NOTES

Introduction 1. Ascham, The Scholemaster Or plaine and perfite way of teachying children, to vnderstand, write, and speake, the Latin tong, but specially purposed for the priuate brynging vp of youth in Ientlemen and Noble mens houses . . . (London, 1570; STC 832), B2r. 2. Ibid., H1r. 3. A few essay-length studies have acknowledged Elizabeth’s learned persona as an important strategy of royal image- making. These studies include Lysbeth Benkert, “Translation as Image- Making: ’s Translation of Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy,” Early Modern Literary Studies 6.3 (January 2001): 2.1–20. http:// /extra.shu.ac.uk/ emls/ 06-3/ benkboet.htm; Georgia E. Brown, “Translation and the definition of sovereignty: the case of Elizabeth Tudor,” in Travels and Translations in the Sixteenth Century: Selected Papers from the Second International Conference of the Tudor Symposium (2000), ed. Mike Pincombe, 88–103 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004); Jennifer Clement, “The Queen’s Voice: Elizabeth I’s Christian Prayers and Meditations,” Early Modern Literary Studies 13.3 ( January 2008): 1.1–26. http:/ / extra.shu.ac.uk/ emls/ 13-3/ clemquee.htm; Mary Thomas Crane, “ ‘Video et Taceo’: Elizabeth I and the Rhetoric of Counsel,” Studies in English Literature, 1500–1900 28.1 (1988): 1–16; Janet M. Green, “Queen Elizabeth I’s Latin Reply to the Polish Ambassador,” Sixteenth Century Journal 31 (Winter 2000): 987– 1008; Constance Jordan, “States of Blindness: Doubt, Justice, and Constancy in Elizabeth I’s ‘Avec l’aveugler si estrange,’ ” in Reading Monarch’s Writing: The Poetry of Henry VIII, Mary Stuart, Elizabeth I, and James VI/ I, ed. Peter C. Herman, 109–33 (Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2002); Leah S. Marcus, “Queen Elizabeth I as Public and Private Poet: Notes towards a New Edition,” also in Reading Monarch’s Writing, 135–53; Steven W. May, “Queen Elizabeth Prays for the Living and the Dead,” in Elizabeth I and the Culture of Writing, ed. Peter Beal and Grace Ioppolo, 201–11 (London: British Library, 2007); Steven W. May and Anne Lake Prescott, “The French Verses of Elizabeth I,” English Literary Renaissance 24.1 (1994): 9–43; James E. Phillips, “Elizabeth 200 Notes

I as a Latin Poet: An Epigram on Paul Melissus,” Renaissance News 16 (Winter 1963): 289–98; and Linda Shenk, “Turning Learned Authority into Royal Supremacy: Elizabeth I’s Learned Persona and Her University Orations,” in Elizabeth I: Always Her Own Free Woman, ed. Carole Levin, Jo Eldridge Carney, and Debra Barrett- Graves, 78–96 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003). 4. Editors Janel Mueller and Leah S. Marcus highlight the need for their collection, Elizabeth I: Autograph Compositions and Foreign Language Originals (henceforth ACFLO), and they emphasize their hope that it will raise awareness of—and appreciation for—Eliza- beth’s skills as a multilingual queen (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), pp. xxv–xxvi. For editions that contain English trans- lations, see Elizabeth I: Collected Works (henceforth CW), ed. Leah S. Marcus, Janel Mueller, and Mary Beth Rose (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000); Elizabeth I: Translations, 1544–1589, ed. Janel Mueller and Joshua Scodel (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009); Elizabeth I: Translations, 1592–1598, ed. Janel Mueller and Joshua Scodel (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2009); and Queen Elizabeth I: Selected Works, ed. Steven W. May (New York: Washington Square, 2004). 5. May, “Queen Elizabeth Prays for the Living and the Dead,” p. 202. 6. A few of the works that have been most influential in my research on humanism and, in many cases, its relation to early modern polity include: Stephen Alford, The Early Elizabethan Polity: William Cecil and the British Succession Crisis, 1558–1569 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Warren Boutcher, “Humanism and Literature in Late Tudor England: Translation, the Continental Book and the Case of Montaigne’s Essais,” in Reassessing Tudor Humanism, ed. Jonathan Woolfson, 243–68 (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002); Rebecca W. Bushnell, A Culture of Teaching: Early Modern Humanism in Theory and Practice (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996); Jeff Dolven, Scenes of Instruction in Renaissance Romance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007); Anthony Grafton and Lisa Jardine, From Humanism to the Humanities: Education and the Liberal Arts in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth- Century Europe (London: Duckworth, 1986); John Guy, ed., The Reign of Elizabeth I: Court and Culture in the Last Decade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); James Hankins, ed., Renaissance Civic Humanism: Reappraisals and Reflections (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Arthur F. Kinney, Continental Humanist Poetics: Studies in Erasmus, Castiglione, Marguerite de Navarre, Rabelais, and Cervantes (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1989); Kinney, Humanist Poetics: Thought, Rhetoric, and Fiction in Sixteenth- Century England Notes 201

(Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1986); A. N. McLaren, Political Culture in the Reign of Elizabeth I: Queen and Commonwealth, 1558–1585 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); David Norbrook, Writing the English Republic: Poetry, Rhetoric and Politics, 1627–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Markku Peltonen, Classical Humanism and Republicanism in English Political Thought, 1570–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Mike Pincombe, Elizabethan Humanism: Literature and Learning in the Later Sixteenth Century (Harlow, England: Longman, 2001); and Blair Worden, The Sound of Virtue: ’s “Arcadia” and Elizabethan Politics (London: Yale University Press, 1996). 7. See especially Desiderius Erasmus’ The Education of a Christian Prince, trans. Neil M. Cheshire and Michael J. Heath, ed. Lisa Jardine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); and Sir Thomas Elyot’s The boke named the Gouernour (London, 1531; STC 7635). 8. Collinson, “The Monarchical Republic of Queen Elizabeth I,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 69.2 (1986–7): 394–424. 9. Lake, “ ‘The Monarchical Republic of Queen Elizabeth I’ (and the Fall of Archbishop Grindal) Revisited,” in The Monarchical Republic of Early Modern England: Essays in Response to Patrick Collinson, ed. John F. McDiarmid, 129–47 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), pp. 135–37. Collinson expresses his agreement with Lake’s observation in his Afterword to the same collection (pp. 245–60; this comment appears on p. 256). 10. At present, the politics of Elizabeth’s and Edward’s educations are starting to receive more scholarly attention. Aysha Pollnitz is currently working on a monograph that examines the polit- ics surrounding the educations of Tudor and Stuart princes, and she includes a chapter on Elizabeth. Stephen Alford and Charles Beem include Edward VI’s educated persona as a crucial element of the young king’s royal identity. Pollnitz, Princely Education in Sixteenth-Century Britain (in progress); Alford, Kingship and Politics in the Reign of Edward VI (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), especially chapter 2; and Beem, “ ‘Have Not Wee a Noble Kynge?’: The Minority of Edward VI,” in The Royal Minorities of Medieval and Early Modern England, ed. Charles Beem, 211–48 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 218–20. 11. In fact, Elizabeth’s pious learning was publicly showcased even before she ascended the throne. John Bale published her transla- tion of Marguerite de Navarre’s Le Miroir de l’âme pécheresse from Geneva in 1548. Therefore, when England and continental Europe first “heard” Elizabeth’s voice, it was the voice of a well-educated, pious princess. Bale published Elizabeth’s translation under the 202 Notes

title A Godly Medytacyon of the Christen Sowle. Marc Shell pro- vides Elizabeth’s text and Bale’s version of it in Elizabeth’s Glass (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1993). 12. Aylmer, An Harborovve for Faithfvll and Trevve Svbiectes, agaynst the late blowne Blaste, concerninge the Gouernment of VVemen . . . (Strasborowe [London], 1559; STC 1006), I2r. 13. McLaren specifically (and rightly) describes the image of the philosopher-monarch as masculine in Political Culture in the Reign of Elizabeth I, p. 14. Two other works that provide significant studies of women and humanism are Grafton and Jardine, From Humanism to the Humanities, chapter 2; and Mary Ellen Lamb, “The Cooke Sisters: Attitudes toward Learned Women in the Renaissance,” in Silent But for the Word: Tudor Women as Patrons, Translators, and Writers of Religious Works, ed. Margaret Patterson Hannay, 107–25 (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1985). 14. B[ernard] G[arter], The Ioyfull Receyuing of the Queenes most excel- lent Maiestie into hir Highnesse Citie of Norvvich . . . (London, 1578; STC 11627), G1v- 2r. 15. To honor Elizabeth, the Dutch congregation in Norwich erected a monument that contained this inscription from Matthew 10:16: “Prudens vt serpens, simplex vt columba. / Wise as the Serpent, and meeke as the Doue” (B. G., Ioyfull Receyuing, D1r, D2r). Christ spea ks this line as he sends out the apostles to begin preaching. The full verse 16 reads: “Beholde, I sende you foorth, as sheepe in the mid- dest of woolfes. Be ye therfore wyse as serpentes, and harmelesse as doues.” Matthew Parker, The holie Bible (London, 1568; STC 2099). The image of the wolves in addition to the focus on preaching gives this inscription a strongly Protestant hue, making Elizabeth the divine figure who supports her Protestant preachers. 16. Boutcher, “Humanism and Literature in Late Tudor England,” p. 251; emphasis in the original. 17. ACFLO, p. 168; CW, p. 333. 18. Of Love and Self-Love in Francis Bacon: A Critical Edition of the Major Works, ed. Brian Vickers, 61–68 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 64. 19. Recent trends in the scholarship on Sidney and Essex, for example, are greatly influenced by Paul E. J. Hammer and Alan Stewart, who foreground the intellectual and transnational prior- ities of these courtiers but downplay the language of love as too queen- focused (an approach typically adopted by literary schol- ars such as Catherine Bates, Katherine Duncan- Jones, and oth- ers). Hammer, The Polarisation of Elizabethan Politics: The Political Career of Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex, 1585–1597 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Stewart, Philip Sidney: A Double Life (London: Chatto & Windus, 2000); Bates, The Rhetoric Notes 203

of Courtship in Elizabethan Language and Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Duncan- Jones, Sir Philip Sidney: Courtier Poet (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991). 20. Green, “Phronesis Feminised: Prudence From Christine de Pizan to Elizabeth I,” in Virtue, Liberty, and Toleration: Political Ideas of European Women, 1400–1800, ed. Jacqueline Broad and Karen Green, 23–38 (Dordrecht: Springer, 2007), p. 32. 21. See ibid., pp. 25, 29, and 32–34. 22. Strong, Gloriana: The Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I (London: Thames and Hudson, 1987), p. 97. For Strong’s discussion of the Siena “Sieve” Portrait, see especially pp. 100–107. It should be noted that the three mottos in Italian are fully legible only on the Plimpton “Sieve” portrait. 23. Strong observes that Geffrey Whitney uses the sieve as an emblem for prudent discernment (Gloriana, p. 97). This sieve, as the verses in Whitney indicate, is used for seeds, for “When graine is ripe, with siue to purge the seedes, / From chaffe, and duste, and all the other weedes” [Whitney, A Choice of Emblemes . . . (London, 1586; STC 25438), p. 68]. 24. Christian Prayers and Meditations (London, 1569; STC 6428), Mm1r-v. This prayer is also found in ACFLO, p. 140, and the translation, CW, p. 154. 25. Campbell, “ ‘And in their midst a sun’: Petrarch’s Triumphs and the Elizabethan Icon,” in Goddesses and Queens: The Iconography of Elizabeth I, ed. Annaliese Connolly and Lisa Hopkins, 19–33 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007); Doran, “Virginity, Divinity and Power: The Portraits of Elizabeth I,” in The Myth of Elizabeth, ed. Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman, 171–99 (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp. 186–88; Strong, Gloriana, pp. 100–107; and Yates, Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975), pp. 112–18. 26. Dee, General and Rare Memorials pertayning to the Perfect Arte of Navigation (London, 1577; STC 6459), ε4v. I am indebted to William H. Sherman’s discussion of Dee’s reference to Solomon in Memorials. See his : The Politics of Reading and Writing in the English Renaissance (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995), p. 155. 27. Spain was using its colonial empire to fund its military opera- tions, and this gathering strength was sure to be turned against England, as would be the case in 1588. See Susan Doran, Elizabeth I and Foreign Policy, 1558–1603 (London: Routledge, 2000), p. 39. 28. John F. McDiarmid lightly suggests that the tradition of schol- arship on monarchical republicanism has not yet explored the Elizabethan polity within a transnational context in his 204 Notes

introduction to The Monarchical Republic of Early Modern England, 1–17, p. 11. A few essays in this collection, however, are beginning to broaden the scope of England’s monarchical republic to con- sider an imperial agenda. These essays include Dale Hoak’s “Sir William Cecil, Sir Thomas Smith, and the Monarchical Republic of Tudor England,” pp. 37–54; and Stephen Alford’s “The Political Creed of William Cecil,” pp. 75–90. 29. A few examples of these studies include Philippa Berry, Of Chastity and Power: Elizabethan Literature and the Unmarried Queen (London: Routledge, 1989); Susan Frye, Elizabeth I: The Competition for Representation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Helen Hackett, Virgin Mother, Maiden Queen: Elizabeth I and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995); and Louis Montrose, The Subject of Elizabeth: Authority, Gender, and Representation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006). 30. In addition to Collinson’s work, a few examples of these stud- ies include: Alford, Early Elizabethan Polity; Guy’s collection, The Reign of Elizabeth I; McLaren, Political Culture in the Reign of Elizabeth I; and McDiarmid’s collection, Monarchical Republic of Early Modern England. 31. This paradigm is closely related to the interdisciplinary and wide- ranging work that Carole Levin provides in her “The Heart and Stomach of a King”: Elizabeth I and the Politics of Sex and Power (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994). In addition, my work somewhat resembles that of Natalie Mears because it presents an image of the queen’s direct agency in the Elizabethan polity rather than a more exclusively counselor-driven model. Mears, Queenship and Political Discourse in the Elizabethan Realms (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

