IAI WORKING PAPERS 17 | 04 - JANUARY 2017 ISSN 2280-4331 | ISBN 978-88-9368-022-6 © 2017 IAI | Security |United States |European Union South Korea |North Korea |Japan |China |Regional integration |Economy Northeast Asia. can stimulate the,still nascent, community-building efforts in the EU’s know-how of confidence andinstitution building prerequisite for astable regional order. From thisperspective, three neighbours shareanunderstandingthat trust isa between South Korea, Japan andChina.Importantly, the traditional security continue todrive trilateral cooperation interdependence andcommon concerns intheareaof non- in Northeast Asia. At the same time, the growing economic the power-based competitive approaches tothesecurity order unresolved historical issues andmutual distrust,underpin uncertainties andgeopolitical tensions, exacerbated by European Union inthisregion. Thepaper argues that strategic these current trendsmeanfor theinterests androle of the evolving security order. It also pays close attention to what cooperation inNortheast Asia, andhow theyshape the This paper examinesthedynamics of competition and ABSTRACT by Elena Atanassova-Cornelis and theRole of theEU Order: Power Politics, Trust Building Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security keywords IAI WORKING PAPERS 17 | 04 - JANUARY 2017 ISSN 2280-4331 | ISBN 978-88-9368-022-6 © 2017 IAI 2 www.e-ir.info/?p=59783. Relations E-International Asia”, in East in Order Security Regional as the main extra-territorial power. extra-territorial main the as 4 3 2 1 environment inAsia. two major uncertainties, which aredirectly related tothechanginggeopolitical Countries inNortheast Asia, andmore broadly intheAsia-Pacific region, face 1. Northeast Asia’s strategic uncertainties Northeast Asia Introduction by Elena Atanassova-Cornelis* Politics, Trust Building andtheRole of theEU Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order:Power Power Politics, Trust Building andtheRole of theEU Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order: . * in politico-security cooperation. disparity betweendeepeningeconomic interdependence andalackof progress has aptly described these regional dynamics asthe“Asian paradox” –thegrowing 11th President of the Republic of Korea (South Korea, the ROK), Park Geun-hye, and conflicts remainadefining feature of Northeast Asia’s strategic landscape. The growing socio-economic interconnectedness. At thesametime, regional tensions and the Catholic University of Louvain. University Catholic the and uploads/2013/09/462.pdf. Global Asia in Policy”, used interchangeably. used kind support of the Korea Foundation (KF). Foundation Korea of the support kind the with (IAI) Internazionali Affari Istituto the by 2016 Rome October on in 21 organized EU” of the mean for theinterests androle of theEuropean Union (EU) security order. Thepaper also pays close attention towhat thesecurrent trends dynamics of competition andcooperation inNortheast Asia, andhow theyshape Republic of China(PRC), andconcerns thePRC’s mid-tolong-term regional Paper presented at the international conference “Trust Building in North East Asia and the Role the and Asia East North in Building “Trust conference international at the presented Paper Elena Atanassova-Cornelis is Senior Lecturer in East Asian Politics at the University of Antwerp of Antwerp University at the Politics Asian East in Lecturer Senior is Atanassova-Cornelis Elena

The region is defined as including South Korea, North Korea, Japan and China, as well as theUS as well as China, and Japan Korea, North Korea, South including as defined is region The In this paper, Europe refers to the European Union as a regional entity and the two references are are references two the and entity aregional Union as European to the refers paper, Europe this In Yun Byung-se, “Park Geun-hye’s Trustpolitik: A New Framework for South Korea’s for South Foreign Framework ANew Geun-hye’s “Park Trustpolitik: Yun Byung-se, Elena Atanassova-Cornelis and Frans Paul van der Putten, “Strategic Uncertainty