

[L.87-924a] [...... ]‚aŸ[...... ] [...... ] k/lu ú [...... ] ———————————————————— [...... ]-ir-tam ù ‚xŸ[...... ] [...ti-la-ab-nu]-ú dumu da-[ri-e-pu-uÓ] 5'' [lugal ma-a-at a-pí-]im a-ia-[...... ] [...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ] (break) 390 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN col. v: [L.87-412] rev. ‚xŸ[...... ] a-na [...... ] ù x [...... ] giÍtukul [...... ] ———————————————————— 5' [...... ] i-nu-[ma...... ] col. vi: [L.87-744] rev. ut-[...... ] ———————————————————— dutu [e-le-nu-um zi-ri] [e]r-‰e-[tum Ía-ap-la-nu-um] Íu-ur-[Íi li-ik-sú-um] ————————————————————

5' dim ‚xŸ [...... ] ‚Ía?Ÿ ta [...... ] li-[...... ]

[L.87-412] rev. [...... ] ———————————————————— [i-nu-ma] a-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú dumu da-ri-e-pu-uÓ lugal ma-a-at a-pí ú-gal-la-lu den-líl be-el Íi-ma-ti Íi-im-ti 5'' Óa-la-‚qíŸ-ia ù Óa-la-aq ma-ti-ia ma-Óar dingir-meÍ gal-gal li-iÍ-pí-iˇ ———————————————————— i-nu-ma a-na ti-la-ab-[nu-ú] dumu da-ri-[e]-pu-[uÓ] 10'' [lug]al ma-a-[at a-pí-im...... ] (break) THE TREATIES 391

Additional fragments L.T.-4 a [L.87-511] (surface fragment) col. i': [...... ] la a-‚x xŸ[...... ] [...... ] la a-du-uk-ku [(x)] [...... k]i-li-e li-‚mu-utŸ-tim [...... l]a a-ka-al-lu-ú 5' [...... ]-ú ———————————————————— [...... ]‚aŸ-na ti-la-ab-nu-ú [dumu da-ri-e-pu]-uÓ lugal ma-a-at a-pí-im [ni-iÍ dingir-meÍ an-né-em] za-ak-ra-ku [...... ]‚x xŸ col. ii': ‚xŸ[...... ] ‚xŸ[...... ] l[i-...... ] a-n[a?...... ] 5' ‚xŸ[...... ] L.T.-4 b [L.87-788] (fragment with remains of 4 lines)

[...... ] BI-i[m...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ-BI-ia ‚xŸ[...... ] ‚lu-ú a-zaŸ-ak-ka-r[u lu-ú ...... ] ———————————————————— ‚iÍ-tuŸ u4-mi-im an-[ni-im a-di ba-al-ˇà-ku] 392 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN col. i: The fragments of text preserved from this column are too poorly preserved to warrant translation. One notes in the fragment [L.87-744], which is not entirely certain to belong to this tablet, the mention of some words not preserved on the other treaty tablets, such as muÍkênum “commoner” (l. 7'' and 17''), and gal-mar-tu-meÍ “generals” (l. 12''), and the phrase “those living in ﬁeÓn⁄ and the land of Apum, his nawûm and his kingdom” (l. 8''–9'' and cf. 18''–19''). col. ii: [to a king, a noble, or anyone] there is [in] the entire country [thus] I shall not say, as follows: “I to Till-Abnû son of Dari-EpuÓ, [king] of the country of Apum, his sons, his servants, 5 his troops, his seasonal camp and his kingdom, have sworn an oath by the gods. You go! As if I have nothing to do with it, Till-Abnû son of Dari-EpuÓ, king of the country of Apum, his sons, his servants, his troops 10 ...... kill!” detention of evil and death, his capture I shall not order I shall not have ordered, I shall not give instructions about, I shall not send words about, and by a letter of mine 15 I shall not send; and if previously I sent my letter, I gave instructions, [or] I sent a letter [...... ] I shall have withheld, I shall have [...... ] ———————————————————— [When Till-Ab]nû son of Dari-EpuÓ, 20 [king of the country of Apum], his troops, ... (break) col. iii: When Till-Abnû [son of Dari-EpuÓ] king of the country of A[pum for my troops] send words to me [on that very day] elite troops [and a commander] 5 who is trusted [I shall send.] [I shall have no] objection. [I shall not say:] “My troops are not [available!”] To the [troops and their commander] I shall not [say] thus [as follows:] 10 “You shall go t[o? ...... ] His objective [...... ] THE TREATIES 393

the .... [...... ] And when the troops [of Till-Abnû] to [do battle] with the enemy 15 advances, [in disobedience] decamp, and [Till-Abnû] and his troops [they will kill!”] [I shall not order, I shall] not have ordered (break) col. iv: Only the fragment [L.87-1326] preserves some consecutive text from this column, and it seems to run fairly parallel to L.T.-2 v, 5''ff., which concerns the extradition of captive Apum citizens brought through the country of the treaty partner. col. v: A few broken lines of this column are preserved on the reverse of the fragment [L.87-412]. col. vi: On the reverse of [L.87-744] and [L.87-412] are preserved remains of curses involving ﬁamaÍ (cf. L.T.-2 vi, 2'–4', and L.T.-3 iv, 12'–14'), Enlil (cf. L.T.-3 v, 12'–17'), and Adad (cf. L.T.-2 vi, 5'–10', and L.T.-3 v, 6–16).