1 Queen Solomon: Elizabeth I in Christian Prayers and Meditations (1569) 1. Christian Prayers and Meditations in English[,] French, Italian, Spanish, Greeke, and Latine (London, 1569; STC 6428). This edi- tion is sometimes incorrectly attributed to Richard Day, John’s son. Richard produced A Booke of Christian Prayers (London, 1578; STC 6429) nearly a decade later. Elizabeth’s most extended dem- onstration of erudition was her Precationes priuatae. Regiae E. R. (London, 1563; STC 7576.7), which included seven prayers, eight verse pastiches, and essentially a commonplace book containing 259 sententiae gathered from Christian and classical sources. 2. Editors Leah S. Marcus, Janel Mueller, and Mary Beth Rose have noted that these prayers contain many of Elizabeth’s Notes 205

idiosyncrasies of composition—information that supports the pos- sibility that Elizabeth did write these prayers. Elizabeth I: Collected Works (henceforth CW), ed. Leah S. Marcus, Janel Mueller, and Mary Beth Rose (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), pp. 143–44, n. 1. 3. Jennifer Clement is the only other scholar to have published an essay- length study of these prayers, and she, too, approaches them primarily as an image of the queen. Clement, “The Queen’s Voice: Elizabeth I’s Christian Prayers and Meditations,” Early Modern Literary Studies 13.3 (January 2008): 1.1–26. http:// extra.shu.ac.uk/ emls/13-3/ clemquee.htm. 4. Steven W. May considers Elizabeth’s prayers overall as private texts that Elizabeth did not want circulated. His description of her prayers in the 1590s sheds important light on these later demonstra- tions. In the 1560s, however, the crown authorized the publication of Christian Prayers as well as an earlier royal prayer book Precationes priuatae—authorized texts that suggest to me that the crown wanted (at least) these prayers disseminated. See May, “Queen Elizabeth Prays for the Living and the Dead,” in Elizabeth I and the Culture of Writing, ed. Peter Beal and Grace Ioppolo, 201–11 (London: British Library, 2007). I do believe that the multilingual prayers attributed to Elizabeth that are presented in a handwritten, girdle prayer book (1578–1582) are royal prayers that were not created for the public eye. Regardless of whether or not Elizabeth composed these meditations (H. R. Woudhuysen provides evidence that she did not), I do not examine them in this book because they did not have a clear pub- lic circulation or intent. These prayers are included in both CW and Elizabeth I: Autograph Compositions and Foreign Language Originals (henceforth ACFLO), ed. Janel Mueller and Leah S. Marcus (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003). They were first pub- lished in A Book of Devotions Composed by Her Majesty Elizabeth with a foreword by Reverend Canon J. P. Hodges, ed. and trans. Reverend Adam Fox (Gerrards Cross, Buckinghamshire: Colin Smythe, 1970). Woudhuysen compares Elizabeth’s handwriting with the hand of these prayers to confirm that the writing is not the queen’s. See his essay, “The Queen’s Own Hand: A Preliminary Account,” in Elizabeth I and the Culture of Writing, 1–27 (London: British Library, 2007), pp. 18–19. 5. I describe their claims as “persuasive” because Mary’s image as passion-blind and incapable of rule had as much to do with propaganda as with actual history. For more on the manipula- tion of Mary’s image, see Retha M. Warnicke, Mary Queen of Scots (London: Routledge, 2006). 6. Cecil (and Bernard Hampton), A Necessary Consideration of the Perilous State of this Tyme, Public Record Office, State Papers, 206 Notes

Domestic, Elizabeth 1, 12/ 51, fol. 16v. I quote from the fair copy pro- duced by Cecil’s secretary, Bernard Hampton. For an insightful dis- cussion of this text, see Stephen Alford, The Early Elizabethan Polity: William Cecil and the British Succession Crisis, 1558–1569 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), especially pp. 194–99. 7. For the known connection between Day and Cecil, see Elizabeth Evenden and Thomas S. Freeman, “John Foxe, John Day and the Printing of the ‘Book of Martyrs,’ ” in Lives in Print: Biography and the Book Trade from the Middle Ages to the 21st Century, ed. Robin Myers, Michael Harris, and Giles Mandelbrote, 23–54 (New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll Press, 2002). 8. Christian Prayers was only one of many instances in which Elizabeth was depicted as a Solomon. In the 1560s alone, she likened herself to this king in her prayer book Precationes priuatae; she was praised as Solomon in the play Sapientia Solomonis during Princess Cecilia of Sweden’s visit in 1566; and in his A chronicle at large (1569), Richard Grafton depicted her holding Solomon’s orb in an image flanked by the figures of Solomon and David. Despite these connections, modern scholars have devoted little attention to this particular royal image, focusing instead on her other biblical roles as Susanna, Esther, Judith, David, Joshua, Hezekiah, and Deborah. Studies by Margaret Aston, Carol Blessing, Susan Doran, John N. King, A. N. McLaren, Michele Osherow, Donald Stump, and Alexandra Walsham have made rich contributions to our understanding of how these figures provided crucial providential support for Elizabeth and her subjects to defend, and sometimes limit, female rule. Aston, The King’s Bedpost: Reformation and Iconography in a Tudor Group Portrait (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Blessing, “Elizabeth I as Deborah the Judge: Exceptional Women of Power,” in Goddesses and Queens: The Iconography of Elizabeth I, ed. Annaliese Connolly and Lisa Hopkins, 19–33 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007); Doran, “Virginity, Divinity and Power: The Portraits of Elizabeth I,” in The Myth of Elizabeth, ed. Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman, 171–99 (Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003); King, “The Godly Woman in Elizabethan Iconography,” Renaissance Quarterly 38 (Spring 1985): 41–84; McLaren, Political Culture in the Reign of Elizabeth I: Queen and Commonwealth, 1558–1585 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Osherow, “ ‘Give Ear O’ Princes’: Deborah, Elizabeth and the Right Word,” Explorations in Renaissance Culture 30.1 (2004): 111–19; Stump, “Abandoning the Old Testament: Shifting Paradigms for Elizabeth, 1578–1582,” Explorations in Renaissance Culture 30.1 (2004): 89–109; and Walsham, “ ‘A Very Deborah?’ The Myth of Elizabeth I as a Providential Monarch,” in The Myth of Elizabeth, 143–68. Notes 207

9. Cancellar, [A godly medytacyon of the Christen sowle] [translated by Elyzabeth doughter of our late souerayne Kynge Henri the viij] (S.l: H. Denham, c. 1568; STC 17320.5). 10. Van der Noot’s original (Dutch) text is titled Het theatre oft Toon- neel waer in ter eender de ongelucken ende elenden die den werelts ges- inden ende boosen menschen toecomen . . . der poëteryen ende schilderen. Deur H. Ian Vander Noot. As I will discuss later, both the Dutch edition (London, 1568; STC 18601) and the French translation, Le Theatre . . . (London, 1568; STC 18603) were printed by Day. The English translation, A Theatre . . . was printed by Henry Bynneman (London, 1569; STC 18602). 11. Matthew Parker, The holie Bible . . . (London, 1568; STC 2099). All citations to biblical passages in this chapter refer to this edition, unless otherwise specified. 12. See King regarding the theocratic images of the sword and book in Tudor Royal Iconography: Literature and Art in an Age of Religious Crisis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 56–57. It is also significant that the crucifix Elizabeth kept in her own pri- vate chapel is not depicted on the priedieu in the frontispiece. 13. Just in the verses leading up to this passage from the same chapter of 2 Chronicles, the Temple is referred to as a house in verses 2, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 18. 14. I am deeply indebted to Susan Felch for pointing out to me that Elizabeth’s depiction evokes the role of householder. 15. Mary Hampson Patterson, Domesticating the Reformation: Protestant Best Sellers, Private Devotion, and the Revolution of English Piety (Madison: Fairleigh Dickinson University Presses, 2007), p. 34. 16. Elizabeth Evenden observes that this depiction of Elizabeth using the prayer book, which is open on the priedieu, contrasts sharply with the way Day typically portrays Tudor kings inter- acting with religious texts. Evenden notes that Day shows them either distributing or receiving books—an act that underscores their more supportive role in promoting published works. See her Patents, Pictures and Patronage: John Day and the Tudor Book Trade (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), pp. 114–16. I am grateful to Evenden for sharing this work with me in manuscript. 17. Felch, “A Brief History of English Private Prayer Books,” in Felch’s Elizabeth Tyrwhit’s “Morning and Evening Prayers” (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), pp. 23 and 31, respectively. 18. Bull, [Christian prayers and holy meditations] (London, 1568; STC 4028). 19. White, The Tudor Books of Private Devotion ([Madison]: University of Wisconsin Press, 1951), p. 193. 20. Ibid., p. 243. 208 Notes

21. Day, R. A Booke of Christian Prayers . . . (London, 1578; STC 6429). White drew my attention to this idea (Tudor Books of Private Devotion, p. 191). 22. Foxe, The Gospels of the fower Euangelistes translated in the olde Saxons tyme out of Latin into the vulgare toung of the Saxons . . . (London, 1571; STC 2961). 23. Parker, De Antiqvitate Britannicae Ecclesiae & Priuilegiis Ecclesiae Cantuariensis (London, 1572; STC 19292). The image of Elizabeth in De Antiquitate Britannicae is found in the copy housed at the University of Cambridge Library. For a discussion of this copy and these other texts linking England’s Church with a long lin- eage, see Evenden, Patents, Pictures and Patronage, pp. 135–39. 24. Cancellar, [A godly medytacyon], E4v. 25. Georgia E. Brown observes that in these meditations and max- ims “Elizabeth becomes an act of language that projects moral virtue”—a comment that brought to my attention how Cancellar is essentially making Elizabeth into a mirror for her people. See Brown, “Translation and the Definition of Sovereignty: The Case of Elizabeth Tudor,” in Travels and Translations in the Sixteenth Century: Selected Papers from the Second International Conference of the Tudor Symposium (2000), ed. Mike Pincombe, 88–103 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004), p. 100. Likewise, Anna Riehl’s work on Elizabeth’s coat of arms as a signifier for her face informs my idea about the coat of arms as a mirror. See Riehl, The Face of Queenship: Early Modern Representations of Elizabeth I (New York: Palgrave, forthcoming). 26. Cancellar, The Alphabet of Prayers, very fruitefull to be exercised and vsed of euerye Christian Man. Newly collected and set forth, in the yeare of our Lorde, 1564 (London, 1565; STC 4558). 27. Cancellar, [A godly medytacyon], E4r. 28. Janel Mueller and Joshua Scodel explain that Elizabeth may have translated Seneca’s epistle as a response to Mary’s actions in 1567. See Mueller and Scodel, Elizabeth I: Translations, 1544–1589 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), pp. 412–13. 29. This relationship further identifies Elizabeth with Solomon because this king (like Christ) was a “son of David”—a familial image also used on the title page with its tree of Jesse extending through King David and Solomon and then leading to Christ. 30. James Anderson, Collections Relating to the History of Mary Queen of Scotland, vol. 4, part 2 (London, 1729), p. 150. 31. Warnicke, Mary Queen of Scots, pp. 176–77. 32. This tone is very different from the monarchical, assertive entries found in the commonplace book within Elizabeth’s Precationes. 33. The link between Solomon’s request and feminine weakness also arises in one of Elizabeth’s English prayers early in the text Notes 209

(a prayer originally published in Latin in Precationes). Elizabeth recalls, “the wisest king Salomon plainly confesseth him self vnable to gouerne his kingdome without thy [God’s] helpe & assistance: how much lesse shall I thy handmaide, being by kinde a weake woman, haue sufficient abilitie to rule these thy king- domes of England and Ireland” (Christian Prayers, p2v–3r). 34. Collinson’s essay, “The Monarchical Republic of Queen Elizabeth I,” was first published in “Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 69.2 (1986–1987): 394–424. 35. Aylmer, An Harborovve for Faithfvll and Trevve Svbiectes, agaynst the late blowne Blaste, concerninge the Gouernment of VVemen . . . (Strasborowe [London], 1559; STC 1006), H4r. 36. Lake, “ ‘The Monarchical Republic of Queen Elizabeth I’ (and the Fall of Archbishop Grindal) Revisited,” in The Monarchical Republic of Early Modern England, 129–47, pp. 135–37. 37. In the text, a third passage from Psalms 32 is attributed to Solomon. However, this psalm is actually associated with David. 38. Hoak, “Sir William Cecil, Sir Thomas Smith, and the Monarchical Republic of Tudor England,” in The Monarchical Republic of Early Modern England, 37–54. Hoak notes that he encountered this idea in McMahon’s unpublished master’s thesis, “The Humanism of Sir Thomas Smith” (College of William and Mary, 1999), chapter 1. 39. Anderson, Collections Relating to the History, vol. 4, part 2, p. 183. 40. MacCaffrey, Elizabeth I (London: Edward Arnold, 1993), p. 110; Alford, “The Political Creed of William Cecil,” in The Monarchical Republic of Early Modern England: Essays in Response to Patrick Collinson, ed. John F. McDiarmid, 75–90 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), especially pp. 82–83. 41. Great Britain Public Record Office, Calendar of Letters and State Papers Relating to English Affairs, Preserved Principally in the Archives of Simancas, Elizabeth, 1568–79, vol. 2, ed. Martin S. Hume (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office by Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1894), p. 138. 42. CSP Spain, p. 155. England’s concern regarding imminent war was not new in spring 1569. In December 1568, reported information that suggested not just foreign attack but specifically that France and Spain were combining forces against England. Great Britain Public Record Office, Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series of the Reigns of Edward VI, Mary, Elizabeth, 1547–1580, vol. 1 [Searchable text edition], ed. Robert Lemon (Burlington, Ontario: TannerRitchie Publishing in collaboration with the Library and Information Services of the University of St. Andrews, 2005), p. 324. 43. Cecil (and Hampton), A Necessary Consideration, fol. 15v. 210 Notes

44. Alford, Early Elizabethan Polity, p. 190. 45. Samuel Haynes, ed., A Collection of State Papers Relating to Affairs from the Years 1542–1570 left by William Cecil Lord Burghley (London: William Bowyer, 1740), p. 516. 46. Clement, “The Queen’s Voice,” par. 16; Marcus and Mueller, ACFLO, pp. xxxi–xxxii. 47. Evenden, Patents, Pictures and Patronage, p. 107. 48. Where I have infidiis, editors Marcus and Mueller have insidiis. 49. Elizabeth adopts similar rhetoric in the document provided to her commissioners concerning the quasi-legal proceedings regarding Mary. Elizabeth couples England’s peaceful, Protestant enlightenment with its responsibility to be of international aid because of “the Dispensation of his Gospell in our Countries, and next there to indevour our self by all good Means to use this Opportunity of our peaceable Reigne, to the reliefe and ayde of our Neighbours, being destitute of Peace and afflicted with evill Warrs” (Anderson, Collections Relating to the History, p. 4). 50. The French prayer’s image of Elizabeth as a peaceful, compassion- ate queen echoes with a contrasting portrayal of France’s Catholic King Charles IX in A Politike discourse for appeasing of troubles in the Realme of Fraunce published in London that same year. That text repeatedly disparages Charles as a ruler who is so consumed with self-interest and lust for military glory that he fails to gov- ern with wisdom (London, 1569; STC 11286); see especially B6r–v and B8r. Thomas Purfoot published this text, and significantly, he is the one who had published Elizabeth’s Precationes six years earlier. Purfoot, therefore, would have been distinctly aware of Elizabeth’s use of learning to bolster her sovereignty, which cre- ated an implied contrast between Charles and Elizabeth. 51. As Anne Lake Prescott has described, “Whatever the English thought of him [Marot], many must have been aware that he had contributed to one of the major texts of French Protestantism.” French Poets and the English Renaissance: Studies in Fame and Transformation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978), p. 16. Prescott devotes the first chapter to Marot. 52. Some of Marot’s adaptations of the Psalms were included in ’s collection of Psalms that included Orlando di Lasso’s music with metrical texts (in French) of several Psalms. Orlando di Lasso, Recveil dv Mellange D’Orlande de Lassvs, Contenant Plvsievrs Chansons tant en uers Latins qu’en ryme Francoyse, A quatre, & cinq par- ties (London, 1570; STC 15266). I am indebted to Prescott’s French Poets for drawing my attention to Vautrollier’s collection (pp. 3–4). 53. Thomas Sternhold and John Hopkins, The whole booke of Psalmes, collected into Englishe Meter by Thomas Sternhold, John Hopkins and others, conferred with the Hebrue, with apt Notes to sing them withall Notes 211