and the the and Uncertainty “Strategic Putten, der Paul van Frans and Atanassova-Cornelis Elena 1 isaregion characterizedbytremendous economic dynamism and , Vol. 8, No. 3 (Fall 2013), p. 12, https://www.globalasia.org/wp-content/ , Vol. No. 12, p. 3(Fall 8, 2013), 4 Thefirstuncertainty isassociated with therise of the People’s 2 Against thisbackdrop, thispaper examinesthe , 24 November 2015, http:// 2015, November , 24 3 inthisregion. IAI WORKING PAPERS 17 | 04 - JANUARY 2017 ISSN 2280-4331 | ISBN 978-88-9368-022-6 © 2017 IAI 3 economic andfiscal constraints intheUS (especially cuts indefence spending), engagement inthecontext of China’s growing regional influence, andamid Questions about Washington’s willingness andability tosustainits Asian-Pacific Japan, hampering theirbilateral security cooperation. persistent historical grievances feed mutual antagonism betweenSouth Korea and the ROK’s recent naval modernization beyond peninsular defence. Additionally, Prime MinisterShinzoAbe, especially inthemaritime domain, have largely driven Dokdo Islands (known asTakeshima inJapan) andits expandedsecurity role under China coalition. perceptions, and iswary of antagonizing Beijing byjoining aUS-Japanese anti- Seoul, however, does notshareTokyo’s andWashington’s “Chinathreat” regional maritime disputes. increasingly focused on thePRC’s naval power and,inparticular, its behaviour in explicit asChinesepower hasgrown. China-associated anxieties intheUSarenow uncertainties about its ability todefend allies andfriends inAsia have become more by some of the claimants intheSCS disputes. Notably, theUnited States’ own have beenexpressedbytheUS,Japan andSouth EastAsian countries, especially possible Chineseaspirations for regional maritime domination andhegemony based animosities andcompeting nationalisms. Explicit or implicit concerns about these nations’ mutual strategic distrust,which isunderpinnedbyhistorically ECS disputes. These considerations fuel Sino-Japanese rivalry andexacerbate and power considerations inNortheast Asia aremajor sources of tensions inthe (ECS) andSouth ChinaSea(SCS),aswell asits naval modernization. Geopolitical assertiveness since2010inpressingits territorial claimsintheEastChinaSea by thePRC’s advances inthemaritime security sphere–especially its perceived At present, China-associated worries intheAsia-Pacific region arelargely driven Northeast Asia’s regional players. two fundamental uncertainties underlie the more specific short-term anxieties of engagement inAsia, aswell asthefuture courseof Sino-American relations. These role of theUS,notably thesustainability of its regional security commitments and strategic objectives andbehaviour. Thesecond uncertainty isabout thefuture Power Politics, Trust Building andtheRole of theEU Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order: 6 eu/publications/detail/article/pride-and-prejudice-maritime-disputes-in-northeast-asia. EUISS Asia”, in Reports Northeast in Disputes Maritime 5 The PacificComplex”, The Review in People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea, the DPRK). concerns with Tokyo about missile andnuclear developments bytheDemocratic than China)that South Korea perceives asathreat toits security, despite its shared in South Korea’s waters off the Korean Peninsula’s westcoast. Yet, it is Japan (rather Rock, andtheROK’s repeated complains about illegal fishingbyChinesetrawlers experience theirown jolts due tocompeting sovereignty claimsover theIeodo

