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The Brookings Institution
1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION Brookings Briefing PUBLIC PHILOSOPHY: WHY MORALITY MATTERS IN POLITICS Tuesday, January 24, 2006 MICHAEL SANDEL WILLIAM GALSTON CHARLES KRAUTHAMMER E.J. DIONNE, JR., Moderator [TRANSCRIPT PRODUCED FROM A TAPE RECORDING] MILLER REPORTING CO., INC. 735 8th STREET, S.E. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003-2802 (202) 546-6666 2 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. DIONNE: [In progress] —become important to their time not by seeking in a contrived and silly way something called relevance, they become important to their time by thinking clearly systematically and insightfully about public issues and public problems. And by that measure, Mike Sandel is truly one of our moment's most important political and public philosophers. So I loved it when Mike finally put out this collection called "Public Philosophy," of which we in general and, I personally believe, liberals in particular are very much in search of. I just want to read one brief passage from the beginning of Mike's book, which gives you a sense of how relevant his discussion is to our moment. He notes that the Democrats have been struggling for awhile over what some call the "moral values thing." "When Democrats in recent times have reached for moral and religious resonance," he writes, "their efforts have taken two forms, neither wholly convincing. Some, following the example of George W. Bush, have sprinkled their speeches with religious rhetoric and biblical references. So intense was the competition for divine favor in the 2000 and 2004 campaigns that a Web site, beliefnet.com, established a God-o- meter to track the candidates' references to God. -
SPYCATCHER by PETER WRIGHT with Paul Greengrass WILLIAM
SPYCATCHER by PETER WRIGHT with Paul Greengrass WILLIAM HEINEMANN: AUSTRALIA First published in 1987 by HEINEMANN PUBLISHERS AUSTRALIA (A division of Octopus Publishing Group/Australia Pty Ltd) 85 Abinger Street, Richmond, Victoria, 3121. Copyright (c) 1987 by Peter Wright ISBN 0-85561-166-9 All Rights Reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the prior written permission of the publisher. TO MY WIFE LOIS Prologue For years I had wondered what the last day would be like. In January 1976 after two decades in the top echelons of the British Security Service, MI5, it was time to rejoin the real world. I emerged for the final time from Euston Road tube station. The winter sun shone brightly as I made my way down Gower Street toward Trafalgar Square. Fifty yards on I turned into the unmarked entrance to an anonymous office block. Tucked between an art college and a hospital stood the unlikely headquarters of British Counterespionage. I showed my pass to the policeman standing discreetly in the reception alcove and took one of the specially programmed lifts which carry senior officers to the sixth-floor inner sanctum. I walked silently down the corridor to my room next to the Director-General's suite. The offices were quiet. Far below I could hear the rumble of tube trains carrying commuters to the West End. I unlocked my door. In front of me stood the essential tools of the intelligence officer’s trade - a desk, two telephones, one scrambled for outside calls, and to one side a large green metal safe with an oversized combination lock on the front. -
Claud Cockburn's the Week and the Anti-Nazi Intrigue That Produced
55 Fighting Fire with Propaganda: Claud Cockburn’s The Week and the Anti-Nazi Intrigue that Produced the ‘Cliveden Set,’ 1932-1939 by An Cushner “The public nervous system may be soothed by false explanations. But unless people are encouraged to look rather more coolly and deeply into these same phenomena of espionage and terrorism, they will make no progress towards any genuine self-defense against either.” --Claud Cockburn1 “Neville Chamberlain is lunching with me on Thursday, and I hope Edward Halifax.. .Apparently the Communist rag has been full of the Halifax-Lothian-Astor plot at Cliveden. people really seem to believe it.” --Nancy Astor to Lord Lothian2 In 1932, London Times editor Geoffrey Dawson sat at the desk of his former New York and Berlin correspondent, Claud Cockbum. A grandson of Scottish Lord Heniy Cockbum, the twenty-eight year old journalist had been born in China while his father was a diplomat with the British Legation during the Boxer Rebellion. Dawson attempted to dissuade Cockbum from quitting the Times, and he was sorry to see such a promising young newsman shun his aristocratic roots in order to join with the intellectual Left. After repeatedly trying to convince his fellow Oxford alumnus to reconsider his decision to resign, Dawson finally admitted defeat and sarcastically remarked to Cockbum that “[i]t does seem rather bad luck that you of all people should go Red on us.”3 Dawson had no way of knowing how hauntingly prophetic those words would prove to be. five years later, the strongly anti-communist newspaper editor’s words would come back to haunt him with a vengeance that neither man could have likely predicted. -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