(London, 1567; STC 2438). White draws attention to this title page in Tudor Books of Private Devotion, p. 44. 54. CSP Spain, pp. 53–54. 55. Ibid., p. 76. 56. Day himself would have been especially keen on supporting efforts to assist the Dutch princes. As Evenden has described, Day had substantial ties to the Dutch Church in London, and his printing of van der Noot’s text is just one of a long line of publica- tions associated with Dutch exiles living in London. See her “The Fleeing Dutchman? The Influence of Dutch Immigrants upon the Print Shop of John Day,” in John Foxe at Home and Abroad, ed. David Loades, 63–77 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004). 57. In the citations, I list first the signature from the French edi- tion published by Day (1568, STC 18603) and then the one for English translation published by Bynneman (London, 1569: STC 18602). Van der Noot, Le Theatre, A4v–A5r; A Theatre, A4r. 58. Van der Noot, Le Theatre, A5v–6r; A Theatre, A5r. 59. Van der Noot also comments on the strong presence of inter- national Protestant communities worshipping in England: “La parole de Dieu y est presabée purement en six en sept langages” (A6r). Early in 1569, the Spanish ambassador de Spes had complained about the high number of Flemish merchants who had settled in England and who were worshipping, like the French, in their own congregations (CSP Spain, p. 140). 60. This depiction of bolstering Elizabeth’s sole sovereignty (specif- ically as an unmarried queen) at the hand of a Dutch Protestant will become a trend in the 1570s, as I will discuss in chapter two. We can already see this idea beginning to take form in 1569 not only in van der Noot’s text but also in such other instances as Elizabeth’s portrait with the Three Goddesses at Hampton Court (1569), which was probably painted by the Flemish painter Joris Hoefnagel. Although Roy C. Strong believes this painting “is a celebration not of a triumphant virgin queen but of a ruler who was still expected to marry” (65), my study of Flemish per- spectives of Elizabeth, in the 1570s at least, suggests that these Protestant exiles typically praised Elizabeth as an unmarried queen. Her unmarried status is further emphasized in the paint- ing because Elizabeth’s presence prompts the strongest reaction from Juno (goddess of marriage) and because the composition places Elizabeth opposite Venus (with Venus’s connection to Cupid and erotic love). For Strong’s discussion of this painting, see Gloriana: The Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I (London: Thames and Hudson, 1987), pp. 65–69. 61. I am indebted to John Hagge and Madeleine Henry for helping me with the Greek passages in this chapter. 212 Notes

62. Bale, The Image of both Churches, after the most wonderfull and heauenly Reuelation of sainct Iohn the Euangelist . . . (London, 1570: STC 1301). 63. For McLaren’s discussion of Elizabeth and providentialism, see “Prophecy and Providentialism in the Reign of Elizabeth I,” in Prophecy: The Power of Inspired Language in History 1300–2000, ed. Bertrand Taithe and Tim Thornton, 31–50 (Thrupp, Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing, 1997). 64. For the negative tradition of Solomon, see William Tate, “Solomon, Gender, and Empire in Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus,” SEL: Studies in English Literature, 1500–1900 37 (Spring 1997): 257–76. 65. R. Day, A Booke of Christian Prayers, Oo2v. 66. Frontispiece, The Monarchical Republic of Early Modern England.

2 A Wise Elizabeth and Her Devoted Diplomats: Sidney’s The Lady of May and Anglo- Dutch Relations 1. All quotations for The Lady of May are taken from Miscellaneous Prose of Sir Philip Sidney, ed. Katherine Duncan-Jones and Jan van Dorsten, 21–32 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973). The citations for all passages from the device include both page and line numbers and are subsequently provided in- text. The citations for these passages are (31.30) and (22.5), respectively. Duncan-Jones and van Dorsten’s edition conflates the two authoritative manuscripts of the device: the version included with the 1598 Arcadia (98) and the one found in the Helmingham Hall manuscript (Hm). For a transcript of Hm, see Robert Kimbrough and Philip Murphy, “The Helmingham Hall Manuscript of Sidney’s The Lady of May: A Commentary and Transcription,” Renaissance Drama 1 (1968): 103–19. 2. Scholars typically propose that Elizabeth did not pick the suitor Sidney expected. For a few key texts on this issue, see Derek B. Alwes, Sons and Authors in Elizabethan England (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2004), pp. 67–74; Edward Berry, “Sidney’s May Game for the Queen,” Modern Philology 86 (February 1989): 252–64; Kimbrough and Murphy, “The Helmingham Hall Manuscript”; Christopher Martin, “Impeding the Progress: Sidney’s The Lady of May,” Iowa State Journal of Research 60 (February 1986): 395–405; Louis Adrian Montrose, “Celebration and Insinuation: Sir Philip Sidney and the Motives of Elizabethan Courtship,” Renaissance Drama 8 (1977): 3–35; Stephen Orgel, The Jonsonian Masque (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965), pp. 44–57. In Sir Philip Sidney: Courtier Poet, Katherine Duncan-Jones suggests that Elizabeth chose “correctly” (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), pp. 149–52. Other scholars read the text through a Notes 213

philosophical rather than political lens. Penny Pickett, in her “Sidney’s Use of Phaedrus in The Lady of May,” SEL: Studies in English Literature, 1500–1900 16 (Winter 1976): 33–50, focuses on Platonic principles, and Robert E. Stillman analyzes the distinc- tion between the notions of verba and res in his article, “Justice and the ‘Good Word’ in Sidney’s The Lady of May,” SEL: Studies in English Literature, 1500–1900 24 (Winter 1984): 23–38. Alan Hager centers his analysis on Rombus in “Rhomboid Logic: Anti-Idealism and a Cure for Recusancy in Sidney’s Lady of May,” ELH 57 (1990): 485–502. 3. Scholars who date the play to 1578 include: Alwes, Sons and Authors in Elizabethan England; Marie Axton, “The Tudor Mask and Elizabethan Court Drama,” in English Drama: Forms and Development, ed. Marie Axton and Raymond Williams, 24–47 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), especially pp. 38–41; Berry, “Sidney’s May Game for the Queen”; Hager, “Rhomboid Logic”; Montrose, “Celebration and Insinuation”; Alan Stewart, Philip Sidney: A Double Life (London: Chatto & Windus, 2000), pp. 205–06. Editor Arthur F. Kinney dates the play to 1579 in his introduction to the text in Renaissance Drama: An Anthology of Plays and Entertainments, 2nd edition (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2005), pp. 135–42. Catherine Bates, in addition to editors Duncan- Jones and van Dorsten, allows for both dates to be possible. Bates, The Rhetoric of Courtship in Elizabethan Language and Literature (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 61–69. 4. Kuin uses this pun in “A Civil Conversation: Letters and the Edge of Form” in which he examines a few of Sidney’s letters within the epistolary tradition. His essay appears in Textual Conversations in the Renaissance: Ethics, Authors, Technologies, ed. Zachary Lesser and Benedict Scott Robinson, 147–72 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), pp. 170–71. 5. Jan A. van Dorsten, Poets, Patrons, and Professors: Sir Philip Sidney, Daniel Rogers, and the Leiden Humanists (Leiden: Press, 1962), p. 28. 6. Daniel Ménager provides an extensive discussion of the associ- ation between angels and diplomats, and he takes Tasso’s dialogue Il Messagerio as the text that typifies this similarity. Diplomatie et Théologie à la Renaissance (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2001), especially pp. 8–11 and 45–46. 7. Kuin and Anne Lake Prescott, as well as Robert E. Stillman, have done particularly extensive work in situating Sidney (and Daniel Rogers) in Continental politics and poetics. Stillman’s recent book on Sidney, for example, examines the Defense with the Philippist circle of Anglo-Continental writers who espoused notions put forth by . Kuin and Prescott, “Versifying 214 Notes

Connections: Daniel Rogers and the Sidneys,” Sidney Journal 18.2 (2000): 1–35. Stillman, Philip Sidney and the Poetics of Renaissance Cosmopolitanism (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008). In addition, I am also deeply indebted to the transnationally oriented studies done by Paul Franssen, James E. Phillips, and Lee Piepho. See Franssen, “Gloriana’s Allies: The Virgin Queen and the Low Countries,” in Queen Elizabeth I: Past and Present, ed. Christa Jansohn, 173–93 (Münster, Germany: LIT, 2004); Phillips, “Elizabeth I as a Latin Poet: An Epigram on Paul Melissus,” Renaissance News 16 (Winter 1963): 289–98; Piepho, “ and Jacobus Falckenburgius: Two German Protestant Humanists at the Court of Queen Elizabeth,” Sixteenth Century Journal 38.1 (2007): 97–110; and Piepho, “Edmund Spenser and Neo-Latin Literature: An Autograph Manuscript on Petrus Lotichius and His Poetry,” Studies in Philology 100 (Spring 2003): 123–34. 8. Editors Duncan-Jones and van Dorsten note Rombus’ many blun- ders in their endnotes for The Lady of May; their endnote for this particular misspeak is on p. 178. 9. Axton, “The Tudor Mask,” p. 38. Axton dates the letter as 8 July 1578, but Edward Berry corrects the date as 9 July in “Sidney’s May Game for the Queen,” pp. 252–53, n. 4. 10. Scholars have debated the role of this speech in the entertain- ment. In her introduction to the device, Duncan-Jones describes the pedant’s final speech as “chaotic and obscure” and claims that it “bears no relation to the main action” (Miscellaneous Prose, p. 18). Kinney does not include the epilogue at all in Renaissance Drama, choosing instead to follow the 98 manuscript. I concur with such scholars as Hager and Pickett who see this monologue as crucial to the piece. One item that may add an additional layer of sup- port for Hm as a version close to the actual performance (though completed by a sloppy scribe) is H. R. Woudhuysen’s speculation that Elizabeth may have visited Helmingham Hall on her pro- gress in August 1578 during a period that occurs only days before her visit to Norwich—an event steeped in the Anglo-Dutch pol- itics that underlie Sidney’s entertainment. Sir Philip Sidney and the Circulation of Manuscripts, 1558–1640 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), pp. 322–24. 11. For studies arguing that Therion was the figure representing Leicester and/or Sidney, see, for example, Berry, Kimbrough and Murphy, Martin, Montrose, Orgel, Pickett, and Stillman, “Justice and the ‘Good Word.’ ” 12. Great Britain Public Record Office, Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the Reign of Elizabeth, 1577–1578, vol. 12, ed. Arthur John Butler (1901; repr., Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Klaus Reprint, 1966), p. 637. Notes 215

13. CSP Foreign 12, p. 637. 14. Baron Joseph Marie Bruno Constantin Kervyn de Lettenhove, Relations Politiques des Pays-Bas et de l’Angleterre sous le Règne de Philippe II, vol. 10 (Bruxelles, 1882–1900), pp. 467–68; translation CSP Foreign 12: p. 686. There is another copy of this letter dated 16 May and sent from Greenwich (CSP Foreign 12, p. 686). Most likely, these two letters were sent to ensure that at least one copy reached Casimir. 15. Orgel, Jonsonian Masque, pp. 54–55. 16. CSP Foreign 12, p. 642. 17. For example, Casimir writes to Elizabeth and to Walsingham on 26 April to emphasize how much he relies on Elizabeth’s prom- ised financial support. See Lettenhove 10, pp. 431–32. 18. Lettenhove 10, pp. 471–72. 19. CSP Foreign 12, p. 643. 20. Lettenhove 10, p. 474. 21. Wilson, Queen Elizabeth and the Revolt of the Netherlands (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970), p. 62. 22. Alwes, Sons and Authors, p. 72. 23. CSP Foreign 12, p. 638. 24. Ibid., p. 671. 25. Stillman provides an in-depth discussion of the Philippists’ com- mitment to ecumenical piety in Philip Sidney. For example, see pp. 17–19. 26. Gentili. De Legationibus Libri Tres [1586], 1594, trans. Gordon J. Laing, 2 vols (New York, 1924). 27. Kuin, “Sir Philip Sidney and World War Zero” (Renaissance Society of America Conference, 2008). 28. Hecox Bozzay, “Dutch Muses: The in the Elizabethan Imagination.” PhD dissertation, Washington University, 2000, chapter 2. 29. For a discussion of the Dutch frequently depicting the Estates as a maiden in a walled garden, see Andrew Sawyer, “Medium and Message. Political Prints in the , 1568–1632,” in Public Opinion and Changing Identities in the Early Modern Netherlands: Essays in Honour of Alastair Duke, ed. Judith Pollmann and Andrew Spicer, 163–87 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), especially p. 183. For famous examples of this same iconography in English texts, see the image in George Gascoigne’s The Spoyle of Antwerpe (London, 1576; STC 11644) as well as Edmund Spenser’s descrip- tion of Lady Belgia in Book 5 of The Faerie Qveene (London, 1596; STC 23082). 30. Elizabeth’s position as a pacific monarch is doubly appropri- ate for her as a Christian queen, as Catherine de Medici noted slyly to Sir Amyas Poulet (England’s diplomat in Paris) in May of 216 Notes

1578: “Queen Mother answered that it was the duty of all Christian princes to be inclined to peace, and she could not enough com- mend her Majesty’s honourable disposition. For her part, she also was a woman, and as became her sex, desired nothing more than a general quietness” (CSP Foreign 12, p. 656). 31. Franssen, “Gloriana’s Allies,” p. 175. 32. Quoted from ibid., pp. 176–77. I provide the citation to Franssen because I wish to cite a readily accessible source. Part of what keeps this Neo- Latin poetry so under- studied (in addition to the language barrier) is that no modern edition of this text exists. Dousa’s Nova Poemata is available in only two original copies worldwide. 33. Quoted from Franssen, “Gloriana’s Allies,” pp. 176–77. 34. Ibid., pp. 177–78. 35. Dousa, Nova Poemata . . . (Leiden, 1575), sig. Ii-r; I am indebted to Chris L. Heesakkers for drawing my attention to this poem (which is also quoted in van Dorsten, Poets, Patrons, and Professors, p. 203). The translation is Heesakkers’. “ ‘To Attract the Attention of that Snobbish Queen’: Dousa’s Latin Ode to Elizabeth (1573) in its historical context,” dnbl (2001): 131–36, p. 133. http:// www.dbnl. org/tekst/ hees002toat01/ hees002toat01_001.htm. 36. Quoted from Franssen, “Gloriana’s Allies,” p. 179; translation mine. 37. Quoted from ibid. For an electronic copy of this text, see http:/ / www.dbnl.org/ tekst/ rade004albu01_01/ rade004albu01_01_0097. htm, fol. 149r. 38. The texts in the original Latin for both Melissus’ epigram and the epigram that Elizabeth is attributed to have written in response are from Elizabeth I: Autograph Compositions and Foreign Language Originals (henceforth ACFLO), ed. Janel Mueller and Leah S. Marcus (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), pp. 150–51. The translations come from Elizabeth I: Collected Works (henceforth CW), ed. Leah S. Marcus, Janel Mueller, and Mary Beth Rose (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), pp. 301–02. 39. Piepho will be working on an article on the exchange between Melissus and Elizabeth. His work thus far suggests Melissus rather than Elizabeth wrote the epigram credited to Elizabeth (personal communication with author). 40. Phillips, “Elizabeth I as a Latin Poet,” p. 295. Stillman suggests that Elizabeth may have chosen Sidney for this embassy in 1577 specifically because of his participation in the more ecumen- ical Philippist circle (those individuals who followed the ideas of Melanchthon). See Stillman, Philip Sidney, pp. 18–19. 41. Phillips, “Elizabeth I as a Latin Poet,” p. 295. 42. Lettenhove 10, p. 358. Notes 217