Elena Atanassova-Cornelis, Ramon Pacheco Pardo and Eva Pejsova, “Pride and Prejudice: Prejudice: and “Pride Pejsova, Eva and Pardo Pacheco Ramon Atanassova-Cornelis, Elena Christian Wirth, “‘Power’ and ‘stability’ in the China-Japan-South Korea Regional Security Security Regional Korea China-Japan-South the in ‘stability’ and “‘Power’ Wirth, Christian 5 To besure,thenormally cordial Korean-Chinese relations do , Vol. 28, No. 4 (2015), p. 553-575. p. No., Vol. 4(2015), 28, , No. 23 (April 2015), http://www.iss.europa. 2015), (April , No. 23 6 Japan’s sovereignty claims to IAI WORKING PAPERS 17 | 04 - JANUARY 2017 ISSN 2280-4331 | ISBN 978-88-9368-022-6 © 2017 IAI 4 Regional Security Order in East Asia”, cit. East in Order Security Regional China). towards apost-US regional security order (that may or may notbedominated by aspect reflects regional uncertainties associated with the ongoing transition from Washington’s decision toaccommodate Beijing inthelong term.Thelatter Administration and/or the US’ inability tomaintain its Asian commitments, or discontinuation of BarackObama’s “rebalance” underthenewDonald J. Trump each fear areduction of USpresenceintheregion. Thiscould result from the against theprospect of amore hostile China).Ontheotherhand,Tokyo andSeoul for security protection againsttheDPRK’s military threat (andJapan, additionally, South Korea areeconomically interdependent with the PRC, but reliant on theUS pronounced US-Chinapower struggle andits outcome. Indeed, bothJapan and is aneven more critical question. Ontheone hand,theyareworried about amore Northeast Asia –Japan andSouth Korea –thefuture courseof US-Chinarelations have increasingly beenraisedinvarious Asian capitals. For theUSallies in Power Politics, Trust Building andtheRole of theEU Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order: 7 may also have directsecurity implications for Europe’s own neighbourhood. the DPRK’s potential proliferation of nuclear weapons, technology andmaterials lanes. Additionally, North Korea’s policies not only destabilize Northeast Asia, but adversely affect international trade andjeopardize thesafety of Asia’s shipping in theregion, or amajor escalation of themaritime territorial disputes, would respectively. Amore pronounced US-Chinaor Japan-China power competition and theROK aretheUnion’s second, seventh andeighth largesttradingpartners commons, which arecritical for European exports andimports. ThePRC, Japan has extensive economic interests intheregion andseeksstability of themaritime Asia’s geopolitics, Europe does have directstakes inAsian security. Indeed, theEU Although geographically located far from theregion and uninvolved inNortheast multilateral arena. Trump Administration, which islikely toscale down USengagement inthe TPP). However, this particular Chinese concern might subside under the incoming various multilateral arrangements (e.g.theTrans-Pacific Partnership Agreement, also fears possible regional exclusion asaresult of theUS’strengthenedrole in in theECSandSCSissues underthe ObamaAdministration. In thelong run,China rebalance. Beijing has also strongly objected to Washington’s greater involvement related tothat country’s perceived “strategic encirclement” of thePRC aspartof its China’s short- to medium-term concerns about theUShave primarily been the issue of Korean unification. interests: inthecaseof Japan, in theECSterritorial disputes, while for theROK, on joint US-Chinaregional leadership that might disregardtheirrespective security for themaintenance of regional stability inNortheast Asia. Yet, theyarewaryof a

Elena Atanassova-Cornelis and Frans Paul van der Putten, “Strategic Uncertainty and the the and Uncertainty “Strategic Putten, der Paul van Frans and Atanassova-Cornelis Elena 7 To besure,bothSouth Korea andJapan favour positive Sino-US relations IAI WORKING PAPERS 17 | 04 - JANUARY 2017 ISSN 2280-4331 | ISBN 978-88-9368-022-6 © 2017 IAI 5 www.mod.go.jp/e/d_act/anpo/shishin_20150427e.html. stability bothintheAsia-Pacific region and globally. maritime security, seekingtomake thealliance amajor contributor topeaceand substantive andgeographical scope of joint missions, including thoseinvolving the Revised Defense Guidelinesfor Cooperation. Theseguidelinesexpandedthe US-Japan alliance, themostnotable development wastheadoption in2015of of their respective bilateral security ties with the United States. In the case of the to ensurethecontinuity of USdefence commitments –hasbeenareinforcement A common response tosuch uncertainties byJapan andtheROK –inparticular, power-based andcompetitive security practices intheregion. behaviour