Chapter 4 Chapter 4

143 Hanging out in Koivukylä and the youth - A study of social control

Yu-Yi Huynh David Kerr Ella Stark Aino Suomalainen Juuda Tamminen & Daria Tarkhova Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

handled at the neighborhood level, among the Introduction neighbors in their everyday lives? Inspired by the earlier urban research, we decided to concentrate on one neighborhood. One of the dominant topics in contemporary Koivukylä, known as “Koivis” by the locals urban research in western countries is seg- - is a neighborhood in eastern Vantaa. Based regation (e.g. Musterd et al. 2015; Anders- on earlier research and on current popu- son et al. 2010). Since the beginning of the lation statistics, Koivukylä appears to be 21st century there has been active discus- one of the least socio-economically advan- sion on, and growing concerns about, segre- taged neighborhoods. Paradoxically, it has gation in the Helsinki metropolitan region. also been interesting to urban researchers Several notable pieces of research have been because of its conventionality as a typical conducted to understand the reasons behind Finnish suburb built in the 1970s, quickly this development (e.g. Kortteinen & Vaat- built from concrete, far away from the city tovaara 2000). Attention has been drawn to center, to respond to the needs of the mass the neighborhoods with accumulated socioeco- move (e.g. Kortteinen 1982). We have not nomic disadvantages, the so-called “pockets been strict when defining the borders of our of poverty” (Vaattovaara 1998) or “internal research area. First, we defined the area urban peripheries” (Musterd et al. 2015). In by using the postal code, which includes the Finnish context, these areas are most- both the Koivukylä and Havukoski districts. ly the old suburbs with a large number of We soon realized, however, that at a mental apartment buildings from the 1960s, 1970s level, the locals, such as our interviewees, and 1980s (Kortteinen & Vaattovaara 2000, refer to only Havukoski when talking about 144 120). Koivukylä. In other words, the neighborhood, as experienced by its residents, has borders Research on segregation is relatively that are more flexible than the administra- recent in Finland but the concern about the tive borders. suburbs, and about the people living there, has been present since the early history of Our study focuses on the local young peo- urban studies (e.g. Kortteinen 1982). Ear- ple. By “young people,” we refer to a social ly studies focused on the aftermath of the category based, generally, on their age. so-called “Great Move.” During the indus- This means that we do not specify the age trialization in Finland after the World War groups in our research, except in the parts II, large suburbs were built to accommodate of research that require quantitative data. the large population moving from the ru- Based on previous studies, we can assume ral areas to the cities (Gronow et al.1977, that socioeconomic inequality, and thus seg- 478). The frame of study has changed; the regation as its spatial manifestation, has problem is not about the rootless people of an especially strong effect on children’s the Great Move anymore, but is rather the and young people’s lives and social rela- socioeconomic inequality and the new urban tions (e.g. Hakovirta & Rantalaiho 2012). poverty, meaning social problems and disad- Furthermore, children are especially sen- vantages and poverty related to urban life, sitive to neighborhood effects because of which is framed as segregation. In any case, their ongoing social development process the geographical focus of the study remains (e.g. Bernelius 2011). One reason for this the same; the interest is still in the same is that young people tend to be more local- suburbs. Thus, in a way, our research is ized than adults. The main reason for this travelling to the roots of the early ways is the Finnish regional school principle, of studying a Finnish suburb and its social meaning that most children go to school in relations. As presented by Matti Korttein- the neighborhood they live in. en (1982) in Lähiö: Is there a problem with Our research questions are: (1) What is suburbia (lähiöongelma) and if so, what is the role of local actors in implementing so- this problem? Furthermore, how is the prob- cial control among young people in Koivuky- lem or how are the problems, presented and lä?; and (2) How is segregation reflected in Chapter 4

the experience of the neighborhood and in the behavior of the local youth? We are seeking to understand the different forms of social relations of the young people in the suburban context, pay- ing special attention to relations between young people and local authorities. These relations will be studied by using social control theories, which are one way to explain society. Taking social control theory to urban space, by using the concept of “hanging out,” offers us an opportunity to look at the local reality as part of a larger phenomenon such as segregation.

145

Construction of Koivukylä-Havu- koski from the 1960's

Koivukylä-Major Region The study area small regions (pienalueet), Havukoski and Koivukylä, are part of the Koivukylä major region (suuralue). The Koivuky- lä major region is located in eastern Vantaa, and is surrounded by the major regions of Korso, Tikkuri- Figure 1a–b. Small areas of la, Hakunila, and Aviapolis. Koivukylä major region and the There are five small regions study area of Koivukylä and Havu- in the Koivukylä district: koski highlighted with yellow. in addition to Koivukylä and Havukoski, Ilola, Asola, Päiväkoski, and Rekola are Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