43. Ibid. 44. Ibid., pp. 358–59; I am indebted to my colleague John Hagge for his translation of Rogers’ epigram (personal communication). 45. Quoted in Kuin and Prescott, “Versifying Connections,” p. 29. Kuin and Prescott underline the parts of words that are abbrevi- ated in the manuscript. 46. Ibid. 47. Hecox [Bozzay], “A Dutch Perspective on Sidney’s Eclogues,” Sidney Journal 17 (Fall 1999): 31–40, p. 32. 48. For commentary about Sidney’s “On Ister Bank” in relation to Dutch pastoral poetry, see Jan van Dorsten, “Recollections: Sidney’s Ister Bank Poem,” in The Anglo-Dutch Renaissance: Seven Essays, [Jan A. van Dorsten] ed. J. van den Berg and Alastair Hamilton, 72–83 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1988). 49. CSP Foreign 12, p. 644. 50. Ménager, Diplomatie et Théologie. For his first discussion of angels as God’s mediators, see pp. 3–5. For the comment on Catholicism’s multiplication of intermediaries, see p. 14. 51. For Leicester’s extensive activity as a patron, see Eleanor Rosenberg, Leicester, Patron of Letters (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955). 52. Lettenhove 10, p. 465. 53. Ibid. 54. Ibid., pp. 465–66. 55. CSP Foreign 12, p. 654. On 8 May (only six days later), Davison is in trouble again with the idea that he has supported the mer- chant adventurers in adopting religious practices more radically Protestant than England’s current doctrine. Such affinities that an ambassador, such as Davison, might have with the Dutch only strengthens the possibility that these men could become more Orange’s agents than Elizabeth’s (CSP Foreign 12, p. 670). 56. Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy (1955; repr., Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1964), p. 187; and Jessica Wolfe, Humanism, Machinery, and Renaissance Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 92. 57. Baron Joseph Marie Bruno Constantin Kervyn de Lettenhove, Relations Politiques des Pays-Bas et de l’Angleterre sous le Règne de Philippe II, vol. 9 (Bruxelles, 1882–1900), p. 522. 58. Lettenhove 9, p. 357. 59. Even if Sidney was not aware of Elizabeth’s comments, his own recent and personal situations with Casimir and with Orange might very likely complicate his claims of sole fidelity to Elizabeth. In 1577, Sidney’s mentor and friend Hugh Languet had cryptically implied that Sidney had an important princess- admirer who historians now believe was Prince Casimir’s sister, 218 Notes

Ursula. The next year brought Sidney the prospect of marriage to Orange’s daughter. For more on these potential marriages, see Stewart, Philip Sidney, pp. 180–83, 185–87, and 192–93. 60. Duncan- Jones and van Dorsten identified the source of this sec- tion (Miscellaneous Prose, p. 181, n. 31.34–32 sic). 61. ACFLO, p. 124; CW, pp. 87–88. 62. Shenk, “Turning Learned Authority into Royal Supremacy: Elizabeth I’s Learned Persona and Her University Orations,” in Elizabeth I: Always Her Own Free Woman, ed. Carole Levin, Jo Eldridge Carney, and Debra Barrett-Graves, 78–96 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), p. 83. 63. Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood: The Elizabethan Writing of England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), pp. 65–104. 64. ACFLO, p. 150; CW, p. 301. 65. ACFLO, pp. 150–51; CW, p. 302. 66. Alwes, Sons and Authors, p. 70. 67. Sidney’s interest in parading learning that is distinct from trad- itional instruction adds another layer to the phenomenon that Jeff Dolven discusses regarding how poets such as Sidney and Spenser transform and criticize typical “humanist” education. For Dolven’s discussion of Rombus, for example, see Scenes of Instruction in Renaissance Romance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), pp. 99–101. 68. Sidney, The Poems of Sir Philip Sidney, ed. William A. Ringler, Jr. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962), p. 236.

3 Queen of the Word: Elizabeth, Divine Wisdom, and Apocalyptic Discourse in the 1580s 1. Andrew Escobedo succinctly outlines significant parallels and distinctions between Foxe’s and Spenser’s (and John Dee’s) apoca- lyptic discourses in his Nationalism and Historical Loss in Renaissance England: Foxe, Dee, Spenser, Milton (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004). 2. Blenerhasset, A Reuelation of the true Minerua . . . (London, 1582; STC 3132); Kyffin, The Blessednes of Brytaine, or A Celebration of the Queenes Holyday . . . (London, 1587; STC 15096) and (London, 1588; STC 15097). Kyffin’s 1587 edition can be dated specifically to the second half of 1587 because, in the dedication to Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, it recognizes him as Master of the Horse. Essex had been appointed to this prestigious position in June 1587. For sim- plicity, all citations to Blessednes will refer to the expanded 1588 edition, and all citations for this text and Reuelation will appear in- text. Notes 219

3. Yates, Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975). 4. Elizabeth is most famously depicted as the “Rosa Electa” in William Rogers’ engraving of the queen, ca. 1590–1600. 5. The main scholars who examine Blenerhasset’s work are Josephine Waters Bennett, Lily B. Campbell, Helen Hackett, and Ivan L. Schulze. See Bennett, introduction to A Revelation of the True Minerva, by Thomas Blenerhasset (New York: Scholars’ Facsimiles & Reprints, 1941); Campbell, introduction to Parts Added to “The Mirror for Magistrates,” by John Higgins and Thomas Blenerhasset (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1946); Hackett, Virgin Mother, Maiden Queen: Elizabeth I and the Cult of the Virgin Mary (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1995), pp. 119–23; Schulze, “Blenerhasset’s A Revelation, Spenser’s Shepheardes Calender, and the Kenilworth Pageants,” ELH, 11:2 (June 1944): 85–91. I am especially indebted to Susan Kendrick for bringing Blenerhasset’s work to my attention when she presented her paper, “ ‘Begot by Mars’: Elizabeth I and the Image of Chastity Militant in Thomas Blenerhasset’s ‘A Revelation of the True Minerva,’ ” at the Queen Elizabeth I Society Meeting in 2006. 6. Sherman, “Maurice Kyffin,” in Sixteenth-Century British Nondramatic Writers: Second Series, David A. Richardson, Dictionary of Literary Biography, vol. 136, 214–16 (Detroit, MI: Gale, 1994), p. 214. Hackett and Roy C. Strong give Kyffin glan- cing attention in (respectively) Virgin Mother (p. 133) and The Cult of Elizabeth: Elizabethan Portraiture and Pageantry (1977; repr., London: Pimlico, 1999), p. 123. 7. Sherman, “Maurice Kyffin,” p. 215. 8. For more on the idea of divine secrets and prophecy in pastoral poetry (especially in England and in the Netherlands), see Jan van Dorsten, The Anglo-Dutch Renaissance: Seven Essays, [Jan A. van Dorsten] ed. J. van den Berg and Alastair Hamilton, 72–83 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1988), p. 79. 9. [Matthew Parker], The Holy Byble (London, 1578; STC 2124). All subsequent quotations from scripture for Blenerhasset’s Reuelation are provided from this edition of the Bishops’ Bible. 10. I am indebted to van Dorsten for drawing my attention to this connection in Anglo-Dutch Renaissance (p. 82). This passage in Agrippa is found in De Incertitudine et Vanitate Scientiarum et Artium (Cologne, T. Baumius, 1584, sigs. Cc5v–Cc6r; van Dorsten also mentions how often Sidney refers to Agrippa in the Defense). 11. Brocardo, Iacopo [Giacopo], The Revelation of S. Ihon reueled, Or A Paraphrase Opening by conference of time and place such things as are both necessary, and profitable for the tyme present: Written in Latine by 220 Notes

Iames Brocard, and Englished by Iames Sanford, Gent. (London, 1582; STC 3810), A4r. 12. Richard Bauckham’s work on Tudor apocalyptic paradigms has prompted me to use this term “Brocardist.” Bauckham speculates, with some humor, that perhaps there was a Brocardist circle, and I suggest that this notion may have some validity. Bauckham, Tudor Apocalypse: Sixteenth century apocalypticism, millennarianism and the English Reformation: from John Bale to John Foxe and Thomas Brightman (Oxford: Sutton Courtenay Press, 1978), p. 219. 13. Petersen, Preaching in the Last Days: The Theme of “Two Witnesses” in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 163. 14. Bauckham, Tudor Apocalypse, p. 218. 15. This revision of the three “ages” was led by early-sixteenth- century writer Francis Lambert. 16. Brocardo, The Revelation of S. Ihon reueled, A2r. 17. Those few who did use millennial paradigms—most notably James Sanford and Stephen Bateman—gave Elizabeth a central role in supporting the Gospel and trampling the papal Antichrist (Bauckham, Tudor Apocalypse, pp. 212, 218–21). For the notion of England as God’s elect nation guided by Elizabeth toward a mil- lennial golden age, see Bernard Capp, “The Political Dimension of Apocalyptic Thought,” in The Apocalypse in English Renaissance Thought and Literature: Patterns, Antecedents, and Repercussions, ed. C. A. Patrides and Joseph Wittreich, 93–124 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984), p. 95. 18. See, for example, the letter of 3 March 1582 from William Herle to Leicester in Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the Reign of Elizabeth, January 1581– April 1582, ed. Arthur John Butler, vol. 15 (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1907), particularly p. 515. 19. CSP Foreign, vol. 15, p. 549. 20. Ibid., p. 58. 21. Ibid., p. 517. 22. Bennett speculates that the empty chair is a reference to Anjou; Hackett observes that Reuelation’s 1582 publication date indicates that this option would have been outdated but does not surmise the intent of this detail. Bennett, introduction to A Revelation, p. viii; Hackett, Virgin Mother, p. 121. 23. Bentley, The Monvment of Matrones: conteining seuen seuerall Lamps . . . (London, 1582; STC 1892). 24. Dawson was completely responsible for printing Blenerhasset’s Reuelation, and he was involved in helping Henry Denham publish the last two sections of Bentley’s Monvment. See John N. King, “Thomas Bentley’s Monument of Matrons: The Earliest Anthology Notes 221

of English Women’s Texts,” in Strong Voices, Weak History: Early Women Writers & Canons in England, France, & Italy, ed. Pamela Joseph Benson and Victoria Kirkham, 216–38 (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2005), p. 217. 25. For a good overview of these specific biblical images, see John N. King, Tudor Royal Iconography: Literature and Art in an Age of Religious Crisis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), p. 244 and his chapter 4 overall. 26. This section begins on p. 306 in Bentley’s Monvment. 27. Chaderton describes the Church as the spouse of Christ on p. 40, and he expresses the importance of telling Elizabeth about the sorry state of the Church (as if she is not informed) on p. 43 in A Frvitfvll Sermon . . . (London, 1584; STC 4926). 28. Elizabeth I: Collected Works, ed. Leah S. Marcus, Janel Mueller, and Mary Beth Rose (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), p. 179. 29. Hackett notes this allusion in Virgin Mother, p. 121. For an overall discussion of this image in Tudor iconography, see King, Tudor Royal Iconography, pp. 201–05. 30. Foxe, Christus Triumphans. Comoedia Apocalyptica. 1556 (London, 1672; Wing F2038), act 5, scene 5, which begins on p. 109. I am indebted to Escobedo for drawing my attention to this scene in Foxe’s play (Nationalism and Historical Loss, pp. 91–92). 31. George Gascoigne and Thomas Churchyard were two prin- cipal writers in the Kenilworth entertainment, and in 1577, Blenerhasset praised both of them as superlative poets. Clearly, Blenerhasset was familiar with their work. See Bennett, intro- duction to A Revelation, p. xiii; and Campbell, Parts Added to “The Mirror for Magistrates,” p. 364. 32. See Bennett, introduction to A Revelation, pp. x–xi; Hackett, Virgin Mother, p. 110. 33. Bennett, introduction to A Revelation, p. xii. 34. Bauckham, Tudor Apocalypse, pp. 116–18. 35. Bennett, introduction to A Revelation, pp. xv and xiii. 36. Ibid., p. xv. 37. Kyffin’s background and interest in biblical exegesis surface both in his will (he leaves five pounds to Hugh Broughton for the purpose of publishing his observations on the Bible) and in the fact that his brother was a preacher. See Kyffin’s entry in the Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 31, ed. Sidney Lee, 352–53 (New York: Macmillan and Co., 1892), p. 352. 38. For more on Melissus’ praise of Elizabeth as Rosina, see Jan A. van Dorsten, Poets, Patrons, and Professors: Sir Philip Sidney, Daniel Rogers, and the Leiden Humanists (Leiden: Leiden University Press, 1962), p. 97. 222 Notes

39. Dee, General and Rare Memorials pertayning to the Perfect Arte of Navigation (London, 1577; STC 6459). 40. For a good description of this title page, see Margery Corbett and Ronald Lightbrown, The Comely Frontispiece: The Emblematic Title- page in England, 1550–1660 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979), pp. 49–56. 41. [Matthew Parker], The Holy Bible . . . (London, 1584; STC 2141). All quotations from scripture for Kyffin’s Blessednes are provided from this edition of the Bishops’ Bible. 42. Roy C. Strong and Jan van Dorsten drew my attention to this image in their work, Leicester’s Triumph (Leiden: Leiden University Press, 1964), pp. 44–45. Kyffin gets his “Tutor to Frends, and Terror vnto Foes” line, I think, from John Prime’s 1585 Accession Day sermon at Oxford. He describes the queen as “the terror of her foes, the comfort of her friends.” See his “A Sermon Briefly Comparing the Estate of King Salomon and his Subiectes togither with the con- dition of Queene Elizabeth and her people” (London, 1585; STC 20371), the correct signature is B5r, but the last two pages have been mislettered with A. 43. This connection with military might also resonates with her depiction on a Dutch medal in 1587. On one side, she is portrayed as enthroned over a seven-headed apocalyptic beast, while on the other side is imprinted a papal scene. Roy C. Strong, The Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), p. 138, Medal 16. 44. Quoted in William H. Sherman, John Dee: The Politics of Reading and Writing in the English Renaissance (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995), p. 131. 45. For a sustained discussion of Dee’s Synopsis, see ibid., pp. 128–47. Sherman discusses the section on Vertue on p. 135. 46. Ibid., p. 152. 47. Kyffin even bequeaths money to Dee in his will (Sherman, “Maurice Kyffin,” p. 214). 48. Sherman, John Dee, p. 153. 49. Ibid., p. 157. 50. Petersen discusses the view of the New Jerusalem in differ- ent early modern apocalyptic philosophies in Preaching in the Last Days, p. 4. He notes that the 1560 Geneva Bible addresses Elizabeth as Zerubbabel, a figure often identified as one of the two witnesses in Revelation 11 (p. 160). 51. In addition to this more traditional apocalyptic image, Kyffin may also be referring to the plant of truth (also called the plant of righteousness) from the Book of Enoch—a connection Kyffin would have learned about secondhand from Dee rather than reading this pseudepigraphal book directly. Dee viewed himself Notes 223

as a second Enoch; in fact, he began to write his own Book of Enoch in 1583—a text in which he provides the Enochian alpha- bet he received from the angels. Kyffin had visited Dee in June 1582—only seven months after Dee had recorded his first sub- stantial contact with angels. The plant of truth (as described in the Book of Enoch) will, in turn, teach the elect people in the final millennial age. This section of 1 Enoch, significantly, was a key influence in Revelation 19 and the millennial chapter 20. This connection is highly speculative because neither Dee nor Kyffin would have read 1 Enoch firsthand; however, I do think further study on the relationship between Kyffin’s work and Dee’s works is merited. Both men wrestled with merging the pragmatic with the mystical, sometimes through a millennial lens. For Dee’s ref- erence to Kyffin’s visit, see The Private Diary of Dr. John Dee, and the Catalogue of his library of Manuscripts . . ., ed. James Orchard Halliwell (London: Camden Society, 1842), p. 15. For more on Dee’s apocalyptic thought, see both Escobedo, Nationalism and Historical Loss and Nicholas H. Cluee, John Dee’s Natural Philosophy: Between Science and Religion (London: Routledge, 1988). 52. Appropriately, Aske’s text praises Elizabeth’s learned persona and knowledge of many languages as its foundation for establishing her valor. Aske, Elizabetha Trivmphans. Conteyning The Damned prac- tizes, that the diuelish Popes of Rome haue vsed euer sithence her Highnesse first comming to the Crowne . . . (London, 1588; STC 847), B1r. 53. Bauckham, Tudor Apocalypse, pp. 273–74. 54. The Bible and Holy Scriptvre Conteyned in the Olde and New Testament (Geneva, 1560; STC 2093), note a. 55. Bridges, A Defence of the Government Established in the Chvrch of Englande for Ecclesiasticall Matters . . . (London, 1587; STC 3734), p. 62. Peter Lake initially drew my attention to this section in Bridges’ text in Anglicans and Puritans?: Presbyterianism and English Conformist Thought from Whitgift to Hooker (London: Unwin Hyman, 1988), p. 120.