of its regional players istheintensification (albeit tovaryingdegrees) of One of theimplications of Northeast Asia’s strategic uncertainties for thesecurity 2. Competitive security dynamics Power Politics, Trust Building andtheRole of theEU Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order: 9 8 Maritime Disputes in Northeast Asia”, cit. Northeast in Disputes Maritime into force in2015–thefirst FTA in Northeast Asia, infact.Thehallmark of South trading partnerandthetwo have abilateral Free Trade Agreement (FTA) that entered the denuclearization of theNorth. the USinorder todetertheDPRK, it also needsChina’s cooperation inaddressing relationship with Beijing. While South Korea seekstodeepenits security ties with between maintaining a strong alliance with Washington and developing a cordial finds itself asaresult of Sino-US rivalry, complicates Seoul’s delicate balancing act The issue of THAAD, andtheresulting security dilemma inwhich South Korea Chinese concerns. and distrustof American regional strategic objectives have underpinnedthese track the PRC’s own strategic missiles. A perception of US containment of China deployment of THAAD, fearing that thesystem’s radarswould beable todetectand for Chinathisdecision hasbeencontroversial. Beijing hasstrongly opposed the defence systemissaidtobeintended only for countering threats from theDPRK, Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense (THAAD)missile system.While thisadvanced the ROK andtheUShave decidedtodeploy inSouth Korea, in2017,theUS-made several missile testsandthreenuclear teststhat violate UNresolutions. As aresult, un has continued to escalate tensions on the Korean Peninsula, and hasconducted primary concern has been the DPRK’s military threat. North Korea under Kim Jong- in order toreduce therisksof possible US“abandonment.” Unlike Japan, Seoul’s South Korea, too,hassought astrengtheningof its military alliance with theUS and alone. promoted amore active security role for Japan, pursued bothjointly with theUS been largely aresponse touncertainties associated with theriseof Chinaandhas in linewith PrimeMinisterAbe’s policy of “proactive pacifism.” Thispolicy has

Elena Atanassova-Cornelis, Ramon Pacheco Pardo and Eva Pejsova, “Pride and Prejudice: Prejudice: and “Pride Pejsova, Eva and Pardo Pacheco Ramon Atanassova-Cornelis, Elena Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense of Defence, Ministry Japan 9 Equally important, thePRC istheROK’s largest 8 Thebilateral agreement was , 27 April 2015, http:// 2015, , 27April IAI WORKING PAPERS 17 | 04 - JANUARY 2017 ISSN 2280-4331 | ISBN 978-88-9368-022-6 © 2017 IAI 6 Relations of the Asia-Pacific Relations p. 208-222. Politics in International Pacific”, Asia the in Balancing Institutional suspicious of thestrategic motivations of Northeast Asia’s major powers. region’s transitional security order. As aresult, Seoul often feels alienated and This competition has now sharpened due to the uncertainties associated with the diverging strategic interests and competition for influence on the Korean Peninsula. of China,Japan andtheUStowards Korean unification, which stemsfrom their Finally, regional geopolitics isfurthercomplicated bytheambivalent attitudes appears tobeamajor challenge tothesePRC-ROK relations. supporting the various UNSC resolutions on North Korea. The THAAD issue now of Chinaasa“responsible” major power seekingtheDPRK’s denuclearization by Japan-related historical grievances. Beijing has also sought to reinforce the image summits, economic engagement andseekingacommon stancewith Seoul on and positive relationship with South Korea. Thishasincluded regular high-level fears of UScontainment it has paid a great deal of attention tomaintaining a stable As farasChinaisconcerned, inorder toavoid isolation inNortheast Asia amid risks of possible Chinesedomination inAsia. Definedasa “strategic pivot South,” away from China (and, by extension, from Northeast Asia) as a way of reducing the Unlike South Korea, Japan hasplacedastrong emphasis on strategic diversification