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The Thirteen Volatiles Representation and Symbolism

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The Thirteen Volatiles Representation and Symbolism THE THIRTEEN VOLATILES REPRESENTATION AND SYMBOLISM JONATHAN KENDALL Introduction The few codices, or native pictorial books, left behind by the Aztecs are remnants of a much larger tapestry of symbolism and philosophy which, before European contact, was passed on to every new gene­ ration, which in tum wove more onto it, making it richer and more beautiful. Sine e the Spanish Conquest, the fabric of this ideological system has beep tom, and íts disintegrating threads have become inter­ woven with those of Westem thought. N evertheless, small pieces, when interpreted together, can provide a glimpse of the whole. With this larger purpose in mind, 1 will focus on one particular theme in this essay. On page 71 of the Codex Borgia, twelve birds and one butterfly are shown around a central image of the sun god, Tonatiuh (see color fig. 1). Since not all of them are strictly birds, they are referred to collectively as the thirteen volatiles. These volatiles appear in the Codex Borgia and other codices in a certain order, and they are numbered from one to thirteen. Early in this century, Eduard Se1er proposed that these volatiles represent the thirteen 'hours" of the day, with the first volatile presiding over the hour of dawn, the seventh over midday, and the last over dusk (1963, 2:237-243): Although this may be true, it is more likely that these volatiles are associated with the trecena, the thirteen-day "week" of the ritual calendar. H. B. Nicholson has suggested that they symbolized the thirteen heavens, as well, giving the volatiles symbolism of both time and space (1971 :407). The Codex Borgia is a most valuable and reliable source, since it is certainly a pre-Conquest document, whose detailed representations of the volatiles are not tainted by Spanish influence. The problem is that these representations are not naturalistic, but rather stylized, making their identification very difficult. Even though about forty Central Mexican ritual-calendrical codices are known to exist (Glass, 1975: 39), , 100 JONATHAN KENDALL TH the thirteen volatiles appear in only three other codices -the Codex the study of the Aztec ch Borbonicus, the Codex Tudela, and the Aubin Tonalamatl. The Aubin in N ew Spain was writt T onalamatl is a screenfold book which may be of pre-Conquest origino specificalIy refer to the Unfortunately, its representations of the thirteen volatiles are crude cribes plants and animals and not useful, and it is not used in tms essay. The background in­ nomenclature. formation on the other two codices is important to the interpretation Seler wIOte his comme of the thirteen volatiles, so 1 will briefly describe their merits and ago. It still stands as thf liabilities. puts the thirteen volatiles Although the Codex Borbonicus is a sereenfold book and was un­ His article, "The Anima doubtedly painted by a native artist, it was probably made in the first Manuscripts" (1939), is : two deeades after the Conquest (1521-1541) (Glass and Robertson, the scientific knowledge tl 1975: 97), making it less authoritative than the Borgia. lt shows the nor did he have access tmrteen volatiles on each of what used to be the first twenty pages publication of Sahagún's ( (the first two have been lost). lt depicts each volatile with a numbered discovery was announced day of the trecena and one of thirteen gods called Lords of the Day. For this reason, his identi Although these associations are useful, the representatíons of the volatiles his intuitive interpretatio are not readily identifiable, since they are crudely drawn and in­ revised. consistent, varying from page to page. Martín del Campo's The Codex Tudela is dated 1553; it was made on European paper Biología is an interpretat and bound like a European book (Glass and Robertson, 1975: 172). quotes Sahagún's entries lts late date indicates that it is not very authoritative, since over thirty birds with scientific nom years had passed since the Conquest. For example, the gods shown the reasoning bemnd his • with the tmrteen volatiles in the Codex Tudela are not the Thirteen nized. Lords of the Day, as would be consistent with earlier codices, but 1LJhe interest 1 take in rather the Nine Lords of the Night, with the first four repeated tencies that exist among t (Nicholson, 1971: 406). Although the discoverer of this codex, for presentations of the volat whom it is named, wants to attribute both the written text and the greatIy, and scholars disagl pictorial work to Roman Catholic missionaries (Tudela, 1980:40,49), flicts warrant closer examÍl it is more likely that the Spanish author was working in collaboration thirteen volatiles with the with a native artist, since the illustrations display Aztec artistic con­ conflicting arguments and ventions. The representations of the thirteen volatiles on pages 98v and Of course, these identific, 99 of this codex are much more