4 Philosopher-Queen: Elizabeth’s Transcendent Wisdom in the 1590s 1. Elizabeth’s French verses are included in Elizabeth I: Autograph Compositions and Foreign Language Originals (henceforth ACFLO), ed. Janel Mueller and Leah S. Marcus (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), pp. 85–94. These stanzas were not pub- lished during Elizabeth’s reign, and there is no evidence to suggest the extent of their circulation (if any). Because of their uncertain “public” focus, I do not address them in this chapter. 224 Notes

2. Elizabeth I: Collected Works (henceforth CW ), ed. Leah S. Marcus, Janel Mueller, and Mary Beth Rose (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), p. 182. All subsequent citations to Elizabeth’s speeches, originally in English or in translation, refer to this edi- tion and will appear in-text. 3. Janel Mueller and Joshua Scodel draw attention to this echo between Elizabeth’s translation of Seneca’s epistle and her speech to Parliament in 1585. See Mueller and Scodel, Elizabeth I: Translations, 1544–1589 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), p. 409. 4. Denis Crouzet’s work on Henri and Neostoicism has been espe- cially influential to my own. See his “Henri IV, King of Reason?” trans. Judith K. Proud, in From Valois to Bourbon: Dynasty, State and Society in Early Modern France, ed. Keith Cameron, 73–106 (Exeter: University of Exeter, 1989). 5. The copy found in Merton College’s Register is reprinted in Registrum Annalium Collegii Mertonensis 1567–1603, ed. John M. Fletcher (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), pp. 289–90. Other transcripts of the oration include MS Bodley Tanner 461, f. 171b [reprinted in Charles Plummer, ed. Elizabethan Oxford: Reprints of Rare Tracts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1887), pp. 271–73]; and MS Bodley 900 (reprinted in ACFLO, pp. 163–65). Also lending cre- dence to the relative accuracy of these versions are the echoes that exist between these copies and the most authoritative text for Francis Bacon and Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex’s 1595 Accession Day device—an entertainment that, as I discuss in chapter five, is largely structured on Elizabeth’s 1592 oration to Oxford and her translation of Consolation. 6. Studies that examine Elizabeth’s translation of Boethius include Lysbeth Benkert, “Translation as Image-Making: Elizabeth I’s Translation of Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy,” Early Modern Literary Studies 6.3 (January 2001): 2.1–20. http:// extra.shu.ac.uk/ emls/ 06-3/ benkboet.htm; Janel Mueller and Joshua Scodel, ed. Elizabeth I: Translations, 1592–1598 (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2009); Howard Rollin Patch, The Tradition of Boethius: A Study of His Importance in Medieval Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1935; New York: Russell & Russell, 1970), pp. 78–80; Caroline Pemberton, “Editor’s Forewords,” to Queen Elizabeth’s Englishings of Boethius, Plutarch and Horace, ed. Caroline Pemberton (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 1899); Kevin Sharpe, Remapping Early Modern England: The Culture of Seventeenth-Century Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 131–32. 7. Hooker, Of the Lavves of Ecclesiasticall Politie (London, 1593; STC 13712). As further evidence of the connection between Elizabeth’s learned persona and Anglo-French affairs in this period, it is sig- nificant that she produces French verses circa 1590 and that John Notes 225

Bale’s 1548 edition of her Glass is also reprinted in 1590. A Godlie Meditation of the Christian soule, concerning a loue towards God and his church . . . (London, 1590; STC 17322.5). 8. In particular, see J. H. M. Salmon’s chapter “Gallicanism and Anglicanism in the Age of the Counter-Reformation” in his Renaissance and Revolt: Essays in the Intellectual and Social History of Early Modern France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 155–88. In addition, Patrick Collinson addresses English Calvinism within an international context in the chapter titled, “England and International Calvinism, 1558–1640,” in his From Cranmer to Sancroft (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2006), pp. 75–100. 9. See, for example, W. Brown Patterson, King James VI and I and the Reunion of Christendom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 10. W. Brown Patterson’s research on Hooker overall and particularly his essay on general councils has been deeply influential in my work. See his “Hooker on Ecumenical Relations: Conciliarism in the English Reformation,” in Richard Hooker and the Construction of Christian Community, ed. Arthur Stephen McGrade, 283–303 (Tempe, AZ: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1997). 11. Two widely available texts that contain the various accounts of this royal progress are John Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth . . . vol. 3 (London, 1823), pp. 144–67; and Plummer, Elizabethan Oxford, pp. 245–73. 12. Nichols, Progresses and Public Processions, 3.154. 13. The citations for all of Elizabeth’s foreign language articulations quoted in this chapter come from Mueller and Marcus, ACFLO. This passage appears on p. 124. As noted previously, all trans- lations of Elizabeth’s works come from Marcus, Mueller, and Rose, CW, and the translation of this passage is found on p. 88. Subsequent citations will be provided in- text. 14. The Holy Bible, conteyning the Olde Testament and the Newe . . . (London, 1588; STC 2149). All subsequent biblical citations refer to this edition unless otherwise specified, and they appear in-text. I ini- tially drew attention to Elizabeth’s extensive use of Pauline ref- erences in this speech in my essay “Turning Learned Authority into Royal Supremacy: Elizabeth I’s Learned Persona and Her University Orations,” in Elizabeth I: Always Her Own Free Woman, ed. Carole Levin, Jo Eldridge Carney, and Debra Barrett- Graves, 78–96 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003), pp. 87–92. 15. See the discussion in chapter three of Kyffin’s use of 1 Corinthians 2:9 in the “Continvation” of The Blessednes of Brytaine. 16. The Bible: that is, the Holy Scriptvres conteined in the Olde and Newe Testament . . . (London, 1590; STC 2154), 1 Corinthians 1:17, n. 21. 226 Notes

17. Coolidge, The Pauline Renaissance in England: Puritanism and the Bible (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), p. 7. 18. Jones, The English Reformation: Religion and Cultural Adaptation (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2002), p. 186. 19. Lake, Anglicans and Puritans?: Presbyterianism and English Conformist Thought from Whitgift to Hooker (London: Unwin Hyman,1988), pp. 159–60. For a succinct description of how Hooker engages with England’s relationship with Continental churches particu- larly the Genevan model, see W. Brown Patterson, “Elizabethan Theological Polemics,” in A Companion to Richard Hooker, ed. Torrance Kirby, 89–119 (Leiden: Brill, 2008), pp. 112–13. 20. Nichols, Progresses and Public Processions, 3:146. 21. Hooker, Lawes, p. 98. 22. Lake, Anglicans and Puritans?, pp. 228–30. 23. Registrum Annalium Collegii Mertonensis, p. 290. 24. See Elizabeth’s letter to the Lord Lieutenant at Kent (August 1592) in Great Britain Public Record Office, Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series of the Reign of Elizabeth, 1591–1594, vol. 3 [Searchable text edition], ed. Mary Anne Everett Green (Burlington, Ontario: TannerRitchie Publishing in collaboration with the Library and Information Services of the University of St. Andrews, 2005), p. 265. 25. Ibid., p. 274. 26. As Elizabeth’s ambassador to Henri, Sir Henry Unton articulates this concern in a letter sent from France when he notes, “The Cardinall of Bourbon, the Chancellor and the three Bishopes that came to Noyon to the Kinge, wherof your Lordship was before advertised, are come to the campe, expreslie to perswade the Kinge to be instructed in their Catholicke faithe, as also to conclude a peace with his subjectes, wherof they seeme to assure the Kinge. Hee putteth them in hope that he wilbe become a Catholicke, as him selfe confesseth to me; and did were two daies together a cloacke of the order of St. Espritt,—wherat the com- mon sorte doe greately rejoice; also he offereth them to conclude a peace with reasonable conditions, which I beleeve to be impos- sible.” Correspondence of Sir Henry Unton, knt., ambassador from Queen Elizabeth to Henry IV, king of France, in the years 1591 and 1592, ed. Joseph Stevenson (London: W. Nichol, 1847), p. 171. 27. Nichols, Progresses and Public Processions, 3.146. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid. 30. Crouzet, “Henri IV, King of Reason?” p. 78. 31. Crouzet discusses this text in ibid., p. 86. 32. Mueller and Scodel emphasize the connection between this Stoic epistle and Elizabeth’s translation of Boethius, Translations, 1544– 1589, p. 6. Notes 227

33. Bouwsma, “Hooker in the Context of European Cultural History,” in Richard Hooker and the Construction of Christian Community, ed. Arthur Stephen McGrade, 41–57 (Tempe, AZ: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1997), p. 48. 34. Editors Mueller and Marcus note that “ais” must be a careless spelling of either “mais” or “ains.” Both of these words mean “but” (ACFLO, p. 95, n. 6). 35. Tuck, Philosophy and Government 1572–1651 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 56. 36. Great Britain Public Record Office, Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series of the Reign of Elizabeth, 1581–1590, vol. 2 [Searchable text edition], ed. Robert Lemon (Burlington, Ontario: TannerRitchie Publishing in collaboration with the Library and Information Services of the University of St. Andrews, 2005), p. 690. 37. D. P. M. [Duplessis-Mornay], “An Epistle to the King,” in A Declaration and Protestation, published by the King of Nauarre . . . 55–70 (London, 1585: STC 13109), p. 60. I cite from this translation pub- lished the same year as the French original to demonstrate that this text was considered important enough in England to prompt such a swift and published translation. 38. Camden, The Historie of the Life, and Reigne of the most Renowmed and Victorious Princesse Elizabeth, Late Queene of England (London, 1630), Booke 4, p. 51. 39. Elizabeth I: Translations, 1592–1598, Book 1, prose 6, p. 109. Subsequent citations to Mueller and Scodel’s edition will be pro- vided in- text and will refer to the modern spelling version they provide on the page facing an original spelling version. I opted to use the modern spelling because Elizabeth’s literal translation is often both opaque in meaning and heavily revised; therefore, the modern spelling version seems better suited to isolated quo- tations. I am grateful to editors Mueller and Scodel for sending me the electronic files of their text of Elizabeth’s translation of Boethius; in turn, I am grateful to the University of Chicago Press for sending me an advanced copy to facilitate including citations to the printed text prior to the official release of the edition. 40. Sharpe emphasizes that Windebank’s status underscores the pub- lic function of her work. See his Remapping Early Modern England, p. 131. 41. Pemberton includes transcriptions of these accounts in Queen Elizabeth’s Englishings, pp. ix–x. 42. For more on Alfred’s interpretative “translation” of Boethius, see, for example, F. Anne Payne, King Alfred & Boethius: An Analysis of the Old English Version of the “Consolation of Philosophy” (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1968) and Patch, Tradition of Boethius, especially pp. 48–54. 228 Notes

43. Elizabeth I: Translations, 1592–1598, 52. 44. Crabbe, “Literary Design in the De Consolatione Philosophiae,” in Boethius: His Life, Thought and Influence, ed. Margaret Gibson, 237–74 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1981), p. 238. 45. Patch, Tradition of Boethius, pp. 79–80. 46. Elizabeth I: Translations, 1592–1598, book 1, n. 3, p. 73. 47. Mueller and Scodel’s Elizabeth I: Translations, 1592–1598 provides a detailed account of these corrections throughout their text of Elizabeth’s translation. It should also be noted that, although Elizabeth did acknowledge the shifts between prose and verse, she made no attempt to mimic Boethius’ metrical variety (Elizabeth I: Translations, 1592–1598, p. 59). 48. This motto has its roots in Seneca’s Epistulae morales #120. See Mueller and Scodel, Translations, 1544–1589, pp. 410–11. 49. These debates were in addition to numerous secret negotiations with such prominent Catholic figures as Ferdinand I, grand duke of Tuscany—negotiations conducted with particular intensity February–May 1593. For more on these events, see Vincent J. Pitts, Henri IV of France: His Reign and Age (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), p. 169. 50. Du Vair, Traité de la Constance et Consolation és Calamitez Publiques, ed. Jacques Flach and F. Funck-Brentano (Paris: Léon Tenin, 1915), p. 54. I use the following English translation: A Bvckler Against Adversitie: or A Treatise of Constancie, trans. Andrevv Covrt (London, 1622: STC 7373), p. 2. I use Bvckler not only because it was published in England but also because it was published dur- ing a period not unlike du Vair’s—a period of increasing civic ten- sion that arose because a significant population sought to thwart the power of the king. 51. Du Vair, Traité de la Constance, p. 55; Bvckler, p. 2. 52. Du Vair, Traité de la Constance, p. 238; Bvckler, p. 162. 53. For example, du Vair explicitly criticizes religious extremism in Traité de la Constance on pp. 202–03. The corresponding passage in Bvckler is on pp. 130–31. 54. Mueller and Scodel note that Elizabeth is translating the Latin “Fortunamque tuens utramque rectus,” which would be better phrased as “stoutly beholding both sorts of Fortune” (Elizabeth I: Translations, 1592–1598, Book 1, p. 86, n. 62). 55. In exasperation, however, Henri announces in late December that he will not renew the truce. See Pitts, Henri IV of France, p. 179. 56. Great Britain Public Record Office, List and Analysis of State Papers, Foreign Series, Elizabeth I, vol. 5: July 1593–December 1594, ed. Richard Bruce Wernham (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1989), no. 266, p. 255. 57. List and Analysis, vol. 5, no. 267, p. 255. Notes 229

