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Vol. 26 BORNEO RESEARCH BULLETIN 2 Vol. 26 BORNEO RESEARCH BULLETIN 3 NOTES FROM THE EDITOR We are pleased to announce the appointment of Dr. Clifford Sather SARAWAK'S 1987 AND 1991 STATE ELECTIONS: (University of Oregon) as the new Editor of the Borneo Resmrch Bulletin. Dr. AN ANALYSIS OF THE ETHNIC VOTE Sather's work on the Iban and Bajau is well known to students of Borneo societies and cultures, and his acceptance of the editorship augurs well for the future of JAMES CHIN the Bulletin. Politics Department Victoria University of Wellington As your contributions to and support of the Council's work has grown, we have had to share the workload among Fellows and Members. Therefore, we are pleased to announce that Dr. Sather will be assisted in editing the Bulletin by Dr. ABSTRACT Richard Fidler (Rhode Island College), who will have responsibility for Research Notes, Dr. Anne Schiller (North Carolina State University), who will edit Brief This article deals with state elections in the East Malaysian state of Sarawak Communications, and Dr. Phillip Thomas (Library of Congress), who has agreed in 1987 and 1991. The election in 1991 was the first to be held after an attempted to help with processing of material for publication. Dr. Richard Allen Drake coup in 1987 and also under new electoral boundaries, thus generating much (Michigan State University) has agreed to edit the Monograph Series, and we interest among the electorate and political observers. The author analyzes both hope to identify an editor for the volumes of Proceedings from the Biennial elections in relation to ethnicity and to the ethnic voting patterns of the Dayak, Conferences. Malay / Melanau, and Chinese communities. The author concludes that while ethnic voting pattern is fairly well established in Sarawak, there is little Likelihood It is with mixed emotions that I write what is this Editor's final note. I that one particular ethnic group will be able to dominate politics, unlike the accepted the editorship at the insistence of the late Tom Harrisson, and have situation in Peninsular Malaysia where Malay political hegemony is taken for never regretted it. The work has been rewarding, and has allowed for the granted. This, the author argues, is due to Sarawak's plural population and the unusual opportunity to learn about the myriad research activities underway in ethnic composition of the constituencies. all parts of the island. The suggestions of many Fellows and Members have moved the Council into new areas and activities, for example, the query by Dr. INTRODUCTION Peter Kedit in Chicago (1987) about the BRC holding a conference in Borneo. In Malaysia, ethnicity is the major preoccupation of politicians and political Through it all, there are four people to whom I want to express my special parties, and in the East Malaysian state of Sarawak this is no exception. What is thanks. The first is Mrs. Jean Belvin, Secretary, Department of Anthropology, different is that Sarawak is much more plural than Peninsular Malaysia. While who has produced every issue of the Bulletin since 1980, the two volumes of the the ethnic Malays made up approximately half of the population in the Peninsula Monograph Series, and the Proceedings. Considering the full-time job she has as (51%) with the Chinese (35%) and Indians (11%) makng up the rest, the secretary to a department of 12 members, her performance has been extraordi- demographic situation in Sarawak (and Sabah) is very different. In the first nary. The second person is George Appell, who has been the principal supporter instance, the Malays are a minority. Secondly, no one ethnic group can claim to of much of the work of the Council. A genuinely modest person, George has be in absolute majority, ie. more than 50% of the population. made available resources when they were needed, and has kept the Council's work on course. The third person is Datuk Amar Leonard Linggi Jugah, to In addition, again unlike the situation in Peninsular Malaysia, the politics in whom is due most of the credit for the first conference in Kuching, that served Sarawak are different. It is generally acknowledged that the Malays in Peninsular to set the standard for future conferences. And the fourth person is my wife, Malaysia are politically dominant to a point that the non-Malay parties in the Joanne, who has been not only collaborator in my research projects but also a Barisan Nasional (BN or National Front) coalition are regularly rnarginalised in the constant source of encouragement. (Continued on Page 171) political decision-making processes (Means 1991).During elections, the non-Malay BN parties such as the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) regularly do not garner many votes compared to the main I 1'1 BORNEO RESEARCH BULLETIN 4 Vol. 26 BORNEO RESEARCH BULLETIN 5 non-Malay opposition party, the Democratic Action Party PAP) (Khong, 