paper). – as part of President Park’s Trustpolitik in Northeast Asia (discussed later in this to engagetheotherregional stakeholders –such asJapan, theUSandDPRK This approach hasalso formed thebasisof Seoul’s multilateral initiative designed Korea’s approach towards Chinahasbeeneconomic anddiplomatic engagement. Power Politics, Trust Building andtheRole of theEU Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order: 11 10 balancing.” as ameansof constraining thePRC’s regional influence through “institutional move beingmanifested inJapan’s embraceof ASEAN-led multilateral frameworks away from Northeast Asia andtowards thebroader Asia-Pacific region –thelatter strategic divergence on China,have additionally contributed toTokyo’s shift India. Japan’s difficult political relations with South Korea, andthe two countries’ disputes, such asthePhilippines andVietnam, aswell asIndonesia, Australia and of geostrategic interests. Thesehave included some of theclaimants intheSCS defence ties with nations geographically located south of Japan’s primary sphere Tokyo’s policy has focused on enhancingits bilateral economic, diplomatic and

On the concept of “institutional balancing”, see, Kai He, “Contested Regional Orders and and Orders Regional “Contested He, Kai see, balancing”, of “institutional concept the On International Hedge”, International in Dual the J. Wallace, “Japan’sCorey Diversifying South: Pivot Strategic 11 , Vol. 13, No. 3 (2013), p. 479-517. p. No. 3(2013), , Vol. 13, , Vol. 52, No. 2 (February 2015), 2015), No. 2(February , Vol. 52, 10

IAI WORKING PAPERS 17 | 04 - JANUARY 2017 ISSN 2280-4331 | ISBN 978-88-9368-022-6 © 2017 IAI 7 www.mofa.go.jp/a_o/rp/page1e_000058.html. 12 Asian” way of creating institutions. drivers of mutual confidence and trust,hasbeendefinedasa“uniquely Northeast regard, such anapproach toregional cooperation, which utilizes institutions as building, andtherebyfor jointly addressingregional strategic uncertainties. In this that unite thethreeplayers, NTScooperation provides opportunities for trust outside thedivisive areaof “high politics.” Importantly, byfocusing on theissues Indeed, South Korea, Japan andChinasharemany common concerns that fall beyond bilateralism andtheUS-led alliance system. powers. Trilateralism reflects thisshared understanding, which means moving undertaken bytheregional players themselves rather thantheirrelying on external the realm of non-traditional security (NTS)–requireajoint response, andone cooperation. Anumber of security challenges inNortheast Asia –notably in the uncertainstrategic environment intheregion also actsasastrong force for the sharedobjectives of achieving economic growth andprosperity. Furthermore, high level of economic interdependence betweenthethreeneighbours, aswell as Indeed, a critical driver of trilateral cooperation inNortheast Asia hasbeen the Japan andChinasimply cannotignore thepowerful forces of regional integration. Despite thegeopolitical tensions andlingeringmutual distrust,South Korea, 3. Cooperation andtrustbuilding Power Politics, Trust Building andtheRole of theEU Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order: 15 14 13 190. in APost-US the Order Making? Regional Asia. East in Dynamics Security Changing eds., Putten, der Paul van Frans and Atanassova-Cornelis Elena was established in Seoul in 2011. institutionalized intheregion since2008.TheTrilateral Cooperation Secretariat Focusing on economic, financial andNTSconcerns, three-way summits have been alongside thepower-based andbilateral security practices discussedearlier. disaster prevention andthetackling of infectious diseases–hasgradually evolved Trilateral NTScooperation –for example, intheareasof environmental protection, not suitable for tackling such issues. management requiresstrong regional cooperation. TheUS-led alliance systemis security challenges notconfined tonational borders; hence,theirsuccessful collaboration. relations, pursuingeconomic integration andinstitutionalizing furthertrilateral Northeast Asia stressedtheleaders’ joint commitment tostabilizing regional tensions. The resulting 2015 Joint Declaration for Peace andCooperation in significant as it took placeafteratwo-year period of interruption due todiplomatic Korea-Japan-China FTA talks. The sixth trilateral summit, in 2015, was particularly high level of economic interdependence, which has,since2013,driven theSouth