NOTES col. ii: (1ff.) The passage is closely paralleled in L.T.-1 columns i–ii. (10) The beginning of this line is not clear. In parallel with L.T.-1 ii, 1 the first sign could be KA, but a sequence ka-ar-du-..... makes no sense. The partly broken sign after DU could be UK or TIM. (11f.) For the rare word kil‹tum “detention,” cf. ARM X 85, 7; and for kilûm “capture” CAD K, 359f. col. iii: (1ff.) Cf. the closely parallel passage in L.T.-2, iii 1ff. col. vi: (2'–4') Restored from L.T.-3 iv, 12'–14'. (4''–7'') Cf. the curse in L.T.-3 v, 6'–16'. 394 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Leilan Treaty-5

Treaty between Till-Abnû and Assur

[L.87-442a+447a+1331] This tablet was published with copies and photos and studied in Eidem 1991b, to which we refer for all further details. For convenience we reproduce here the actual edition of the text. col. i: [an(?)t]a-ma [den-líl(?)]‚ta-maŸ [dlugal]-‚maŸ-tí-in ta-‚maŸ [dd]a-gán ta-ma 5[di]m Ía IB ta-ma [d]en-zu Ía IB ta-ma [d]utu Ía IB ta-ma [d]‚utu?! a-Íu-ri-a ta-ma [dn]i-ri-IG-lá lugal 10 [(Ía ) Ó]u-ub-Íí-il5 ta-ma d [ eÍ4-]‚tárŸ a-Íu-ri-tám ta-‚maŸ [db]e-[l]a-at a-pí-im ta-ma [d]be-[l]a-at ni-nu-wa t[a]-ma [d]ni-k[à-r]a-ak [ta]-ma 15 ‚dŸiÍ-Ó[a]-‚ra taŸ-ma dingir sa.tu ‚ùŸ m[a?]-tim ù na-‚raŸ-tim ta-[m]a dingir ki ù [I]B-e ta-‚maŸ [din]gir sá-ga-[a]r ù [z]a-ra ta-ma (end of l. 20) 20 ‚dingir marŸ-tu ù Íu-ba-‚riŸ-im ta-‚maŸ dingir-me-eÍ a-ni-ú-tim / m[a-la] [u]Í-bu-ni ta-[ma] [tí-l]á-áb-nu dumu da-ri-[e-pu-uÓ] 25 [lug]al a-pé-e-em[(ki)] [a-n]a a-limki ‚da-ÍùrŸ [dumu] da-Íùr ‚e-liŸ-t[im] [ù a-r]i-‚itŸ-t[im]‚ùŸ k[à-ri-im] [Ía i-na] ‚aŸ-[l]i-k[á...... ] 30 [...... ] ‚x xŸ [...... ] [...... ] ‚x xŸ [...... ] (break) (an unjoined fragment L.87-447 may belong here) THE TREATIES 395 col. ii: [...... ]-e e-ma [...... ]‚xŸ Ía-ni-a-am ‚a-xŸ[...... ] 5 na 6 ‚xŸ [...... ] ta-m[a-Óa-a]r(?) ‚x xŸ-[...... ] 5 1 anÍe ‚xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ i-na [...... ]‚xŸ-na ‚xŸ urudu [...... ] i-[n]a ‚anÍe xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ i-na ‚x xŸ lá t[a-Ía-q]á-al 10 i-na Ía kà-[ri-im...... ]‚xŸ Ía i-na a-l[i-kà...... ] ù ma-t[í]-k[à?...... ] ni-‚isŸ-Ó[a-tam ki-ma Ía ] a-bi-k[à?...... ] 15 ‚luŸ i-na ‚xŸ[...... ] anÍe ‚a-biŸ [...... ] ù ‚é xŸ[...... ] Íu-ma [...... ] ‚xŸ [...... ] (break; ca. 9 lines) [...... ]‚xŸ ki-ma [...... ]-at / Ía ‚xŸ [(x)] ‚xŸ [x x x]-‚xŸ-kà ‚a-likŸ gá[n-lim] [...... ]‚x xŸ ip-ˇí-ri-Íu-nu 5' ‚ta-lá-qéŸ-e-ma / tù-Íar-Íu-nu i-[x] ‚xŸ [lá t]a-zu-ar ‚x xŸ[...... ]‚xŸ-tí-kà ‚xŸ[...... lá t]a-zu-ar ‚x (x)Ÿ[...... -a]r?-ta[m ] 10' [...... ]‚xŸ [m]a-tí-kà [...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ-tim [...... -r]i-e-‚emŸ [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ] (break) l.e. [i-na(?) a-]‚liŸ-k[à.....] [x] ‚xŸ-kà / lu z[a-ku-ú] [ù] ‚eŸ-nu-ut / ‰í-dí-[tí-Íu] col. iii: [a-t]a lá ta-lá-qé-ma [t]ù-Íar / ki-tam / li-ba-‚amŸ ‚gámŸ-ra-am / iÍ-tí<<-ni>> 396 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