1991; Given that all the political parties rely on one ethnic group as their core Means, 1991; Zakaria, 1993). support group, the ethnic proportion of each constituency is of major interest to ths paper. Between the two elections, although the proportion of voters did not In Sarawak, the ethnic Malays do not hold political power. political power change much, the number of constituencies and their ethnic breakdown changed and patronage is held by the minority Melanau Muslims, who constitute just 5 significantly. per cent of Sarawak's population. Moreover, as we shall see, the Chinese voters in Sarawak have yet to elect a single DAP candidate for the State Legislative Before the 1991 elections, Sarawak had only 48 State Legislative Assembly Assembly. Instead the Chinese in Sarawak have consistently voted for a local seats. The Dayaks constituted the largest bloc of voters in 25 out of these 48 Chinese-based party in the governing coalition. constituencies.) In 23 out this 25, the Dayaks had an absolute majority, ie., they made up more than 50 per cent of the electorate (refer to Table 1).The Malay / In early 1987, a split within the elite Melanau Muslin~scaused a political Melanau were strongest in 13, with absolute majority in 12 (refer to Table 2). The crisis which led to a snap election. The state election generated great interest as Chinese made up the largest group of voters in 8, having an absolute majority in the two competing groups were more or less equally matched, a situation all 8 constituencies (refer to Table 3). There were also two mixed constituencies uncommon in Malaysia where the governing BN is usually the overwhelming where there were two ethnic groups with roughly equal percentage of voters favourite.' The results of the election were close, with the opposition alLiance (refer to Table 4). securing slightly less than half the seats in the Dewan Undangan Negeri PUN or State Legislative Assembly), thus denying the Sarawak Barisan Nasional Between 1984 and 1986, the Malaysian Election Commission undertook a (Sarawak National Front or SBN) of its all important two-thirds majority. The major delineation exercise which significantly changed the boundaries of all 48 two-thirds majority allows the government of the day to pass amendments to the constituencies and added an additional eight seats in the DUN, that is, from 48 State Constitution. to 56. More than half of the altered constituencies were given new names. The 1991 state election took place under these new electoral boundaries. With the new An eagerly awaited state election was held in September 1991 with some boundaries, the Dayaks still constituted the largest bloc of voters in 24 out of 56 interesting results. Observers who thought that the ruling SBN under Taib constituencies, or one less than before the delineation (refer to Table 1). However, Mahmud would lose up to 15 seats were surprised when the SBN instead won this time in all 24 constituencies they had an absolute majority. Malay / Melanau 48 out of 56 seats. majority seats increased from 13 to 19, and this group had had an absolute majority in 16 constituencies (Table 2). The ethnic Chinese were now the strongest This article discusses and analyzes the electoral results from these two in 11, again having an absolute majority in all 11 constituencies (Table 3). Thus, elections in relation to ethnicity and ethnic voting pattern. The details--campaign the major beneficiaries of the delineation exercise were the Malay / Melanau and issues and the conduct of the political parties--will not be discussed in depth here, Chinese communities who increased their majority seats by six and three as they are described el~ewhere.~Nevertheless some background will be briefly respectively. The distribution of the eight new constituencies were: five Malay / discussed as it may be useful to our analysis. Melanau-majority and two Chinese-majority constituencies. The last new constituency was mixed where no one particular ethnic group constituted a clear ETHNIC BREAKDOWN majority (refer to Table 4). Sarawak is the largest state in the federation of Malaysia and one of the only The proportion of voters in the 1987 polls were: 40 per cent Dayaks; 34 per two states located on Borneo Island, the other being Sabah. Both these states cent Chinese and 26 per cent Malay / Melanau. In 1991, the proportion was: joined the federation in 1963. The current population of Sarawak is roughly 1.8 Dayaks 40 per cent, Clunese 33 per cent and Malay / Melanau 27 per cent. Hence, million and is made up of the following ethnic groups: Ibans (30%), Chinese virtually no change. (30%), Malay (20%), Melanau (5%), Bidayuh (8%), other indigenous peoples (Orang Ulu, Kayan, Kenyah, etc) (7%).The Ibans, Bidayuh and other indigenous Before the delineation exercise, the Dayaks were over-represented based on peoples are also collectively called the Dayaks while the Malay and Melanau the ethnic percentage of voters.