naturalistic than those of the other sentations in the codices d codices, and aboye the volatiles appears a Nahuatl gloss, naming earh and since the Aztec religi, volatile (see fig. 2). Although Nicholson (1971) lists these names as inconsistent. Having estat the names of the thirteen volatiles, the integrity of this information 1 will then examine its sy is questionable and must be used in conjunction with other sourees. of the thirteen volatiles, bl By and large, the seholarship on the thirteen volatiles is brief and than present every conneet sketchy, and only a few sources are useful in tms study. The most only its major symbolism, I important of these are works by Bernardino de Sahagún, Seler, and attributes like coloration a Rafael Martín del Campo. Sahagún, a missionary who lived in Mexico from 1529 until his death in 1590, created a corpus fundamental to THE THIRTEEN VOLATILES 101 the study of the Aztec civilization. His General History 01 the Things in New Spain was written in Nahuatl, and although it does not specifically refer to the thirteen volatiles, the eleventh volume des­ cribes plants and animals from the Aztec point of view, with Nahuatl nomenclature. Seler wrate his commentary on the Codex Borgia almost a century ago. lt still stands as the chief interpretation of that codex, and it puts the thirteen volatiles in the larger context of Aztec iconography. His article, "The Animal Pictures of the Mexican and the Maya Manuscripts" (1939), is also of great help. N evertheless, Seler lacked the scientific knowledge that has been gathered over the past decades, nor did he have access to sources such as Dibble and Anderson's publication of Sahagún's General History or the Codex Tudela, whose discovery was announced in 1947 (Glass and Robertson, 1975: 172) . For this re asan, his identifications of the volatiles are unreliable, and his intuitive interpretation of their symbolic significance must be revised. Martín del Campo's 1940 article in the Anales del Instituto de Biología is an interpretation of Sahagún's descriptions of birds. He quotes Sahagún's entries and identifies the Nahuatl names of the birds with scientific nomenclature. Unfortunately, he does not give the reasoning behind his assertions, so his conclusions must be scruti­ nized. The interest 1 take in writing this essay stems fram the inconsis­ tencies that exist among the codices and the scholarIy works. The re­ presentations of the volatiles differ from codex to codex, sometimes greatly, and scholars disagree on their correct identification. These con­ flicts warrant closer examination. 1 will attempt to identify each of the thirteen volatiles with the greatest certainty possible, by synthesizing conflicting arguments and presenting evidence from outside sources. Of course, these identifications cannot be definitive, since the repre­ sentations in the codices do not lend themselves to exact classification, and since the Aztec religion varied geographically and was intemally inconsistent. Having established the probable idrntity d a volatile, 1 will then examine its symbolic significan ce, not only in the context of the thirteen volatiles, but also in Aztec religion as a whole. Rather than present every connection a volatile may have, 1 prefer to analyze only its major symbolism, especially symbolism derived fram its natural attributes like coloration and behavior. 102 JONATHAN KENDALL THl extinct. More likely, how{ VOLATILES I AND 11: HUMMINGBlRDS some reason. The prefix xiuh-, whi. Representation and identification meanings. It can indicatt the element of fire, such The first and second volatiles are shown in the Codex Borgia with Fire". Both Se1er and Sa long, straight, yellow bills, with no division between the upper and the color turquoise, whid lower bill. The first is painted dark gray and is identified by Seler codices. Whereas the gree as xiuhuitzilin, or the "blue hummingbird", and the second is a Bargia has faded due t< brownish color, which he identifies as quetzalhuitzilin, or the "green xiuhuitzilin was probably hurnmingbird" (Codex Bargia, 1973: 71). The representations of these . only do the Codex Barbo birds in the Codex Tudela and the Codex Barbonicus are very similar' bird as gray, but these CI to those in the Borgia, although in these two sources, the gray of the the same page which di xiuhuitziZin is lighter, and the green of the quetzalhuitzilin is brighter. is therefore a gray humrr Above the depictions of the first two volatiles in the Codex TudeZa Many hummingbirds, (n. d.: 98v) are the glossed words "xuitzil" and "quetzal huitzil", If the prefix xiuh- really which agree with Seler's identifications. markings of Costa's Hun Sahagún writes a general commentary on the hummingbird and bolize flame, and its gr. its béhavior, as well as brief descriptions of eleven varieties. The first Sahagún may have beeo two varieties Usted are quetzalhuitzilin and xiuhuitzilin (1963, 24) : 11: tzilin, he specifica1ly dese [Quetzalhuitzilin] bird and three varieties 25).
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