a-limki da-Íùr ù kà-ri-i[m] 5 a-dí / ba-al-ˇá-t[í]-ni lu ta-tá-wi / iÍ-tù u4-mì-im / a-nim Ía pí-i ˇup-pí-im / a-ni-e-em Ía a-na a-limki da-Íùr 10 dumu da-Íùr Íu-um-Íu ù kà-ri-im / ni-iÍ ‚dingirŸ / ta-az-ku-ru lu ta-na-‰a-ar Íu-ma / ni-iÍ dingir / a-ni-a-a[m] 15 Ía a-limki da-Íùr dumu ‚aŸ-/‚ÍùrŸ e-li-tim ù a-ri-‚timŸ ‚ù!?Ÿ kà-ri-im [t]a-az-ku-ru-ú ‚x xŸ[x (x)-m]a / bu-a-ar-kà 20 lá m[u-...... ] i-na [...... ] ‚xŸ[...... ] (break) ‚aŸ-n[a...... ] ‚ú tù-...... ] [Í]u-ma / Óu-lu-q[à-....] [x t]ù-u [Í-t]í-li-[...... ] 5' ‚x (x)Ÿ lu kà-[r]i-im [...... ] i-‚lá-kamŸ-m[a x] ‚xŸ [.....] ‚ma-láŸ [...... ] a-t[a/bi...... ] a-na ‚xŸ [...... ] 10' 2 m[a-na (?)...... ] ù [...... ] e-‚xŸ[...... ] Íu-m[a...... ] Ía [...... ] 15' ‚ùŸ [...... ] The endings of the last ca. 13 lines in this column are preserved on the reverse of the upper right corner fragment (theoretical join). Probably these lines overlap with some of the preceding, but the exact placing is not certain: [...... ]‚x x x xŸ [...... ]‚xŸ i-na / anÍe [...... t]a-lá-qé [...... ] ‚xŸ (break; ca. 2 lines) [...... ]‚xŸ [...... ]-nu-Íu-ni-ma THE TREATIES 397

[...... ]‚xŸ-ú 10'' [...... -t]ù Íu-a-tí [...... i-k]à-tù-mu-Íu col. iv: (2 lines missing) [...... ] x [(x)] [...... -n]i?-Íu [(x)] 5 [...... ]‚xŸ-kà / iÍ-‚tùŸ [iÍ-tí-Í]u / i-na ki-na-tim [ta-t]a-wu-ú dumu da-Íùr [x (x)] dumu a-li-kà [ù ma]-tí-kà / lá ta-Ía-‚gi5-ÍuŸ 10 [x (x)]‚ùŸ Íu-ma / lu anÍe-Óá [Ía (?) a]-li-ik gán-lim [ù dum]u da-Íùr [dumu a-li]-kà ù ma-tí-ka [...... i‰]-bu-tù 15 [...... ]‚xŸ-ma ú-‚xŸ[...... ]‚x x (x)Ÿ [b]a-lu-k[á...... ] [x]-ru [...... ]‚xŸ [g]a-a[m...... -p]u-Íu-ma 20 [...... ]‚xŸ (break) [...... ]‚x (x)Ÿ [...... ]-ma [...... ]-bi-ma [...... -m]a dumu-kà 5' [...... ]‚xŸ-[(x-)m]a [...... ]‚xŸ um-m[a ]‚a-taŸ/-ma [a-na-ku ni-i]Í dingir [a-na a-lim]‚kiŸ da-Íùr [dumu da-Í]ùr ù kà-ri-‚imŸ 10' [za-ak-r]a-ku a-lik [Óu-lu-u]q / dumu da-Íùr [ep-Í]a-am-ma a-na [...... ]‚x xŸ ú lu [...... ] Ía ki 15' [...... ]‚x xŸ (break) 398 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN col. i: Swear by [An]! Swear by [Enlil]! Swear by [fiarra]-m⁄tin! Swear by Dagan! 5 Swear by Adad of heaven! Swear by Sîn of heaven! Swear by fiamaÍ of heaven! Swear by the Assyrian fiamaÍ(?)! Swear by Niri-IG-la, the king 10 of °ubÍil! Swear by the Assyrian IÍtar! Swear by B2lat-Apim! Swear by the Lady of Nineveh! Swear by Ninkarak! 15 Swear by IÍÓara! Swear by the god(s) of mountain, and lowland and rivers! Swear by the god(s) of earth and sky! Swear by the god(s) of Saggar and Zara! 20 Swear by the god(s) of Martu and Subartu! Swear by these gods, all that are present! Till-Abnû, son of Dari-EpuÓ 25 the king of Apum to the city of divine AÍÍur, a citizen of AÍÍur going up or going down, and the k⁄rum which is in your city [...... ] (break) col. ii: Too fragmentary for translation or any comprehensive understanding. In the first 19 lines, however, we find indications that the rates of import duty on various commodities form the subject: numerals (in very unclear context!) followed perhaps by: “you receive” (l. 4), mention of commodities like copper (l. 7), mention of “donkeys” (perhaps in the sense “loads”), and, not least, a reference to nisÓatum “import tax” (l. 13). After the break a different subject is in focus; the only passage that can be restored is lines 32– 34: “you shall accept their ransom and release them, …you shall (not) turn away (=abduct?).” Pre- sumably this refers to a situation in which the king of Apum would violate the immunity of the Assyrian merchants. THE TREATIES 399