Introduction
Notes INTRODUCTION 1. Graham Greene (ed.), The Old School (London: Jonathan Cape, 1934) 7-8. (Hereafter OS.) 2. Ibid., 105, 17. 3. Graham Greene, A Sort of Life (London: Bodley Head, 1971) 72. (Hereafter SL.) 4. OS, 256. 5. George Orwell, The Road to Wigan Pier (London: Gollancz, 1937) 171. 6. OS, 8. 7. Barbara Greene, Too Late to Turn Back (London: Settle and Bendall, 1981) ix. 8. Graham Greene, Collected Essays (London: Bodley Head, 1969) 14. (Hereafter CE.) 9. Graham Greene, The Lawless Roads (London: Longmans, Green, 1939) 10. (Hereafter LR.) 10. Marie-Franc;oise Allain, The Other Man (London: Bodley Head, 1983) 25. (Hereafter OM). 11. SL, 46. 12. Ibid., 19, 18. 13. Michael Tracey, A Variety of Lives (London: Bodley Head, 1983) 4-7. 14. Peter Quennell, The Marble Foot (London: Collins, 1976) 15. 15. Claud Cockburn, Claud Cockburn Sums Up (London: Quartet, 1981) 19-21. 16. Ibid. 17. LR, 12. 18. Graham Greene, Ways of Escape (Toronto: Lester and Orpen Dennys, 1980) 62. (Hereafter WE.) 19. Graham Greene, Journey Without Maps (London: Heinemann, 1962) 11. (Hereafter JWM). 20. Christopher Isherwood, Foreword, in Edward Upward, The Railway Accident and Other Stories (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972) 34. 21. Virginia Woolf, 'The Leaning Tower', in The Moment and Other Essays (NY: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974) 128-54. 22. JWM, 4-10. 23. Cockburn, 21. 24. Ibid. 25. WE, 32. 26. Graham Greene, 'Analysis of a Journey', Spectator (September 27, 1935) 460. 27. Samuel Hynes, The Auden Generation (New York: Viking, 1977) 228. 28. ]WM, 87, 92. 29. Ibid., 272, 288, 278. -
Why America Needs a Second Party by Harold Meyerson INSIDE DEMOCRATIC LEFT Dsaction
PUBLISHED BY THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS OF AMERICA Why America Needs A Second Party By Harold Meyerson INSIDE DEMOCRATIC LEFT DSAction ... 11 Why We Need a Second Party Jimmy Higgins Reports ... 16 by Harold Meyerson ... 3 Turning Rage Into Action: Daring To Be Ambitious: New York City DSA Commentary on the Clarence Thomas Hearings Organizes to Elect a Progressive City Council by Suzanne Crowell ... 13 by Miriam Bensman ... 6 Book Review: Guy Molyneux reviews E.J. Dionne's Why Americans Hate Politics ... 14 On TheLefJ Canadian Health Care Speakers Tour Report ... 8 Cover photo by Robert Fox/Impact Visuals EDITORIAL West European social democracies. In bachev is correct to want those "inter SOVI ET the Soviet Union, he'd like to see similar esting results" in democracy, economic welfare state guarantees, active labor development, and human rights that market policies, and government in- are inspired by the socialist idea. In tervention in the economy for both this respect, he's in tune with the DREAMER growth and equity. In his heart of citizens of his country since polls con hearts, Gorby wants his country to sistently show widespread support by Joanne Barkan look like Sweden in good times. among them for welfare state guaran- Dream on -- James Baker would tees. If George Bush would stop ex The coup in the Soviet Union fails. certainly respond. And democratic so- porting his models of misery, what's The train of history is back on the cialists everywhere would have to admit worked best for the West Europeans reform track -- for the moment. Re that the economic resources and insti- might -- with time and aid -- work for publics of the former empire declare tutional mechanisms just don't exist the East. -
Andy Higgins, BA