58. List and Analysis, vol. 5, no. 285, p. 267. 59. Mueller and Scodel provide the following note to help clarify the meaning of this line: wrack . . . moved. An obscure passage imitating Boethius’s elliptical phrasing. It might be construed as follows: “to ruin that work [the cosmic order], which with linked faith it [‘Whatso now by love is linked’] [has hitherto] moved [with] quiet motions.” with . . . faith “socia fide” (with mutual trust). It . . . moved Elizabeth substituted “It” for her original “With” as a reference to “Whatso now by love is linked” (line 16), thus providing a grammatical subject . . . To preserve syntac- tic coherence, “quiet motions” must be construed to mean “with quiet motions,” in an awkward imitation of Boethius’s ablative construction, “pulchris motibus” (Elizabeth I: Translations, 1592– 1598, pp. 172–73, n. 259). 60. The text of Sir Thomas Wilkes’ instructions (dated 14 July 1593) can be found in List and Analysis, vol. 5, no. 436, pp. 358–59. The original letter can be found in the Great Britain Public Record Office, Uncalendared State Papers Foreign of Elizabeth I, 1592–1603 (SP 78). Vol. 31 (Sussex: Harvester, 1982), fol. 248r–51v. 61. Marenbon, Boethius (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 149. 62. As Edmund Reiss has observed, Boethius’ overall “conception is by and large Neoplatonic, it is also decidedly Christian inas- much as it identifies God with Love.” See Reiss, Boethius (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), p. 152. 63. Relihan, The Prisoner’s Philosophy: Life and Death in Boethius’s “Consolation” (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2007), p. 2. Consolation’s Menippean genre may also have resonances with another Menippean work produced in France to support Henri. In what Mark Greengrass describes as “the most famous political satire in the history of France,” the work Satyre Ménippée was written by a group of royalist Parisians (a manu- script circulated in March 1593) to ridicule the League’s devotion to Spain. Key League figures as well as individuals representing central League constituencies were depicted as receiving a dose of the wonderdrug Catholicon, which prompted them to tell the truth. Its characters included historical figures such as the Duke of Mayenne as well as more representative personages like the papal legate, the League zealot from Lyon, and the Spanish ambassador. Greengrass, France in the Age of Henri IV: The Struggle for Stability (London: Longman, 2nd edition, 1995), p. 86. See also Salmon, Renaissance and Revolt, pp. 84–89. 64. Astell, Job, Boethius, and Epic Truth (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994); Reiss, Boethius; and Relihan, Prisoner’s Philosophy. 65. Whether or not Elizabeth wished her court to consider her trans- lation alongside her 1592 oration to Oxford, she did call upon the 230 Notes

same modulation of learning into love when Parliament granted her a triple subsidy in 1593 to send more troops to Henri. She addressed Parliament thus: I protest (whereunto many that know me can witness) that the greatest expense of my time, the labor of my studies, and the travail of my thoughts chiefly tendeth to God’s service and the government of you, to live and continue in a flourishing and happy estate. God forbid you should ever know any change thereof! Many wiser princes than myself you have had, but only one excepted, none more careful over you (whom in the duty of a child I must regard and to whom I must acknowledge myself far shallow); I may truly say none whose love and care can be greater or whose desire can be more to fathom deeper for pre- vention of danger to come or resisting of dangers, if attempted towards you, shall ever be found to exceed myself in love (I say) towards you and care over you. (CW, p. 331) 66. Marcus and Scodel include parts of this text in brackets because of holes in the manuscript. They provide the following note: “b[e] tho[u do]st [and] . . . [so] The lacunae in the MS, caused by three holes in fol. 83r-v, can be conjecturally restored by reference to the source. Boethius reads ‘et an facias quove convertas . . ., divinam te praescientiam non posse vitare’ (and whether you will do so, and in what direction you will change, you cannot avoid the divine foreknowledge)” (Elizabeth I: Translations, 1592–1598, p. 362, n. 156). 67. Patterson, “Hooker on Ecumenical Relations.” Significantly, Patterson acknowledges the importance of the unrest in France as well as Henri’s eventual conversion as contexts for such inter- est in councils. Patterson also addresses another significant trad- ition for this language: the conciliarist language in England that was crucial in the 1530s. 68. Hooker, Lavves, p. 77. The italicized text appears as such in the original. Patterson drew my attention to this section in his “Hooker on Ecumenical Relations.” 69. For more on Sandys and Cranmer, see Hugh Trevor-Roper’s chap- ter, “Richard Hooker and the Church of England,” in his Renaissance Essays (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. 110–11. 70. Relihan, Prisoner’s Philosophy, p. 131.

5 A Loving Scholar of His Queen’s Wisdom: The Earl of Essex, Anglo- French Affairs, and Of Love and Self-Love (1595) 1. Essex dispatched additional spies to Spain and France, doubled his personal secretariat, and created an intelligence- gathering Notes 231

center in Venice. See Hammer, “The Crucible of War: English Foreign Policy, 1589–1603,” in Tudor England and its Neighbours, ed. Susan Doran and Glenn Richardson, 235–66 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), p. 250. 2. Hammer, Roy C. Strong, and Richard C. McCoy have commented on Essex’s interest in garnering this crucial appointment. They have noted the highly academic tone of this device as well as Essex’s con- temporary interest in parading his qualifications in military and conciliar leadership. Hammer, “Upstaging the Queen: the Earl of Essex, Francis Bacon and the Accession Day Celebrations of 1595,” in The Politics of the Stuart Court Masque, ed. David Bevington and Peter Holbrook, 41–66 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); for Hammer’s sustained work on Essex as an intellectual, see The Polarisation of Elizabethan Politics: The Political Career of Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex, 1585–1597 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Strong, The Cult of Elizabeth: Elizabethan Portraiture and Pageantry (1977; repr., London: Pimlico, 1999), p. 139; McCoy (who focuses mostly on Bacon’s credentials), The Rites of Knighthood: The Literature and Politics of Elizabethan Chivalry (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), pp. 85–86. I am especially indebted to Hammer’s work on Essex. 3. Passages from Whyte’s letter are from Letters and Memorials of State, vol. 1, ed. Arthur Collins (1746; repr., New York: AMS Press, 1973), p. 362. 4. Wotton, Reliquiae Wottonianae; or, A Collection of Lives, Letters, Poems; with Characters of Sundry Personages . . ., 4th edition (1651, London, 1685), p. 174. 5. For Essex’s memo to Elizabeth about securing England against invasion, see Thomas Birch, Memoirs of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, From the Year 1581 till Her Death . . . vol. 1 (1754; repr., New York: AMS Press, 1970), pp. 292–94. 6. See Hammer, Polarisation, p. 331. 7. Hammer, “Upstaging the Queen,” p. 46. For a list of the extant texts as well as more discussion on the textual situation, see Peter Beal, compiler, Index of English Literary Manuscripts. vol. 1, part 1 (New York: R. R. Bowker Co, 1980), pp. 51–52. Other commentary regarding the textual situation occurs in Hammer, “Upstaging the Queen,” p. 46; James Spedding, ed., The Works of Francis Bacon, vol. 7 (London: Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts, 1862), pp. 374–92; Brian Vickers, ed., Francis Bacon: A Critical Edition of the Major Works (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 535–37. To date, no collation of the various manuscripts has been published. 8. Although it is rare to have a major author’s rough notes of poetic works in this period, H. R. Woudhuysen comments that we have 232 Notes

many of Bacon’s working drafts of his philosophical and scien- tific writings. Sir Philip Sidney and the Circulation of Manuscripts, 1558–1640 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), p. 95. 9. Bacon’s notes outline the conditions of performance as well as how Essex can use the device to his advantage. These comments are printed in the notes in Spedding, Works, pp. 376–77. In this rough draft (Lambeth Palace, MS 936, No. 274; BcF 309 in Beal, Index, p. 51), Bacon writes a speech for the Hermit but then, in the polished draft (Lambeth Palace, MS 933, No. 118; BcF 308 in Beal, Index, p. 51), gives most of this speech to the Statesman. 10. Hammer, Polarisation, p. 248. 11. Because the pageant that includes the Indian boy is a separ- ate device or at least a separate part of the 1595 entertainment, I examine this pageant in “The Entertainment of the Indian Boy and Essex’s International Agenda in 1595,” in Essex: The Life and Times of an Elizabethan Courtier, ed. Annaliese Connolly and Lisa Hopkins (Manchester: Manchester University Press, forth- coming). Perhaps significantly for the focus on Anglo-French relations in both this essay and this current chapter, there are several texts related to the overall 1595 entertainments that are in French, such as Anthony Bacon’s incomplete translation of the Hermit’s speech as well as a speech written for Philautia (written in Edward Reynoldes’ hand). In regards to authorship, it should also be noted that a manuscript (ca. 1630) attributes the entertain- ment with the Hermit, Soldier, and Statesman to Henry Cuffe, one of Essex’s secretaries. 12. George Peele in his Anglorum Feriae, Englandes Hollydayes . . . also provides a description of the action that was performed on the tiltyard. Peele describes the moment when Essex enters the field (wearing “innocent white and fair carnation”) and is greeted, in silence, by the Hermit, Soldier, and Statesman who each give him a book. The Works of George Peele, vol. 2, ed. A. H. Bullen (1888; repr., Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1966), pp. 339–55. The description of the action regarding Essex is found in lines 190–209, and the colors of his garments are described in line 191. 13. Letters and Memorials, 1:362. 14. Ibid., 359. 15. All citations for Of Love and Self-Love come from Francis Bacon: A Critical Edition of the Major Works, ed. Brian Vickers, 61–68 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 61. Subsequent citations are provided in-text. 16. The Holy Bible, conteyning the Olde Testament and the Newe . . . (London, 1588; STC 2149). 17. Elizabeth I: Translations, 1592–1598, ed. Janel Mueller and Joshua Scodel (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2009), Book 1, prose 1, Notes 233

p. 77. Subsequent citations to Mueller and Scodel’s edition appear in- text. 18. For a discussion of Kyffin’s use of 1 Corinthians, see chapter three. 19. In her letter to Thomas Edmondes (her diplomat in France) on 8 October, Elizabeth describes Loménie’s visit as well as defends her actions regarding Cambrai. She acknowledges France’s requests “for the succor of Cambray” and emphasizes that her care for this situation equaled Henri’s. She claims “That next [to] himselfe, no persone is more perplexed to find the sower effects of such a Journey, by the losse of such a Place of importance” (fol. 32r). Elizabeth’s entire letter can be found on ff. 32–34. Great Britain, Public Record Office, Uncalendared State Papers Foreign of Elizabeth I, 1592–1603 (SP 78), vol. 36 (Sussex: Harvester Press, 1982). 20. She rebukes Henri in the letter for his lack of success in such mis- sions as that in Picardy, but later assures him that [she] “ne vous abandonnerais mais que en tout que puis avec la commodité de mon état et consideration de mon people n’aurai moins son de vôtre conservation queue de la mienne.” List and Analysis of State Papers, Foreign Series: Elizabeth I, vol. 6, ed. Richard Wernham (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1989), no. 223, p. 172. 21. Ibid., no. 223, p. 171. 22. Letters and Memorials of State, 1:354. In this letter, Lake indicates that perhaps the peace has already been made secretly. This will be confirmed in January 1596 by England’s ambassador to Henri, Sir Henry Unton. 23. “Intellexi ab eodem Fontanam scripsisse de nouo spem esse renatam rede- undi ad conuentus tractationem.” A Spaniard in Elizabethan England: The Correspondence of Antonio Pérez’s Exile, vol. 1, ed. Gustav Ungerer (London: Tamesis Books, 1974), p. 373. Elizabeth does not agree outright to a conference. In the instructions created for Unton’s mission to Henri, the queen claims that her refusal to send individuals for a conference was because Loménie made the dispatch of English troops a precondition for such an event (List and Analysis, vol. 6, no. 236, p. 180). 24. See Vincent J. Pitts, Henri IV of France: His Reign and Age (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), p. 198. 25. As another instance where different members of Essex’s secretar- iat might have been collaborating on (or at least discussing) this piece, this same Latin phrase occurs in the ambassador’s speech regarding the Indian boy. I am indebted to Vickers who draws attention to Bacon’s repeated use of this maxim (Francis Bacon, p. 538). 26. Spedding, Works, 8:390. 27. Ibid. 234 Notes

28. Elizabeth obscures the meaning of this line, which she translates as: “Will you ever guide aught with free mind?” Editors Mueller and Scodel provide the original Latin and a translation of this line (Book 2, prose 6, p. 155, n. 181). 29. Editors Mueller and Scodel provide the following note for this difficult line in Elizabeth’s translation: So . . . sincerity “an mira- bilem quendam divinae simplicitatis orbem complicas” (or are you folding together a wonderful circle of divine simplicity?). wrapped enfolded. roundel circle. sincerity purity, singleness (Book 3, prose 12, p. 243, n. 280). 30. Vickers notes that this story is one of the labors of Hercules in the list of notes (Francis Bacon, p. 539). 31. This connection between celestial fire and the Holy Spirit as a contrast to love of the world and violence is commonplace in devotional practice. Most notably, it is articulated in the Catholic hymn “Veni, Creator Spiritus,” used both in the sixteenth cen- tury and currently. 32. Lagrée, “Constancy and Coherence,” in Stoicism: Traditions and Transformations, ed. Steven K. Strange and Jack Zupko, 148–76 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 33. Ibid., p. 148. 34. Letters and Memorials of State, 1:362. 35. According to university records, he was performing in plays in 1592. Frederick S. Boas, University Drama in the Tudor Age (1914; repr., New York: Arno Press, 1978), p. 393. 36. John Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth . . . vol. 3 (London, 1823), pp. 151 and 145, respectively. 37. Letters and Memorials of State, 1:362. 38. Ibid. 39. Hammer, “Upstaging the Queen,” pp. 54–55. 40. Elizabeth was often entertained at Theobalds, but these two visits were especially geared toward allowing Cecil to express his readiness to assume his father’s duties, many of which he was already performing unofficially. 41. James M. Sutton discusses that Cecil’s and Essex’s choices of venue in their bids for preferment contrast sharply. Materializing Space at an Early Modern Prodigy House: the Cecils at Theobalds, 1564–1607 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004), p. 126. It is interest- ing, however, that Robert Cecil chooses literature to express his unflagging loyalty to Elizabeth in moments when his involvement in (or capacity for) international participation comes to the fore. In 1594 during his competition with Essex, he wrote the hermit’s oration for the Theobalds entertainment. In 1602, not long after he became James I’s primary contact in England, Cecil composed a few loyal verses as well. I am indebted to Joshua Eckhardt’s Notes 235

essay, “ ‘From a Seruant of Diana’ To the Libellers of Robert Cecil: The Transmission of Songs Written for Queen Elizabeth I,” for drawing my attention to these verses. Eckhardt’s essay appears in Elizabeth I and the Culture of Writing, ed. Peter Beal and Grace Ioppolo, 115–31 (London: British Library, 2007). 42. Indeed, relations between Essex and the Cecil family were rela- tively civil at the time. Essex was currently working with Burghley on strengthening England’s defenses, and both Burghley and Cecil had joined with Essex in supporting Bacon’s candidacy for Solicitor General.