(break) l.e. (end of col. ii) [...... ] in your town, and in(?) your country shall be “cleared”(?) and his travel provisions(?) col. iii: you shall not take, but you shall release (them). The truth in complete sincerity with us, the city of Assur, and the k⁄rum 5 as long as you live you shall speak. From this day the content of this tablet, which to the city of Assur, 10 any Assyrian citizen, and the k⁄rum you swore you shall observe. If this oath 15 concerning the city of Assur, a(ny) citizen of Assur, going up or going down, and the k⁄rum you swore [...... ] your prosperity 20 not [...... ] in [...... ] (break) (The remaining part of this column is too fragmentary for translation, e.g., a form of the Óal⁄qum [be missing/lost] [ll. 2'–3'] indicates new clauses.) col. iv: (Most of this column is too fragmentary for translation, but two small passages can be restored; the first in the upper part of the column.) 5 [...... ] since his(?)[...... ] truthfully they said(?), a citizen of Assur (for?) a citizen of your city (and) your country you must raise claims on(?) 10 and if donkeys (of a merchant) passing through (or) a citizen of Assur 400 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

citizen(s) of your city or your country ...... steal(?) (The second passage occurs toward the end of the column) [if you say] as follows: [I myself).... ] an oath [to the city of] Assur, the citizen(s) of Assur, and the k⁄rum 10' [I have] sworn; you go [and effe]ct the disappearance of a citizen of Assur and the k⁄rum (break)

NOTES col. i: (1–23) For the god-list/adjuration section, see above II.1.4.2. There is considerable evidence for statues or symbols of the gods sworn to being physically present at the ceremony, some being transported from the capital of the treaty partner, but the “Assyrian” gods mentioned here may already have been present at Leilan (cf., e.g., the presence of the “AÍÍur dagger” in Apum in the Old Assyrian texts contemporaneous with level II in Kültepe, see Nashef 1987, 47ff.). (1–7) L.T.-1 and L.T.-3 begin with a series of gods “of heaven.” Here Íamû is apparently written logographically IB (uraÍ= Íamû, known from lexical texts, see CAD fi/1, p. 339b; cf. the writing IB-e in l. 18). For fiarra-m⁄tin (= AÍÍur), cf. Lambert 1985, 429 n. 4. (8) Reading here very tentative; note the missing mimation in nisba AÍÍur‹ya(m). (9f.) For Nergal of °ubÍil (= °ubÍalum, the short form also in [7]), cf. above ad [43], 9'f. The name of Nergal is here written either ni-ri-ig-lá (cf. Wilhelm 1996) or ni-ri-gál-lá. In either case it may reflect the way the name, usually in this period written logographically, was pronounced (see Steinkeller 1987, with reference to further literature). (13) B2lat-Ninuwa is the famous IÍtar/fiawuÍka of Nineveh (see Menzel 1981), who perhaps is identical to IÍtar of Ninet (see ARMT XXVI/2, p. 476). (16ff.) This section was obviously intended to cover “all other gods.” Especially interesting is the distinction between god(s) of Amurrum and fiubarum, i.e., in this context between Amorite and Hurrian deities. (27f.) Tentative reconstruction in parallel with iii, 16. col. ii: (1) The end of this line seems to contain the (rare) word ¤ma “wherever” (for which see CAD E, 136b). (3) The signs at the end are clear, but make little sense; if signs after numerals are syllabic comple- ments to these, NA seems out of place. K. Veenhof tentatively suggests that weights/measures may be involved. (9ff.) The partial restorations here are tentative, since the state of preservation leaves room for several possibilities. K. Veenhof suggests that perhaps forms of Íaq⁄lum may be involved in both lines 9 and 10, whereas M. Larsen in equally cautious terms suggests to read ta-[na-pá]-al in line 9. (34, 36) tazu'ar from zu⁄rum (listed sub zârum in AHw, 1516) “verdrehen, ab-, umdrehen,” a verb used most often in reference to parts of the body, but here, in view of the context, it must refer to people being “turned away, abducted.” THE TREATIES 401 col. iii: (16) This passage is a clear reference to Leilan’s position as a relay station (for w⁄rittum “descending” see AHw, 1467a). (19) K. Veenhof tentatively suggests to restore at the beginning of the line a form of et¤qum “transgress,” which would make excellent sense. The traces do not support this, however, and it is possible that a “blessing” rather than a curse is involved. For bu'›rka in reference to “prosperity” of the king compare the use of bârum in ARMT XXVI/2, 327, 3'; 383, 8; and 412, 32. col. iv: (6'ff.) Restored in comparison with similar passages in the other treaties; see above II.1.4 ad Theme 3. 402 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Leilan Treaty-6

Miscellaneous Treaty Fragments

This group consists of sixteen small fragments that all clearly belong to treaty tablets, but cannot be joined to the main compositions, although plausible suggestions can be made in some instances. Lit- tle consecutive text is preserved on any of the fragments, and for this reason no translations are provided.

Room 22: L.T.-6 a [L.87-426a] (small surface fragment; belongs probably to L.T.- 2) [...... ˇu]p?-pí Ía mu-t[i-ia...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ le-mu-un-[...... ] [...... d]a-mi-iq-tim [...... ] [...... ]‚x x xŸ[...... ]

L.T.-6 b [L.87-426b] (small surface fragment; belongs probably to L.T.- 2) [...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ] [...... mu-ti-i]a? lugal ma-a-a[t a-pí-im ...... ] [...... ]-‚xŸ-Íu ‚ùŸ [...... ]

L.T.-6 c [L.87-426c] (small surface fragment; belongs probably to L.T.-3 or L.T.-4)

[...... ]-tum ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ] igi ia-‚xŸ[...... ] ———————————————————— [...... ]‚xŸ a-na t[i-la-ab-nu-ú ...... ] [...... ]-ma e-[...... ]

L.T.-6 d [L.87-427] (fragment from upper edge/reverse; physical characteristics point to L.T.-4; reverse seems to belong to curse section) ———————————————————— u.e. [...... ]‚xŸ ìr Ía-ki-i[n] ‚xŸ [...... ] [...... ]‚x x x xŸ[...... ] THE TREATIES 403

[...... ]-Óa-ru-ma ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ]-ir ‚al?Ÿ Íi [...... ] rev. [...... a]-na li-m[u-un-tim...... ] [...... Ía a-na d]a-ri-tim l[a ut-ta-ak-ka-ru] [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ]

(1') This line preceded by double ruling.