Andy Higgins, B.A. (Hons), M.A. (Hons) Music, Politics and Liquid Modernity How Rock-Stars became politicians and why Politicians became Rock-Stars Thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. in Politics and International Relations The Department of Politics, Philosophy and Religion University of Lancaster September 2010 Declaration I certify that this thesis is my own work and has not been submitted in substantially the same form for the award of a higher degree elsewhere 1 ProQuest Number: 11003507 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11003507 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract As popular music eclipsed Hollywood as the most powerful mode of seduction of Western youth, rock-stars erupted through the counter-culture as potent political figures. Following its sensational arrival, the politics of popular musical culture has however moved from the shared experience of protest movements and picket lines and to an individualised and celebrified consumerist experience. As a consequence what emerged, as a controversial and subversive phenomenon, has been de-fanged and transformed into a mechanism of establishment support. -
(Dis)Encounters in Oliver Stones's South Of
101 HEMISPHERIC TRAVELLING AND (DIS)ENCOUNTERS IN OLIVER STONES’S SOUTH OF THE 1 Anelise R. Corseuil Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina RESUMO: O filme de Oliver Stone "Ao Sul da Fronteira", produzido em 2009, apresenta entrevistas e depoimentos de diversos presidentes latino-americanos, focalizando as diferenças políticas entre a América Latina e os Estados Unidos. Neste contexto, este trabalho analisa os discursos conflitantes subjacentes ao filme, quais sejam, seus discursos denunciatórios do neoliberalismo e o apagamento de diferenças nacionais da América Latina através da própria construção estética e narrativa fílmica e da projeção de um discurso democrata e anti-republicano, que perpassa a visão política da América Latina de Oliver Stone. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Documentário; Narrativas de viagem; Oliver Stone; América Latina. ABSTRACT: Military dictatorships, guerrillas and geopolitical conflicts in Latin- American countries like Brazil, Chile, Argentina, Mexico, Nicaragua and El Salvador have been the object of analysis in various Canadian and American fictional films and documentaries in the last decades. Innumerable films and documentaries produced in Canada and the U.S. with institutional have depicted geopolitical conflicts in Latin America. Within this context of filmic production, this paper analyzes Oliver Stone´s documentary “South of the Border”, produced in 2009. Stone presents various interviews by former Latin American presidents. The film focuses on political differences between Latin America national politics and US foreign policies, as well as on US major TV Channels and its manipulation of the media, regarding Latin American political arena. The paper analyzes the conflicting discourses imbued in the film: its denouncing tone of neoliberalism and the erasure of Latin American national differences in the aesthetics choices and narrative techniques of the film. -
Populism in a Divided America Stephen Richardson
CONTRIBUTOR BIO STEPHEN RICHARDSON is a third year political science student, concentrat- ing in pre-law, and is a member of the Cal Poly Marksmanship Club. Stephen is a Marine veteran who was stationed in Okinawa, Japan from 2009-2011. Stephen hopes to eventually pursue a career in international law or diplomacy focused in national security. POPULISM IN A DIVIDED AMERICA Stephen Richardson “It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, Black, White, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of red states and blue states. We are, and always will be, the United States of America.” — Former President Barack Obama’s 2008 Victory Speech Former President Barack Obama most likely did not foresee how ironic this quote would become when he took the stage in Chicago after his historic 2008 election. Americans are now more divided and polarized than he could have imagined. Cultural divisions and political partisanship have been reaching fever-pitch, as a wave of populism has swept through Europe and the United States, fanning fears of demagoguery. With Brexit in the United Kingdom, and President Trump’s shocking victory in the US, many mainstream observers fear that fascism is both spreading through and threatening liberal democracies.1 1 Sheri Berman, “Populism is not Fascism: But it Could Be a Harbinger.” Foreign Affairs, December, 2016, 39. paideia Fascism is profoundly different than populism, and attempts to claim that recent events equate to fascism are exaggerated and incorrect. -
Shaping the Inheritance of the Spanish Civil War on the British Left, 1939-1945 a Thesis Submitted to the University of Manches