Afterword 1. The Holy Bible, conteyning the Olde Testament and the Newe . . . (London, 1588; STC 2149). 2. For perhaps the most famous discussion of Bottom’s echo of 1 Corinthians, see Annabel Patterson, “Bottom’s Up: Festive Theory in A Midsummer Night’s Dream,” in “A Midsummer Night’s Dream”: Critical Essays, ed. Dorothea Kehler, 165–78 (New York: Garland, 1998). For attention to a larger network of allusions to Pauline texts in Dream, see Vasiliki Markidou, “ ‘How shall we find the concord of this discord?’: A Midsummer Night’s Dream and the Religious Controversies of Late Sixteenth-Century England,” Gramma: Journal of Theory and Criticism 9 (2001): 55–67. 3. Shakespeare, A Midsummer Night’s Dream, ed. Harold F. Brooks (London: Routledge, 1979), 4.1.203–12. All subsequent citations refer to this edition, and they appear in-text. In the 1588 Bishops’ Bible, St. Paul’s 1 Corinthians reads: “But as it is written, The eye hath not seene, and the eare hath not heard, neither haue entred into the hart of man, the things which God hath prepared for them that loue him.” 4. The Nevve Testament of Ovr Lord Iesus Christ (Geneva, 1557; STC 2871). 5. Shakespeare may have known about the specifics of Elizabeth’s oration from his patron Henry Wriostheley, Earl of Southampton. Southampton was present at the Oxford oration in 1592, and that same year, Shakespeare was working on Venus and Adonis for the earl. In regards to Of Love and Self-Love, Shakespeare’s company may have performed A Midsummer Night’s Dream less than two months after this Accession Day piece was presented. The Lord Chamberlain’s Men performed at court four times during the Christmas season of 1595–96, and Dream may have been one of the plays produced. 6. Montrose, “ ‘Shaping Fantasies’: Figurations of Gender and Power in Elizabethan Culture,” in A Midsummer Night’s Dream, ed. Richard Dutton, 101–38 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996). 236 Notes

7. Elizabeth I: Translations, 1592–1598, ed. Janel Mueller and Joshua Scodel (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2009), Book 5, prose 4, pp. 341 and 343). Subsequent citations appear in- text. 8. Anna Crabbe drew my attention to St. Augustine’s use of “Pyramus and Thisbe,” and she notes that Boethius had this scenario in mind when he has Lady Philosophy banish the Muses in the first scene of Consolation. Crabbe, “Literary Design in the De Consolatione Philosophiae,” in Boethius: His Life, Thought and Influence, ed. Margaret Gibson, 237–74 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1981), pp. 251–52. This scene with the Muses may be evoked in one of Theseus’ choices for the evening’s entertainment: “ ‘The thrice three Muses mourning for the death / Of learning, late deceas’d in beggary’ ” (5.1.52–53). 9. Jennifer Clement discusses the presence of divinity in this secular image in her essay, “ ‘The Imperial Vot’ress’: Divinity, Femininity, and Elizabeth I in A Midsummer Night’s Dream,” Explorations in Renaissance Culture 34 (Winter 2008): 163–84. 10. Elizabeth I: Collected Works (henceforth CW), ed. Leah S. Marcus, Janel Mueller, and Mary Beth Rose (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), p. 348. All subsequent citations refer to this edition, and they appear in- text. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Accession Day, 18, 93, 105, 108, Bacon, Anthony, 162, 232n11, 233n25, 114, 121–2, 159, 163, 168–9, 180, 235n42 222n42. See also Of Love and Bacon, Francis, 9, 171, 232n9, Self-Love (Essex and Bacon) 235n42. See also Of Love and Agrippa, Cornelius, 95, 219n10 Self-Love (Essex and Bacon) Alford, Stephen, 38, 200n6, 201n10, Bacon, Roger, 117 206n6 Bale, John, 49, 90, 96, 104, 117, Alfred the Great, King of England, 201–2n11, 224–5n7 143, 227n42 Bateman, Stephen, 95, 220n17 Alphabet of Prayers, The Bates, Catherine, 202n19, 213n3 (Cancellar), 31 Bauckham, Richard, 119, 220n12 Alva, Duke of, 73, 196–7 Beem, Charles, 201n10 Alwes, Derek B., 65, 212n2, 213n3 Benkert, Lysbeth, 199n3, 224n6 angels, 57, 80, 93–4, 106–7, 115, Bennett, Josephine Waters, 103, 213n6, 217n50, 223n51 107, 219n5, 220n22 Anglican Church. See National Bentley, Thomas, 100–2 Church, England’s Berry, Edward, 212n2, 213n3, 214n11 Anjou, Duke of, 8, 53, 55, 66, 78–9, Berry, Philippa, 204n29 81, 98–9, 220n22 Beutterich, Peter, 60, 62, 64 Antiqvitate Britannicae, De (Parker), Biblical references: 29, 43 Book of Enoch, 222–3n51 apocalyptic discourse, 17, 49, 70, 2 Chronicles, 24, 26, 51–2, 207n13 88–92, 95–8, 100–8, 112–21, 1 Corinthians, 19, 118–22, 125, 218n1, 220n12,n17, 128–32, 165–6, 168, 174, 222–3n43,n50–1 180, 182–4, 189, 191, 194, Apologia Ecclesiae Anglicanae 196, 198, 235n3 (Jewel), 91 Ecclesiasticus, 31 Ascham, Roger, 1–2, 5–6, 199n1–2 3 Esdras, 115–16 Aske, James, 90, 116, 223n52 Genesis, 94–5, 106, 115, 148 Astell, Ann W., 154 Isaiah, 118–21 Aston, Margaret, 206n8 I Kings, 14, 36–7 Astrophil and Stella (Sidney), 87 Matthew, 100, 202n15 Augustine, St., 194–5 Proverbs, 92, 94–5, 145 Axton, Marie, 59, 213n3, 214n9 Psalms, 28, 45–7, 116, 209n37, Aylmer, John, 6, 35, 90 210n52 254 Index

Biblical references:—Continued Cecil, William, 22–3, 37–41, 47, 50, Revelation, 92, 95–7, 100–2, 52–3, 64, 67, 81–2, 127, 149–53, 106–7, 222n50, 223n51 161, 186–7, 206n7, 235n42 Romans, 29, 42–3 Chaderton, Laurence, 101, 221n27 Song of Songs/Canticles, 100, 112 Charles IX, King of France, 210n50 Wisdom (Book of), 34–5 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 191 Bishops’ Bible, 24, 29–30, 43, 120, Christian prayers and holy meditations 128–9, 165 (Bull), 28 Blenerhasset, Thomas, 9, 17, 19, Christian Prayers and Meditations: 90–109, 115, 188, 219n5, authorship of, 21–2, 28 220n24, 221n31 Elizabeth as royal householder Blessednes of Brytaine, The (Kyffin), in, 15, 23–8, 34, 45–7, 50–2, 17, 90–1, 108–22, 166, 180, 207n14 218n2, 222n41 Elizabeth as Solomon in, 14–16, Blessing, Carol, 206n8 23–4, 26–7, 32–41, 47–53, 94–5, Boethius. See Consolation of 130, 145, 206n8, 208n29 Philosophy (Boethius), Elizabeth’s virtue and, 32–5, 45–6 Elizabeth’s translation of French prayers in, 21, 32–3, 35–7, Booke of Christian Prayers, A, 28–9, 39–41, 44–8, 132, 210n50 52–3, 204n1 frontispiece for, 23–7, 34, 50–2, Boutcher, Warren, 10–11, 200n6 203n22, 207n12,n14 Bouwsma, William J., 138 Greek prayers in, 21, 41, 45, 47–52 Bozzay, Anne Hecox, 69–70, 77 international relations and, 14, Bridges, John, 120, 132, 223n55 22, 36–53 Brocardo, Giacopo, 95–7 Italian prayers in, 13, 21, 33, 36, Brooke, William, 82, 98 41–3, 45 Brown, Georgia E., 199n3, Latin prayers in, 21, 43–4 208n25 overview of, 21–2 Bruno, Giordano, 9 Protestantism and, 36–53 Brytannicae Reipublicae Synopsis publication of, 205n4 Imperii Limites (Dee), 113 Spanish prayers in, 21, 36–7, Bull, Henry, 28 42–3, 45 Burghley, Lord. See Cecil, Christus Triumphans. Comoedia William Apocalyptica (Foxe), 103 Bushnell, Rebecca W., 200n6 Churchyard, Thomas, 8, 221n31 Cicero, 5 Camden, William, 141 Clement VIII, Pope, 149, 152 Campbell, Heather, 14 Clement, Jennifer, 41, 199n3, 205n3, Campbell, Lily B., 219n5 236n9 Cancellar, James, 23, 29–32, 45, 100, Cobham, Lord. See Brooke, 208n25 William Casimir, Johann, 60–5, 75–7, 79, Collinson, Patrick, 5, 35, 52, 201n9, 215n14,n17, 217n59 204n30, 225n8 Cecil, Robert, 160–1, 186–7, Conference About the Next Succession 234n40–41, 235n42 to the Crowne of Ingland, A, 161 Index 255

Consolation of Philosophy (Boethius), De Antiqvitate Britannicae (Parker), Elizabeth’s translation of, 18, 29, 208n23 124–6, 140–58 Declaration du Roy de Navarre sur les autograph copy of, 125 Calumnies Publiées, 136–7 Christianity and, 143, 153–5, 170, Dee, John, 8, 14–15, 91, 110–14, 182–3 203n26, 218n1, 222–3n47,n51 constancy and, 148–51, 155, 176 Defence of the Government Established despair and, 141–2, 144–8 in the Chvrch of Englande divine love and, 150–7, 177–8, 183 for Ecclesiasticall Matters, A, Fortune, 141, 145, 172, 177 (Bridges), 120–1 Lady Philosophy, 141–2, 144, De Incertitudine et Vanitate 148–51, 153, 155, 165–6, Scientiarum et Artium 172–4, 176–9, 183, 191, 193, (Agrippa), 95, 219n10 236n8 De Legationibus Libri Tres Menippean satire and, 144, (Gentili), 67 154, 184 de Medici, Catherine, 79, 215–16n30 Of Love and Self-Love (Essex and Demosthenes, 1, 48, 85 Bacon) and, 9, 158–66, 168, Denham, Henry, 220n24 170–84, 186, 224n5–6 Devereux, Robert, Earl of Essex: overview of, 141–2 Blessednes (Kyffin) dedicated to, silence and, 157–8 91, 113, 180, 218n2 specific nature of Elizabeth’s Cecil family and, 185–6, 235n42 translation, 142–4 education of, 18–19 transcendent strategy and, 123, expertise in international affairs, 140, 189 18–19, 112–13, 159–62, 180, 187, Consolation of Philosophy (Boethius), 230–1n1 A Midsummer Night’s Dream in Leicester circle, 8, 162, 180 and, 190–5 as Master of the Horse, 218n2 constancy, 6, 24, 142, 146–9, 170, persona as a lover, 159–60, 164, 176–7, 180–1 170–1, 175 Coolidge, John S., 130 personal secretariat of, 162–3, Crabbe, Anna, 143, 236n8 184, 230n1, 232n11, 233n25 Crane, Mary Thomas, 199n3 as political poet, 3, 12, 18, 151, 158, Cranmer, George, 156–7 234n41 Crouzet, Denis, 136, 224n4 pursuit of appointment as Cuffe, Henry, 163, 184, 232n11 Elizabeth’s secretary, 18–19, 159, 186–7, 218n2 Davison, William, 61, 63–4, 82–4, recent scholarship on, 202n19 217n55 See also Of Love and Self-Love Dawson, Thomas, 100, 220n24 (Essex and Bacon) Day, John, 21, 23, 29, 35, 40, 47, 52, Diplomacy/diplomatic practice, 1, 204n1, 206n7, 207n10,n16, 12, 20, 53, 57, 66–7, 80, 83, 213n6 211n56–57. See also Christian Dolven, Jeff, 200n6, 218n67 Prayers and Meditations Doran, Susan, 14, 203n27, 206n8 Day, Richard, 28, 52, 204n1 Dousa, Janus, 9, 56, 71–3, 75, 216n32 256 Index

Drake, Francis, 15, 164 as Divine Truth, 114–16 Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, 8, as Divine Wisdom, 49–51, 70, 31, 53, 58–61, 64–6, 79–88, 99, 90, 92–5, 100, 102, 106, 103, 105, 112 115, 119, 122, 127, 130, 145, Duncan-Jones, Katherine, 202n19, 183, 197 212n1–2, 213n3, 214n8,n10, as a failed stoic, 137, 140 218n60 frontispiece of Christian Prayers Duplessis-Mornay, Philippe, 125, and Meditations and, 23–7, 34, 139–40 50–2, 203n22, 207n14 du Vair, Guillaume, 125, 147–8, 181, imperialism and, 13–16, 37–8, 228n50,n53 42–3, 47–53, 68, 71–6, 88, 93, 97, Dyer, Edward, 8 103–16, 122, 189 as Innuba Pallas, 7–8, 16 Eckhardt, Joshua, 234–5n41 international stature of, 1, 4, 6, 8, Edmondes, Thomas, 233n19 20, 24, 41–8, 56, 89–91, 97–105, Edward VI, 5, 37, 201n10 111, 195–8 Eliot, John, 108–9 as Minerva, 92–4, 97, 99–100, Elizabeth I: Collected Works, 3, 200n4 103–4, 107, 112 Elizabeth I, Queen of England: as multilingual queen, 1–2, 4, 6, 9, Anglo-Dutch relations and, 8, 16, 12, 18, 21, 27, 38–9, 42, 47–8, 53, 44, 53, 56, 60–80, 83, 85–9, 99, 71, 142–3, 200n4 112–13, 196, 198, 214n10 as philosopher-queen, 17, 85–8, Anglo-French relations and, 18, 123–58, 191, 198, 202n13 41, 44–7, 98–9, 123–8, 134–55, portraits and images of, 13–16, 158, 160–3, 168–70, 182–5, 23–32, 203n22, 211n60, 224n7 222n43 anxieties of female rule, and, 5–6, providentialism and, 49–50, 22, 32, 35, 206n8 212n63 apocalyptic discourse and, 17, 49, as Queen of Concord, 162, 188 70, 78–108, 112–21, 125, 218n1, as Queen of God’s Word, 17, 43, 220n17, 222–3n43,n50–51 89, 92, 97, 115, 123 as Astraea, 90 as Queen of Love, 18, 92, 127, 129, as Bride of Christ, 90, 92, 151, 154–6, 178, 189 100–2, 106 as Queen of Peace, 16, 44–5, childhood education of, 5, 201n10 67–9, 76–7, 127, 134, 170, 178, as Christian Lady Philosophy, 196, 198, 215n30 158, 165–6, 183 remarks to Polish ambassador, 11 coat of arms of, 21, 31–2, 91, 112, as Rosa Electa, 90, 219n4 208n25 as royal householder, 15, 23–8, 34, as daughter of God, 32 45–7, 50–2, 207n14 as diplomat, 4, 10, 24, 28, 42, 53–7, as schoolmistress/educator, 18, 67, 123, 126, 134, 140–1, 161–2, 49–50, 85, 112, 130, 133, 165–8, 182–4, 189, 198 174–6, 180–1 divine folly and, 19, 78, 188–90, Siena “Sieve” portrait of, 13–16, 195–8 203n22 Index 257

as Solomon, 14–16, 23–4, 26–7, Precationes priuatae. Regiae E. R., 32–41, 47–53, 94–5, 130, 145, 3, 27, 38–9, 204n1, 205n4, 206n8, 208n29 206n8, 208n32, 209n33, as Sovereign/Tudor Rose, 110, 112, 210n50 114–16 translation of Le Miroir de l’âme as Supreme Governor of the pécheresse (Marguerite de English Church, 21, 24, Navarre), 3, 23, 29, 31, 45, 100, 27–8, 46, 120, 123, 125, 130, 132, 201n11, 225n7 141, 157 translation of Seneca’s Epistle transcendent wisdom of, 17, 69, 107, 32, 124, 137, 208n28, 87, 123–58 224n3 as tutela, 112 See also Christian Prayers and as Virgin Queen, 6–8, 13–15, 73, Meditations 109, 195, 211n60 See also Consolation of Philosophy virtue of, 31–5, 45–6 (Boethius), Elizabeth’s visit to Norwich, 7–9, 16, 202n15, translation of 214n10 Elizabeth I: Translations (both as Woman Clothed with the Sun, volumes), 3, 200n4 100, 102, 106 Elizabetha Trivmphans (Aske), 90, Elizabeth I, Queen of England, 116, 223n52 works of: Elizabeth’s Glass. See Le Miroir de 1564 Latin oration at the l’âme pécheresse (Marguerite University of Cambridge, 4, de Navarre), Elizabeth’s 85, 127 translation of 1566 Latin oration at the Elyot, Thomas, 201n7 University of Oxford, 4 Erasmus, Desiderius, 28, 154, 171, 1585 speech to Parliament, 124, 201n7 224n3 Escobedo, Andrew, 218n1, 1592 Latin oration at the 221n30 University of Oxford, 4, 9, 12, Essex, Earl of. See Devereux, 18–19, 122–41, 154, 159–68, 171, Robert, Earl of Essex 176, 187, 184, 190–1, 196, 224n5, Evenden, Elizabeth, 43, 206n7, 229n65, 235n5 207n16, 211n56 1593 speech to Parliament, 146, 230n65 Faerie Qveene, The (Spenser), 90, 1601 speech to Parliament, 19, 100, 215n29 122, 124, 146–7, 188–9, 195–8 Felch, Susan M., 27, 207n14 authorship of, 3, 21, 42, 74, 125, Fenton, Mr., 64, 78 204–5n2,n4, 216n39, 224n5 Foxe, John, 29, 90, 96, 103–4, 218n1, Book of Devotions (ca. 1578), 3, 221n30 205n4 Franssen, Paul, 71, 214n7, 216n32 Epigram written to Paulus Freeman, Thomas S., 206n7 Melissus, 85–6 Frvitfvll Sermon, A (Chaderton), French verses (ca. 1590), 3, 124, 101, 221n27 223n1, 224n7 Frye, Susan, 204n29 258 Index