L.T.-6 e [L.87-434] (not copied; small insignificant fragment)

[...... ] im [...... ] [...... ] i GA [x]‚xŸ[...... ]

L.T.-6 f [L.87-440] (fragment from near edge of tablet) Belongs to curse section. Curses with ﬁamaÍ are preserved in L.T-2, 3, and 4, and the remaining signs here would suggest a join with L.T.-2 vi (0'-)1'–2'.

‚ùŸ[...... ] a-na ‚xŸ[...... ] ———————————————————— dutu e-[le-nu-um...... ]

L.T.-6 g [L.87-497b] (not copied; small insignificant fragment)

[...... ] si? mi [...... ]

L.T.-6 h [L.87-536] (fragment near end of column) The traces in line 1' point to a treaty involving Till-Abnû or Yam‰i-°atnû, and the wide column divider on the right side of the preserved text corresponds best to the format of L.T.-3.

[...... ]-‚xŸ-nu [dumu ...... lugal ...... ]‚kiŸ [...... ]‚x xŸ an ‚xŸ [...... ]‚x li-ipŸ-ˇú-u[r] 5' [...... ]‚xŸ 404 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

L.T.-6 i [L.87-598] (small fragment, probably from curse section)

[...... Í]a? ‚ziŸ-ri-i[m...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ-la-nu-Íu [....] (vacant) ———————————————————— [...... ]‚eŸ-li a-ia-[bi-...... ]

L.T.-6 j [L.87-600a] (not copied; 2 small insignificant pieces)

L.T.-6 k [L.87-618b] (very small fragment with a few signs preserved; cf. copy)

L.T.-6 l [L.87-745b] (not copied; 2 small insignificant fragments)

1) [...... ]‚xŸ ZI [...... ] [...... ] ‚xŸ KA [...... ] [a-d]i ba-[al-ˇà-ku ...... ]

2) [...... ]‚xŸ ‚ANŸ[...... ] [...... l]ú-meÍ-Íu [...... ] [...... ] KA [...... ]

L.T.-6 m [L.87-790c] (surface fragment with remains from 2 columns) The mention of Yamutbalum points to a king of Andarig as contracting partner, and the fragment should belong to L.T.-1 or L.T.-4.

[x x]‚x xŸ[...... ] [dumu i]a-mu-ut-ba-[lim...... ] [Í]a a-na li-ib-[bi ma-ti-ia...... ] ù Ía iÍ-tu l[i-ib-bi ma-...... ] 5' la a-Óa-ab-[ba-tu...... ] a-na ne-pa-[ri-im la...... ] ù i-‰ú-u[m...... ] li-‚xŸ[...... ] ‚xŸ[...... ] (traces of last signs in 5 lines in left column) THE TREATIES 405

L.T.-6 n [L.87-793b] (not copied; small fragment)

[...l]a ú-Íe-‚x xŸ[...... ] [....l]a a-qa-ab-b]u-ú ...... ]

L.T.-6 o [L.87-794b] (small fragment)

[l]a-‚aŸ[...... ] la ú-‚xŸ[...... ] ù Íum-m[a...... ] ‚x x xŸ[...... ]

(4') The traces in this line seem to be ‚IBU-urŸ-[...... ], and tentatively this could be interpreted as the full form of the name Buriya, carried by the king of Andarig in this period.

L.T.-6 p [L.87-1403a] (not copied; small fragment from close to a left edge)

Faint remains of writing, in one line can be read [a-d]i ba-al-ˇà-ku. 406 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Leilan Treaty-7

Treaty Bullae(?)

Among the many smaller tablet fragments from room 22 are eight pieces that form a distinct and unique group. Their physical appearance differs from all other tablet groups found in the palace, a fact that also makes it likely that all fragments of this type have been identified. The fragments are all of a very fine, light reddish-brown clay and characterized by large, clear, and elegant writing. A peculiar feature of several of these fragments is the fact that they are unusually thick surface pieces that seem to stem from hollow tablets or bullae. Only fragment 7 c has an edge preserved, and its shape is clearly unusual. Very little text is preserved on the fragments, but it seems clearly to be of a type similar to that found in the treaties. No join is possible, but if the fragments stem from the same item, which cannot be excluded, they constitute only shattered bits of the original. 7 b, e, and f seem to mention Till-Abnû, and one is tempted to find Ea-malik of KaÓat in 7 d. If this is correct it seems likely that at least some of these pieces have a connection with L.T.-3, but apart from this observation it is difficult to propose any secure theory about their function. One possibility is discussed above in II.1.2.2. None of the pieces preserves sufficient text to merit a translation.