Joint Declaration for Peace and Cooperation in Northeast Asia, Seoul, 1 November 2015, http:// 2015, 1November Seoul, Asia, Northeast in Cooperation and for Peace Joint Declaration Ibid., p. 174. p. Ibid., Jaewoo Choo, “Non-Traditional Security Cooperation and Northeast Asian Regional Order”, in Order”, in Regional Asian Northeast and Cooperation “Non-Traditional Choo, Jaewoo Security For more information, see the official website:http://www.tcs-asia.org. official the see For more information, 15 14 This trilateralism is underpinned by the region’s 13 Additionally, common NTSconcerns include , Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, p. 171- p. 2014, Macmillan, Palgrave , Basingstoke, 12 IAI WORKING PAPERS 17 | 04 - JANUARY 2017 ISSN 2280-4331 | ISBN 978-88-9368-022-6 © 2017 IAI 8 players. NAPCI isreminiscent of thisapproach. engagement, hasbeenthehallmark of theEU’s approach towards eachof thethree trust through functional cooperation, and gradually expanding the scope of issues, including climate change,energysecurity andnon-proliferation. Building experience with Tokyo, andisenhancing its collaboration with Seoul on NTS negotiating similar agreements with Japan. Brussels has extensive cooperation the ROK byconcluding, in2010,anFTA andapolitical agreement; andiscurrently dialogue with thePRC at various levels; hasinstitutionalized its cooperation with extensive economic ties andbilateral strategic partnerships. Europe hasapolitical has pursued anengagement strategy towards eachof thesethreeplayers through evolving trilateral cooperation betweenSouth Korea, Japan and China.TheEU Europe’s own policies towards Northeast Asia reflect themain features of the endorsed bytheUSandEU. multilateralism, NAPCI hasbeenwelcomed byJapan andChinaaswell asbeing implementing Trustpolitik at theregional level.” the Northeast Asia Peace andCooperation Initiative (NAPCI) as“aroadmap for politics” issues. process will foster mutual trustand,ultimately, lead tocollaboration on “high and thesocialization of regional players through interaction; it ishoped that this dialogue, NAPCI seeksareinforcement of functional cooperation on NTSissues Asia’s geopolitics reinforce therole of bilateral alliances, strategic alignments and policies on North Korea. Thecompetitive dynamics associated with Northeast well asbytryingtocourtSouth Korea with economic incentives andconvergent favourable balance of power byreinforcing its own deterrencecapabilities, as interests andasasymptom of US-led containment. Beijing seekstomaintain a the strengtheningof American-led alliances isperceived asathreat toits own strong and enduring regional role for theUScentred on bilateralism. For China, Korea areeachresponding tostrategic uncertainties inways that facilitate a Northeast Asia remainvery much power based andbilateral. Japan andSouth As thispaper illustrates, thedominant approaches toregional security order in 4. Approaches toregional order cooperation built on trust. peace on theKorean Peninsula andinNortheast Asia centred on increased policy toolof thePark Administration, andpromotes aneworder of long-lasting participants andobjectives. Theconcept itself represents avision andaforeign- Trustpolitik seeks to both deepen and expandtheirscope, in termsof issues, Building upon thealready existingpractices of trilateralism, President Park’s Power Politics, Trust Building andtheRole of theEU Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order: 18 17 16 Role for the European Union?”, Affairs Review Foreign European Role in European for the