Gascoigne, George, 70, 215n29, Herle, William, 99, 220n18 221n31 Het theatre (van der Noot), 23, 47–9, General and Rare Memorials 207n10 pertayning to the Perfect Arte of Hoak, Dale, 37, 204n28, 209n38 Navigation (Dee), 14, 110–14 Hoefnagel, Joris, 211n60 Geneva Bible (1560), 120, 222n50 Hooker, Richard, 126, 131–3, 140, Geneva Bible (1590), 129 156–7, 225n10, 226n19 Geneva Psalter, 45, 47, 210n51 humanism, 2, 4–5, 9–11, 20, 40, 49, Gentili, Alberico, 67 90, 93, 95, 109, 127–8, 138, 171, Golden Hind, The (Drake), 15 200n6, 218n67 Gospels of the fowr Euangelistes, The Humphrey, Laurence, 35 (Foxe), 29 Grafton, Anthony, 200n6, 202n13 Image of both Churches, The (Bale), 49 Grafton, Richard, 206n7 Green, Janet M., 199n3 James I, King of England, 126, Green, Karen, 13 234n41 Greene, Robert, 117 James VI, King of Scotland, 33 Greengrass, Mark, 229n63 Jardine, Lisa, 200n6, 202n13 Guy, John, 200n6 Jewel, John, 91 Joachim of Fiore, 96 Hackett, Helen, 204n29, 219n5–6, John, Don, 60, 81–2 220n22 Jones, Norman, 130–1 Hager, Alan, 213n2–3, 214n10 Jordan, Constance, 199n3 Hagge, John, 211n61, 217n44 Justinian law, 84–5 Hammer, Paul E. J., 159, 162–3, 186, 202n19, 231n2,n7 Kendrick, Susan, 219n5 Hampton, Bernard, 205–6n6 Killigrew, Henry, 41 Hankins, James, 200n6 Kimbrough, Robert, 212n2, 214n11 Harington, John, 124 King, John N., 206n8, 207n12, Hatton, Christopher, 8, 14–15, 59 220–1n24,n25,n29 Heere, Lucas de, 56, 73, 75, 197 Kinney, Arthur F., 200n6, 213n3, Heesakkers, Chris L., 216n35 214n10 Helgerson, Richard, 85 Knollys, Francis, 135 Henri III, King of France, 98, 125, Knox, John, 6 136, 139 Kuin, Roger, 56, 67, 76, 213n4,n7, Henri IV, King of France (formerly 217n45 King of Navarre), 18, 125, 127, Kyffin, Maurice, 9, 17, 19, 90–2, 134–56, 161, 166, 168–70, 180–4, 102, 104, 108–22, 129, 166, 187, 224n4, 226n26, 228n49,n55, 180, 188, 218n2, 219n6, 221n37, 229n63, 230n67, 233n19–20 222–3n42,n47,n51 Henry VIII, King of England, 5, 31 Henry, King of Scotland (formerly Lady of May, The (Sidney), 9, 16, 53, Lord Darnley), 33, 38 55–88, 185 Henry, Madeleine, 211n61 diplomatic service and, 79–88 Hepburn, James (Earl of Bothwell), 33 Espilus in, 55, 57–9, 63–6, 77–8 Index 259

overview of, 55–8 Mary I, 5, 31, 210n49 performance date of, 59–67 Mary Queen of Scots, 5, 16, 22, 32–3, praise of Elizabeth in, 9, 55, 38, 40–1, 205n5, 208n28 68–79 Matthew, Toby, 183–4 Rombus in, 56–9, 69–70, 62, Mattingly, Garrett, 83 79–81, 84–7, 214n8 May, Steven W., 3, 199n3, 205n4 Rombus’ epilogue, 58–9, 79–85, McCoy, Richard C., 231n2 214n10 McDiarmid, John F., 203–4n28 similarities with poetry in Anglo- McLaren, A. N., 6, 50, 201n6, Dutch circle, 56, 69–78, 85–6 202n13, 206n8 textual situation of, 58, 214n10 McMahon, Jonathan, 37, 209n38 Therion in, 55, 57–62, 65, 214n11 Mears, Natalie, 204n31 Lagrée, Jacqueline, 181 Melanchthon, Philip, 213n7, 216n40 Lake, Peter, 5, 35, 132–3, 223n55, Melissus, Paulus, 9, 56, 73–5, 84–6, 233n22 110, 216n39, 221n38 Lake, Thomas, 169, 201n9, 233n22 Ménager, Daniel, 80–1, 213n6, Lamb, Mary Ellen, 202n13 217n50 Languet, Hugh, 217n59 Midsummer Night’s Dream, A Leicester circle, 8–9, 16–17, 64–5, (Shakespeare), 19, 122, 183, 90–1, 95–7, 102–3, 108–9, 114, 188–95, 235n5, 236n8 117, 122, 162, 180, 187 monarchical republic, 5, 16, 35, Leicester, Earl of. See Dudley, 203–4n28 Robert, Earl of Leicester Montaigne, Michel de, 125 Leighton, Cecilia Knollys, 91 Montrose, Louis A., 204n29, 212n2, Leighton, Thomas, 91 213n3, 214n11 Le Miroir de l’âme pécheresse Monvment of Matrones, The (Marguerite de Navarre), (Bentley), 100–2, 220n24 Elizabeth’s translation of, 3, 23, Moriae Encomium, Praise of Folly 29, 31, 45, 100, 201n11, 225n7 (Erasmus), 154 Levin, Carole, 204n31 Mueller, Janel, 41, 144, 200n4, Libri Duo (Brocardo), 96 204n2, 208n28, 210n48, Lipsius, Justus, 125 224n3,n6, 225n13, 226n32, Loménie, Antoine de, 168–9, 227n34,n39, 228n54, 229n59, 233n19,n23 230n66, 234n29, 236n10 Murphy, Philip, 212n2, 214n11 MacCaffrey, Wallace, 38 Marcus, Leah S., 41, 199n3, 200n4, National Church, England’s, 18, 29, 204n2, 210n48, 225n13, 227n34, 101, 126, 130–3, 141, 143, 156–7 230n66, 236n10 Necessary Consideration of the Perilous Marenbon, John, 153 State of this Tyme, A (Cecil and Marguerite de Navarre, 3, 23, 32, Hampton), 22, 40, 50 201n11 Neoplatonism, 68, 154, 229n62. See Markidou, Vasiliki, 235n2 also Plato and Platonism Marot, Clément, 45–7, 210n51–52 Neostoicism. See Stoicism and Martin, Christopher, 214n11 Neostoicism 260 Index

Norbrook, David, 201n6 Patch, Howard Rollin, 144, 224n6 Norris, Henry, 135 Patterson, Annabel, 235n2 Norris, John, 135, 149–50 Patterson, W. Brown, 156, 225n10, Northern Rebellion, 40, 196 226n19, 230n67–68 Peele, George, 232n12 Of Love and Self-Love (Essex and Peltonen, Markku, 201n6 Bacon), 9, 18–19, 92, 122, Pemberton, Caroline, 224n6 159–88, 190–1, 194–5, 235n5 Pérez, Antonio, 169–70 Elizabeth’s Latin oration at the Petersen, Rodney L., 96, 222n50 University of Oxford (1592) Philip II, King of Spain, 40, 196–8 and, 9, 18, 127, 157–63, Philippists and Philippism, 66, 165–8, 171 213n7, 214n7, 215n25, 216n40 Elizabeth’s reaction to, 160 Phillips, James E., 74, 199n3, 214n7 Elizabeth’s translation of Boethius Pickett, Penny, 213n2, 214n10–11 and, 9, 18, 143, 151, 154, 157–66, Piepho, Lee, 74, 214n7, 216n39 168, 170–84, 186, 224n5–6 Pincombe, Mike, 201n6 Entertainment of the Indian boy Plato and Platonism, 5, 7, 86, 176, and, 162–3, 171, 232n11, 233n25 181–3, 193, 195, 213n2. See also Erophilus in, 160, 164–5, 167–8, Neoplatonism 170–9, 183, 185 Pollnitz, Aysha, 201n10 Hermit in, 160, 162–4, 166, 168, prayer books, 3, 26–9. See 170–5, 178, 181–2, 185–6, 194, also Christian Prayers and 232n9,n11–12 Meditations Philautia in, 162, 164, 168, 172, Precationes aliquot (Erasmus), 28 185, 232n11 Preces et Meditationes Diurnae plot and textual situation of, (Vives), 28 162–5, 231n7 Prescott, Anne Lake, 76, 199n3, Soldier in, 160, 163–4, 166, 210n51–52, 213n7, 217n45 168, 170–1, 175, 178–81, 186, Prime, John, 222n42 232n11–12 Purfoot, Thomas, 210n50 Squire in, 160, 164–6, 168, 175–9, 182–6 Rainolds, John, 127, 133 Statesman in, 12, 160, 164, Ralegh, Walter, 9 166–72, 176, 186, 232n9, Reign of Terror, 73, 196–7 232n11–12 Reiss, Edmund, 154, 229n62 as a test, 172, 185–8 Relihan, Joel C., 154, 157 Of the Lavves of Ecclesiasticall Politie Reuelation of the True Minerua, A (Hooker), 126, 133, 140, 156 (Blenerhasset), 17, 90, 92–108, “On Ister Bank” (Sidney), 77 218n2, 219n9, 220n22,n24 Orgel, Stephen, 61, 212n2, 214n11 Reynoldes, Edward, 162 Osherow, Michele, 206n8 Riehl, Anna, 208n25 Rogers, Daniel, 9, 56, 60, 62, 74–7, Paget, Charles, 139 83–4, 213n7, 217n44 Parker, Matthew, Archbishop of Rogers, William, 219n4 Canterbury, 29, 43, 202n15 Rose, Mary Beth, 204n2 Index 261

Salmon, J. H. M., 225n8 Stillman, Robert E., 213n2, Sandys, Edwin, 156–7 213–14n7, 214n11, 215n25, Sanford, James, 95, 220n17 216n40 Savile, Henry, 127 Stoicism and Neostoicism, 32, Sawyer, Andrew, 215n29 124–6, 136–40, 146–54, 166, Schede, Paul. See Melissus, Paulus 173, 178–82, 184, 192–4, 224n4, Scholemaster, The (Ascham), 1–2, 6 226n32 Schulze, Ivan L., 219n5 Strong, Roy C., 13–14, 203n22–23, Scodel, Joshua, 144, 208n28, 211n60, 219n6, 222n42, 231n2 224n3,n6, 226n32, 227n39, Stump, Donald, 206n8 228n47,n54, 229n59, 230n66, Sutton, James M., 234n41 234n28–29 Seneca, 32, 124, 137, 208n28, 224n3, Tasso, Torquato, 57, 213n6 228n48 Traité de la Constance et Consolation Sententiae, 12, 33–4, 171, 204n1 és Calamitez Publiques Shakespeare, William, 9, 19, 92, 122, (du Vair), 181 183, 188–95, 235n5, 236n8. See Tuck, Richard, 139 also Midsummer Night’s Dream, A (Shakespeare) University of Oxford, Elizabeth’s Sharpe, Kevin, 224n6 progress to (1592), 2, 4, 12, 18, Shell, Marc, 202–3n11 127, 129, 134–7, 184, 225n11 Shenk, Linda, 199n3, 218n62, 225n14 Unton, Henry, 187, 226n26, Shepheardes Calender, The (Spenser), 233n22–23 91, 93, 103, 105 Sherman, William H., 91, 113–14, van der Does, Jan. See Dousa, Janus 203n26 van der Noot, Jan, 9, 23, 47–9, 53, 56, Sidney, Henry, 83–4 71, 197, 207n10, 211n56,n59–60 Sidney, Philip, 3, 8–9, 16, 53, 55–88, van Dorsten, Jan, 56, 212n1, 89, 91, 95, 112, 185–8, 202n19, 213n3, 214n8, 216n35, 218n60, 212n2, 213n7, 214n10, 216n40, 219n8,n10, 221n38, 222n42 217–18n59,n67. See also Lady of Vickers, Brian, 233n25, 234n30 May, The (Sidney) Vives, Juan Luis, 28 Sidney, Robert, 164, 186 Silva, Guzmán de, 47, 67 Walsham, Alexandra, 206n8 Smith, Thomas, 35, 37 Walsingham, Francis, 53, 62–5, 75, Spanish Armada (1588), 90, 135, 79, 82–3, 98, 209n42, 215n17 164, 196 Warnicke, Retha M., 33, 205n5 Spanish Armada (threats after 1588), White, Helen C., 28, 208n21, 135, 161, 164 211n53 Spenser, Edmund, 9, 70, 90–1, Whitgift, John, Archbishop of 93, 100, 103, 105, 215n29, Canterbury, 127, 131–2, 141 218n67,n1 Whitney, Geffrey, 203n23 Spes, Guerau de, 40, 47, 67, 211n59 Whyte, Roland, 160, 163–4, 183, Sternhold-Hopkins Psalter, 47 185–6 Stewart, Alan, 202n19, 213n3 Wilkes, Thomas, 152–3, 229n60 262 Index

William of Orange, 47, 63–6, 77–9, Worden, Blair, 201n6 82–3, 99, 217–18n59 Wotton, Henry, 160 Wilson, Charles, 64 Woudhuysen, H. R., 205n4, 214n10, Wilson, Thomas, 60, 74 231–2n8 Windebank, Thomas, 142, 144, Wriostheley, Henry, Earl of 227n40 Southampton, 127, 235n5 Wolfe, Jessica, 83 Wolfe, John, 117 Yates, Frances A., 14, 90