L.T.-7 a [L.87-553] (surface flake, th. 1.0 cm) [...... ] ‚tracesŸ [...... ] [...... ma(-a)]-at a-pí-im <>[ki] [...... u]Í-ta-mar-ra-[...... ] ———————————————————— [...... ]<<Ía?>> lú-tur-meÍ [...... ] 5' [...... ]‚xŸ tur ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ] ‚tracesŸ [...... ]

(3') For passages with mar⁄‰um, cf. 1 vi, 2 and 5. (4') The first sign in this line has been partly erased.

L.T.-7 b [L.87-562] (surface flake, th. 1.3 cm)

[...... t]i-‚la-abŸ-n[u-ú...... ] [...... ma(-a)-a]t a-pí-im[ki] [...... -a]l-lu-m[a] a-wa-tam ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... Ía]-a-ti la-‚aŸ ‚ni-k[a-Í]i-ˇ[ú ...... ] 5 [...... ]‚x-maŸ lu-ú ni-[...... ] ———————————————————— THE TREATIES 407

[...... iÍ-t]e-en lú ù [...... ] [...... ] ‚a-na xŸ [...... ]

(4) For a passage with kaÍ⁄ˇum, cf. 1 v, 8'''f.

L.T.-7 c [L.87-582] (fragment from lower(?) edge) obv.(?) [...... ]‚xŸ-BI-i[m...... ] vacant edge rev.(?) [...... ]‚xŸ-KI-im ‚xŸ[...... ]

L.T.-7 d [L.87-615] (th. 1.4 cm)

[...... ]-um? [...... ]-Íu e.(?) [...... ]‚xŸ-ma-lik(?)

L.T.-7 e [L.87-687b] (th. 1.3 cm) [...... ]‚x xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ ZU-m[u?...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ-ni-KU [...... ] [...... ] dumu da-r[i-e-pu-uÓ (....)] [...... ]‚xŸ[...... ]

L.T.-7 f [L.87-788b] (th. 1.8 cm)

[...... ti-la-ab-nu]-ú dumu da-r[i-e-pu-uÓ] [lugal ma(-a)-at a-pí-im]ki ‚xŸ[...... ] ———————————————————— [...... ti-la-a]b-[n]u-ú dumu ‚daŸ-[ri-e-pu-uÓ] [...... ]‚x x BIŸ[...... ] 408 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

L.T.-7 g [L.87-793c] (th. 0.9 cm)

[...... ]‚xŸ ma ‚xŸ[...... ] [...... ]‚xŸ BI [...... ]

L.T.-7 h [L.87-1423c] (th. 1.5 cm) [...... ] dutu [...... ] [...... -Z]UR-ri [...... ] [...... ] im [...... ] [...... ] ta-mar-t[a-.....]

(4) In this line we seem to have the word t⁄martum “diplomatic present.” INDICES* GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES

Amurrum Nawali 5 i, 20 (dingir mar-tu) 2 i, 7 Andarig 3 i, 8 1, passim Nawar Apum (m⁄t Apim) 3 i, [36]; ii 8, 36; vi, 25' 1–5, passim Ninet 6 b, [2'] 7 a, 2'; b, 2'; f, 2' 1 i, 7 2 i, 11 ArrapÓum 3 i, 13 2 i, 6 3 i, 6 Ninuwa AÍÍur 1 i, 11(ni-ni-we)? 5 i 13 (ni-nu-wa) 5 i, 8 (DN a-Íu-ri-a) 5 i, 11 (DN a-Íu-ri-tam) NuÓaÍu 5 i, 26, 27; ii, 4, 9, 15; iv, 7, 12, 8', 9', 11' 3 i, [35]; ii 7; iii 27; vi 23' (da-Íùr) Razam⁄ °alab 2 d, 2' 3 i, 7 °ana Saggar 3 i, 23, 28; v, 3, 25'; vi, [10, 6'], 11'(?) 5 i, 19 °ubÍalum Sûmum 1 i, 5 1 i, 24 2 i, 9 fieÓn⁄ 5 i, 10 (Óu-ub-Íi-il5) 4 i, 8,'' 18'' KaÓat fii’alPIri (Íi-a-al-PI-ri) 3, passim 3 i, 34; ii, 7; iii, 27; vi 23' fiubartum 5 i, 21 (dingir Íu-ba-ri-im)

* The indices cover only the Leilan treaties published in this volume, and hence not other material quoted or discussed. References are to relevant L.T.-sigla (1, 2, 3, etc.), followed by the column number (i, ii, iii, etc.) and the line number.

409 410 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

ﬁubat-Enlil Zara 1 i, 22 3 i, 16 5 i, 19 Yamutb⁄lum Zirrami 1 v, 6,'' 20''; 1 e, 2' 1 i, 6 2 i, 8 2 i, 10 6 m, 2' PERSONAL NAMES

Amer-IÍtar (limmu ) Muti-Addu (father of Qarni-Lim) 3 vi, 31' 1 i, 20, 7'; iv, [7'']; v, 2 Asdi-NeÓim (father of Yam‰i-°atnû) Mutiya (king of Apum) 3, passim 2, passim 6 a, 1'; b, [2'] Buriya(?) (king of Andarig) 6 o, 4' (‚Ibu-urŸ-[...) Qarni-Lim (king of Andarig) 1, passim Dari-EpuÓ (father of Till-Abnû) 3–4, passim Till-Abnû (king of Apum) 5 i, 24 3–4, passim 7 e, 4'; f, 1', 3' 5 i, 24 6 c, [3'] Ea-malik (prince? of KaÓat) 7 b, 1', f, 1', 3' 3 [i 32]; ii 5; iv 7; vi 20' Turum-natki (father of °⁄ya-abum) 1 i, 16 °alun-pî-(yu)mu (father of Mutiya) 2, passim (Óa-lu-un-pí-mu) Yam‰i-°atnû (king of KaÓat) iii, 5 (Óa-lu-pí-ú-mu) 3, passim °⁄ya-abum (king of Apum) 4 i, 1' (?) 1, passim -‚xŸ-ma-lik (Ea-malik?) °azip-TeÍÍup (king of Razam⁄) 7 d, 3' 2 d, 1'