Ibid., p. 13. p. Ibid., Yun Byung-se, “Park Geun-hye’s Trustpolitik”, cit. Geun-hye’s “Park Trustpolitik”, Yun Byung-se, Michael Reiterer, “The NAPCI in the Volatile Security Environment of North-East Asia: Which Which Asia: of North-East Environment Volatile the in Security NAPCI Reiterer, “The Michael 18 Basedon theprinciples of engagement, inclusiveness and 16 In thiscontext, theadministration hasproposed 17 Emphasizing informality and , Vol. 20, No. 4 (2015), p. 573-589. , Vol. p. No. 20, 4(2015), IAI WORKING PAPERS 17 | 04 - JANUARY 2017 ISSN 2280-4331 | ISBN 978-88-9368-022-6 © 2017 IAI 9 and environmental protection. cross-border policies –for example, intheareasof energy, nuclear security functional cooperation on NTSbyproviding concrete examples of European its own experience tobear.It should seektoreinforce Northeast Asia’s existing building inAsia. In thiscontext, Brussels canreally make adifference bybringing NAPCI, byits very nature, isconducive toan expanded EUrole inregional order Sharing agreat deal with theEuropean experience andemphasizing inclusiveness, EU also enjoys positive relations with eachof thesethreeplayers. Korea, Japan and Chinaasamodelof regional reconciliation andintegration. The exacerbate regional security dilemmas. Onthecontrary, it isperceived bySouth Union isthus notpartytoregional geopolitical rivalries, nor does its involvement and its involvement in the region’s traditional security issues is minimal. The high trustdeficit –theEU does enjoy acertainadvantage. It lacks“hard”power In Northeast Asia –aregion with ahigh concentration of material power anda order. in Asia, the EU iswaryof thedominance of power-based approaches toregional means for achieving sustainable peace.Beingconcerned about potential instability policy objective for Brussels, for strong institutions are regarded as the primary institution-building activities inotherpartsof theworld hasbeenanimportant conceptualized along thelinesof community-building logic. Its support for promoting regional cooperation andastable regional order inNortheast Asia, The EUhasmajor economic stakes inAsia. Therefore, it hasastrong interest in work” –which, initself, isacritical factor for generating trust. the ROK’s NAPCI aresubtle indicators that thelogic of community building is“at continuing geopolitical tensions, thetrilateral summit (resuscitated in2015)and multilateral approaches for addressingtheNorth Korean issue. Despite the Beijing, too,promotes trilateral cooperation with its neighbours andencourages while continuing tosupport USengagement inAsia’s “hard”security issues. include Chinain(economic) order building andtojointly tackle NTSchallenges, common security interests andmultilateralism. BothTokyo andSeoul seekto by approaches toregional order building that underscore economic cooperation, At thesametime,thesepower-based security practices have beenaccompanied military capabilities for maintaining astable regional order. Power Politics, Trust Building andtheRole of theEU Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order: 19 the unresolved North Korean issue. Yet, even in this more sensitive area,theEU’s disputes intheregion areintertwined with its competitive power dynamics and to beamore challenging task for Brussels. Themainreason for thisisthat historical At thesametime,promoting historical reconciliation inNortheast Asia may prove context, andtherebyfoster regional trilateralism intheregion’s less sensitive areas. places it inafavourable position toshareits knowledge, acquired intheEuropean cooperation with South Korea, Japan and Chinaon anumber of NTSissues. This Ibid. 19 Indeed, theEU already has extensive bilateral 10 IAI WORKING PAPERS 17 | 04 - JANUARY 2017 ISSN 2280-4331 | ISBN 978-88-9368-022-6 © 2017 IAI which path tofollow. EU. Ultimately, however, it isup totheregional stakeholders themselves tochoose Northeast Asia, while still uncertain, remains open – and this is good news for the is aprerequisite for astable regional order. Thepath tocommunity building in China. Importantly, thesethreeneighbours shareanunderstandingthat trust NTS continue todrive trilateral cooperation betweenSouth Korea, Japan and the growing