Shaping the Inheritance of the Spanish Civil War on the British Left, 1939-1945 A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Master of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2017 David W. Mottram School of Arts, Languages and Cultures Table of contents Abstract p.4 Declaration p.5 Copyright statement p.5 Acknowledgements p.6 Introduction p.7 Terminology, sources and methods p.10 Structure of the thesis p.14 Chapter One The Lost War p.16 1.1 The place of ‘Spain’ in British politics p.17 1.2 Viewing ‘Spain’ through external perspectives p.21 1.3 The dispersal, 1939 p.26 Conclusion p.31 Chapter Two Adjustments to the Lost War p.33 2.1 The Communist Party and the International Brigaders: debt of honour p.34 2.2 Labour’s response: ‘The Spanish agitation had become history’ p.43 2.3 Decline in public and political discourse p.48 2.4 The political parties: three Spanish threads p.53 2.5 The personal price of the lost war p.59 Conclusion p.67 2 Chapter Three The lessons of ‘Spain’: Tom Wintringham, guerrilla fighting, and the British war effort p.69 3.1 Wintringham’s opportunity, 1937-1940 p.71 3.2 ‘The British Left’s best-known military expert’ p.75 3.3 Platform for influence p.79 3.4 Defending Britain, 1940-41 p.82 3.5 India, 1942 p.94 3.6 European liberation, 1941-1944 p.98 Conclusion p.104 Chapter Four The political and humanitarian response of Clement Attlee p.105 4.1 Attlee and policy on Spain p.107 4.2 Attlee and the Spanish Republican diaspora p.113 4.3 The signal was Greece p.119 Conclusion p.125 Conclusion p.127 Bibliography p.133 49,910 words 3 Abstract Complexities and divisions over British left-wing responses to the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1939 have been well-documented and much studied. -
Intellectual Radicalism After 1989: Crisis and Re- Orientation in the British and the American Left Berg, Sebastian
www.ssoar.info Intellectual Radicalism after 1989: Crisis and Re- orientation in the British and the American Left Berg, Sebastian Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Habilitationsschrift / habilitation treatise Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: transcript Verlag Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Berg, S. (2016). Intellectual Radicalism after 1989: Crisis and Re-orientation in the British and the American Left. (Edition Politik, 32). Bielefeld: transcript Verlag. https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839434185 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-70052-4 Sebastian Berg Intellectual Radicalism after 1989 Political Science | Volume 32 2017-02-20 13-47-25 --- Projekt: transcript.titeleien / Dokument: FAX ID 026e453961482398|(S. 1- 4) TIT3418.p 453961482406 to my friends Sebastian Berg (Dr. habil.) teaches Social and Cultural Studies of Anglophone Societies at Ruhr University Bochum. His research interests include the history and politics of »the Left«, social movements, and environmentalism. 2017-02-20 13-47-25 --- Projekt: transcript.titeleien / Dokument: FAX ID 026e453961482398|(S. 1- 4) TIT3418.p 453961482406 Sebastian Berg Intellectual Radicalism after 1989 Crisis and Re-orientation in the British and the American Left 2017-02-20 13-47-25 --- Projekt: transcript.titeleien / Dokument: FAX ID 026e453961482398|(S. -
The Socialist Calculation Debate and New Socialist Models in Light of a Contextual Historical Materialist Interpretation
THE SOCIALIST CALCULATION DEBATE AND NEW SOCIALIST MODELS IN LIGHT OF A CONTEXTUAL HISTORICAL MATERIALIST INTERPRETATION by Adam Balsam BSc [email protected] Supervised by Justin Podur BSc MScF PhD A Major Paper submitted to the Faculty of Environmental and Urban Change in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Environmental Studies York University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada December 11, 2020 Table of Contents The Statement of Requirements for the Major Paper ................................................................................. iii Abstract ........................................................................................................................................................ iv Foreword ...................................................................................................................................................... vi Section I: Introduction, Context, Framework and Methodology .................................................................. 1 Preamble ............................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 4 Context of this Investigation ................................................................................................................. 5 The Possibilities of Socialist Models ..................................................................................................