411 DIVINE NAMES*

Adad/TeÍÍup 5 i, 13 (b¤lat Ninuwa) 1 i, 4; 2 i, [4]; 3 i, 5 (Ía Íamê) 5 i, 11 (a-Íu-ri-tám) 5 i, 5 (Ía IB) 2 vi, [11'']; 3 iv, 22' (in curses) 2 i, 6; 3 i, 6 (Ía ArrapÓim) 3 i, 7 (b¤l °alab) Nergal 3 i, 9 (b¤l KaÓat) 3 i, 10 2 i, 7; 3 i, 8 (Ía Nawali) 1 i, 5 (b¤l °ubÍalim) 2 vi, 5''; 3 v, 6; 4 vi, 5' (in curses) 2 i, 9 (lugal °ubÍalim) 5 i, 9 (lugal ) Anum °ubÍil 1 i, 6 (b¤l Zirrami) 3 i, 1; 5 i, [1] 2 i, 10 (lugal Zirrami) AÍÍur Ninkarak 1 i, 5 2 i, 14 B2let-Apim 5 i, 14 2 i, 12; 3 i, 145 i, 12 Sîn B2let-Nagar 1 i, 2; 2 i, 2; 3 i, 3 (Ía Íamê) 3 i, 11 2 i, 8 (b¤l Yamutbalim) 2 vi, 1''; 3 iv, 15' (in curses) Dagan ﬁamaÍ 5 i, 4 1 i, 3; 2 i, [3]; 3 i, 4 (Ía Íamê) Ea 5 i, 7 (Ía IB) 3 i, 12 5 i, 8 (a-Íu-ri-a) 3 v, 6' (in curse) 7 h, 1' 2 v, [6'], [23'']; 3 iii, [31] Enlil 2 vi, [2'](?=6 f, 3'); 3 iv, 12'; 4 vi, 2' (in 1 i, 1; 2 i, 1; 3 i, 2; 5 i, [2] curses) 2 vi, [15'']; 3 v, 12'; 4 vi, 4'' (in curses) ﬁarra-m⁄tin IÍÓara 5 i, 3 5 i, 15 -r⁄ya IÍtar 1 i, 8 1 i, 7; 2 i, 11, 3 i, 13(nin) ) Ninet 2 i, 13

* Unless noted, all the deities listed here occur in the introductory adjuration formulae (cf. table above 1.4.2).

412 SELECTED VOCABULARY

⁄l p⁄ˇim “border town'” izbum “anomaly” 1 v, 2' 3 iii, 15 andur⁄rum “freedom” k⁄rum “merchant quarter” 2 iv, 44' 5 ii, 10; iii, 11, 16, 5'; iv, 9' asakkum “taboo” kas⁄mum “weed out” 1 b, 6' 2 vi, 4'; 3 iv, 14' aÍlalûm “luxuries” kaÍ⁄ˇum “break off” 1 v, 7 1 v, 9'''; 3 iv, 2; 7 b, 4' binum(?) kat⁄mum D “hide” 2 vi, 6'', 8''(?) 1 v, 18''; 5 iii, 11' 3 iv, 19' mam‹tum “oath” b‹t wed›tim “chancellery” 1 vi, 15; 2 iv, 32'' 1 v, 7''; 15'' muÍkênum “commoner” esepum “collection” 2 iv, 49'; 4 i, 7''; 17'' 3 v, 23' muttallikum “courier” 1 iv, 5' gaÓÓum “cough” 2 vi, 9''; 3 v, 11 n¤mettum “objection” 2 iii, 7; 3 v, 36'; 4 iii, 6 Óab⁄tum 2 v, 9'' (Óabt⁄ku Íasûm) nisÓatum “tax” 4 iv, 3'; 6 m, 5' 5 ii, 13 1 a, 4' (D) paˇ⁄rum “ransom” Ó⁄bit⁄num “robber” 6 h, 4' 2 v, 11''; 12'' paz⁄rum, D “smuggle” Óayy⁄tum 1 v, 11''; 2 iv, 48'; 50' 2 iv, 37' piriÍtum “privy council” Óazi⁄nnum “commander” 2 iv, 23' 3 iii, 17 qayy⁄ˇum “roasted grain” inbum “fruit” 3 v, 29' 3 iii, 14 ipˇ‹rum “ransom” rab⁄‰um “camp” 5 ii, 4' 3 ii, 16

413 414 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN rabi⁄num “mayor” ÍibÍum “tax” 1 v, 4 3 iii, 21 rabûm, D “enlarge” Íubultum “yield” 3 iii, 2 (libbam r.) 3 v, 10' ra’⁄bum ﬁt Íu-ti-a “income” 2 vi, 7''; 3 v, 7, 10 1 v, 18'' rub‰um “lap” tamkarum “merchant” 3 ii, 15 2 v, 7''; 4 iv, 6' sak⁄pum tazzimtum (?) “complaint” 3 ii, 18 3 ii, 7', 14' sug⁄gum “local official” t¤q‹tum “objection” 1 v, 16; 3 iii, 1 3 ii, 14 summuÍum “hide” tin›rum “tannur” 2 iv, 47' 3 v, 26'