economic interdependence andcommon concerns intheareaof institutions that canalleviate tensions andsecurity dilemmas. At thesametime, approaches toregional security order inNortheast Asia. Theregion still lacks historical issues andmutual distrust,underpinthepower-based andcompetitive Strategic uncertainties andgeopolitical tensions, exacerbated byunresolved Conclusion can, andshould, be asource of inspiration for Northeast Asia’s players. is indispensable for regional peace and prosperity. It is in these areas that the EU role inregional reconciliation, while thepursuit of common security approaches These include, notably, theunderstandingthat political leadership plays amajor critical aspectsof theEuropean experience areindeedrelevant intheAsian context. cooperation between South Korea, Japan and Chinasuggest that some of the The resuscitation of thetrilateral summit andtheadvancing economic andNTS still nascent, community-building approaches toregional order inNortheast Asia. expertise inconfidence andinstitution building could beusedtostimulate the, Power Politics, Trust Building andtheRole of theEU Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order: Updated 12January 2017 11 IAI WORKING PAPERS 17 | 04 - JANUARY 2017 ISSN 2280-4331 | ISBN 978-88-9368-022-6 © 2017 IAI globalasia.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/462.pdf Foreign Policy”, inGlobal Asia, Vol. 8,No. 3(Fall 2013), p.8-15, https://www. Yun Byung-se,“Park Geun-hye’s Trustpolitik: ANew Framework for South Korea’s Security Complex”, inThePacific Review, Vol. 28,No. 4(2015), p.553-575 Christian Wirth, “‘Power’ and‘stability’ intheChina-Japan-South Korea Regional International Relations of theAsia-Pacific, Vol. 13,No. 3(2013), p.479-517 Corey J. Wallace, “Japan’s Strategic Pivot South: Diversifying theDual Hedge”, in Vol. 20,No. 4(2015), p.573-589 Asia: Which Role for theEuropean Union?”, inEuropean Foreign Affairs Review, Michael Reiterer, “TheNAPCI intheVolatile Security Environment of North-East 2015, http://www.mod.go.jp/e/d_act/anpo/shishin_20150427e.html Japan Ministryof Defence, Guidelines for Japan-U.S. DefenseCooperation, 27April in International Politics, Vol. 52,No. 2(February 2015),p.208-222 Kai He, “Contested Regional OrdersandInstitutional Balancing intheAsia Pacific”, Making?, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, p.171-190 eds., Regional Order”, inElena Atanassova-Cornelis andFrans Paul vanderPutten, Jaewoo Choo,“Non-Traditional Security Cooperation andNortheast Asian maritime-disputes-in-northeast-asia 2015), http://www.iss.europa.eu/publications/detail/article/pride-and-prejudice- Prejudice: Maritime Disputes inNortheast Asia”, inEUISSReports, No. 23(April Elena Atanassova-Cornelis, Ramon Pacheco Pardo andEva Pejsova, “Prideand November 2015,http://www.e-ir.info/?p=59783 and theRegional Security OrderinEastAsia”, inE-International Relations , 24 Elena Atanassova-Cornelis andFrans Paul vanderPutten, “Strategic Uncertainty References Power Politics, Trust Building andtheRole of theEU Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order: Changing Security Dynamics in EastAsia. APost-US Regional Order in the 12 IAI WORKING PAPERS 17 | 04 - JANUARY 2017 ISSN 2280-4331 | ISBN 978-88-9368-022-6 © 2017 IAI Latest IAIWORKING PAPERS Power Politics, Trust Building andtheRole of theEU Northeast Asia’s Evolving Security Order: www.iai.it [email protected] F +39 T +39 Via Angelo Brunetti, 9-I-00186 Rome, Italy and otherpapers’ series related toIAIresearch projects. (AffarInternazionali), two series of research papers (QuaderniIAIand Research Papers) publishes anEnglish-language quarterly (TheInternational Spectator), anonline webzine and theMiddle East;defence economy andpolicy; andtransatlantic relations. TheIAI in the global economy and internationalisation processes in Italy; the Mediterranean research sectors are:European institutions andpolicies; Italian foreign policy; trends and abroad andisamemberof various international networks. 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