Íag⁄Íum “kill” udugum “rod” 5 iv, 9 3 iii, 20 ÍaÓ⁄tum D umÍarÓum “native” 2 v, 39''; 46'' 1 v, 20'' Íaknum “governor” upÍaÍÍûm “witchcraft” 3 iii, 16; 17 1 vi, 10; 2 v, 38'' Íal⁄ˇum ut›num “oven” 3 iii, 5 (pagram Í.) 3 v, 26' Íapûm D “put to silence” zi-ga “expenditure” 3 iv, 20' 1 v, 9''; 17'' Íâˇum D “be disloyal” 1 v, 17''' THE TREATIES 415

TABLE 1: L.87 TREATIES LISTED ACCORDING TO PUBLICATION SIGLA/FIELD NUMBERS

Publ. No. Leilan No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.T.-1 L.87-203 57G06 4 3 5

L.87-229 57G06 6 10 34

L.87-230 57G06 6 10 35

L.87-260 57G06 4 12 72

L.87-503 57G06 8 18 316

L.87-507b 57G06 8 18 320

L.87-620 57G06 8 22 441

L.87-622 57G06 8 22 443

L.T.-1 a L.87-711 57G06 8 23 532

L.87-734 57G06 8 23 555

L.T.-1 i L.87- 57G06 8 37 799 1340a

L.T.-1 b L.87-1440 57G06 4 51 900

L.T.-1 c L.87-1441 57G06 4 51 901

L.T.-1 L.87-1442 57G06 4 51 902

L.T.-1 d L.87-1443 57G06 4 51 903

L.87- 57G06 4 51 904 1444a

L.T.-1 e L.87- 57G06 4 51 904 1444b

L.T.-1 f L.87- 57G06 4 51 906 1446a

L.T.-1 g L.87-1447 57G06 4 51 907

L.T.-1 h L.87-1450 57G06 4 58 910 416 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Publ. No. Leilan No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.87-1456 57G06 4 58 916

L.T.-2 L.87-150 57G/H04 1 1

(b, c) L.87-208 57G06 4 3 10

(b, d) L.87-209 57G06 4 3 11

(e) L.87-213 57G06 4 3 121

L.87-438a 57G06 8 18 249

L.87-441a 57G06 8 18 252

L.87-552 57G06 8 33 370

L.87-617 57G06 8 22 438

L.87-811a 57G07 1 5

(a) L.87- 57G06 8 38 851 1392a

L.T.-3 L.87-180 57F06 2 11 54

L.87-241a 57G06 6 10 48

L.87-484 57G06 8 18 295

L.87-557a 57G06 8 18 375

L.87-603d 57G06 8 22 424

L.87-750 57G06 8 23 571

L.87-786a 57G06 8 18 607

L.87-790a 57G06 8 18 611

L.87-869a 57G06 8 24 675

L.87-1362 57G06 8 37 821 THE TREATIES 417

Publ. No. Leilan No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.87-1363 57G06 8 37 822

L.T.-4 L.87-412 57G06 8 18 223

L.87-511 57G06 8 18 323

L.87-522 57G06 8 18 339

L.87-549 57G06 8 18 367

L.87-586 57G06 8 18 413

L.87-774 57G06 8 18 595

L.87-788a 57G06 8 18 609

L.87-924a 57G06 8 36 683

L.87-1326 57G06 8 37 785

L.T.-5 L.87-442a 57G06 8 18 253

L.87-447a 57G06 8 18 258

L.87-1331 57G06 8 37 790

L.T.-6 a L.87-426a 57G06 8 18 237

L.T.-6 b L.87-426b

L.T.-6 c L.87-426c

L.T.-6 d L.87-427 57G06 8 18 238

L.T.-6 e L.87-434 57G06 8 18 245

L.T.-6 f L.87-440 57G06 8 18 251

L.T.-6 g L.87-497b 57G06 8 18 310 418 THE ROYAL ARCHIVES FROM TELL LEILAN

Publ. No. Leilan No. Square Area Lot Object No.

L.T.-6 h L.87-536 57G06 8 18 353

L.T.-6 i L.87-598 57G06 8 18 419

L.T.-6 j L.87-600a 57G06 8 18 421

L.T.-6 k L.87-618b 57G06 8 22 439

L.T.-6 l L.87-745b 57G06 8 23 566

L.T.-6 m L.87-790c 57G06 8 18 611

L.T.-6 n L.87-793b 57G06 8 18 616

L.T.-6 o L.87-794b 57G06 8 18 617

L.T.-6 p L.87- 57G06 8 39 862 1403a

L.T.-7 a L.87-553 57G06 8 33 371

L.T.-7 b L.87-562 57G06 8 18 380

L.T.-7 c L.87-582 57G06 410

L.T.-7 d L.87-615 57G06 8 22 436

L.T.-7 e L.87-687b 57G06 8 23 508

L.T.-7 f L.87-788b 57G06 8 18 609

L.T.-7 g L.87-793c 57G06 8 18 616

L.T.-7 h L.87- 57G06 8 39 882 1423c BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES

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