also located within these borders. The loca- in Finland and it is the first totally pre- tion of our study area is visualized in Fig- served suburb in Vantaa. The entire apart- ure 1a–b, in which Koivukylä and Havukoski ment building area is protected by the mas- are highlighted in yellow. ter plan. The Havukoski suburb is a unique Hanaböle village was historically locat- model in the field of suburban construction ed in the Koivukylä major region, and the (Vantaa alueittain… 2015, 195). In order oldest notes on Hanaböle are from the 1500s. to construct a socially successful suburb, However, the area was most likely populat- the planning process included experts from ed earlier (Vantaa alueittain... 2015, 175). various fields, such as sociologists and The small center of Koivukylä is divided psychologists working alongside architects. into three small regions – Koivukylä, Asola The area was planned to be very efficiently and Havukoski. built and it was advertised with the slo- gan: “A compact city is a contact city”. The Koivukylä’s major region is mainly a resi- building style is typical for the 1970s era. dential area. Job self-sufficiency in Vantaa High-rise buildings are over ten stories is lower only in the major region of Korso. high, and between those there are three- and These days there are 28,062 inhabitants in four-story buildings as well. Row houses the Koivukylä major region (Vantaa alueit- were built on the periphery of Havukoski. tain… 2017). The number of inhabitants has Thousands of new apartments were built in increased by about 11,000 people since 1980. Havukoski in the 1970s, but far less than The original plan in the 1970s was to devel- the number that had been planned. Parts of op the Koivukylä major region as one of the the construction plan were postponed and regional centers of the Helsinki region with changed; for example, buildings were built 50,000 inhabitants living nearby by the year lower than originally planned. Sato and 146 2000 (Vantaa alueittain… 2015, 179). Haka acted as construction companies and The center is not very well connected they only built apartments, though they had because the center is divided by the rail- the opportunity to build service centers as way track and a small riverbed, Rekolanoja. well. Since the 1970s, quite a few apart- Intense development of the center eventual- ments have been built in Havukoski (Vantaa ly resulted in better commercial services, alueittain… 2015, 194–195). but the residents had to wait for over 30 Havukoski has one of the highest concen- years. A small shopping center was built in trations of apartment buildings in Vantaa. the late 2000s on the border of Asola and There were fewer than 100 inhabitants in Koivukylä, with a K-Citymarket acting as the 1971, but by 1980 there were already 10,530 anchor tenant. These days there are several inhabitants. Today there are 8,163 inhabit- grocery stores and some specialty stores in ants in the Havukoski small region (Vantaa the center as well. alueittain… 2015). By the end of 1990s, the Havukoski suburb was one of the neighbor- Havukoski Small Region hoods in Vantaa supported with the help of the European Union’s (EU) “Project Urban.” Havukoski is located east of the main rail- Project Urban aimed to create better liv- way line (Helsinki–Tampere). The northern ing environments, and in the Havukoski area part is the densely built Koivukylä-Havu- the environment and properties were reno- koski suburb, whereas the southern part is vated. In addition, the area was developed filled with open Hanaböle fields, as well as with different social and cultural actions. Keravanjoki and Rekolanoja running through The old village of Hanaböle and its environ- those fields (Vantaa alueittain… 2015, ment, as well as Keravanjoki shore, are the 194–195). most important areas for recreation (Vantaa Havukoski suburban planning started in alueittain… 2015, 194-195). Along Keravan- 1967 (Vantaa alueittain… 2015, 194–195). joki, there are wide green spaces, swimming The first inhabitants moved there in 1972. places, and carpet laundry places. Havukoski is a good example of the 1970s era Chapter 4

Koivukylä Small Region Earlier Research and The- The small area of Koivukylä is located on the southern side of Asola, and on oretical Background its eastern side there is the main railway line, and the Havukoski small area. Two busy roads, Asolanväylä and Koivukylänväylä, pass through Koivukylä (Vantaa alueittain… 2015, Our theoretical framework has been con- 178–179). The name Koivukylä comes from the structed by using social control theory birch tree that prevails in the area. Woods (e.g. Cohen 1985; Innes 2003). First, we are strongly presented in the names in the approached social control at a general lev- area, because most of the areas are named el, and then we explored the social dynam- after tree species. On the western side of ics of a neighborhood through the concept Koivukylä there are wide uninhabited green of collective efficacy. Finally, we used the spaces, which lead far away to the north concept of hanging out to explore social and south. Simonsillan korpi with its old control in urban space. These theories help thinned clump of spruces is partly located us to approach both the young people and the in Havukoski. This forest is suitable for neighborhood-level social relations. outdoor activities, and the residents of It has been recognized that at a local Havukoski have this great recreation oppor- level (suburbs), social organization is usu- tunity only a few minutes away from home. ally constructed by different groups, such There are 4,075 inhabitants in the as middle-class groups and disadvantaged Koivukylä small region. The settlement of groups (Anderson 1999). In the suburban Koivukylä is divided by an old detached public space, social control and power is housing area and a newer apartment building negotiated constantly through each group’s 147 area (Vantaa alueittain… 2015, 178–179). The culture and lifestyle. The way social or- detached housing area, located on the east ganization is constructed affects habitabil- and southern side of Leinelä, has been built ity, by causing tensions between different slowly over time after the wars in Finland, groups, for example (Anderson 1999). From and the area has been condensed until today. the perspective of social control, it is The busiest time for apartment building in relevant to ask which local group is able to Koivukylä was in the 1980s. A group of high- determine the boundaries between appropriate rise apartment houses was built beside the and unsuitable behavior, and maintain those train station, which is part of the Koivuky- boundaries? lä center. Construction of apartment houses in Kinesmanpuisto began in the 1980s, and Social Control Theory the last buildings were completed in the 1990s. One way to interpret social behavior is so- There have been fewer families in the cial control theory. It usually refers to Koivukylä small region since the 1990s, and norms which create frames for social life. the number of single inhabitants has also Social control is an unspoken rule for the increased since then. Koivukylä is grow- behavior of individuals, while it is em- ing because of the Leinelä dwelling area. bedded in institutions operating in society Leinelä is a new housing area located in (Innes 2003). Social control refers to so- northwestern Koivukylä and has been develop- ciety’s response to deviant behavior, or it ing since 2008. The area is named after an can be the factor determining why one does old farm named “Leile.” The first inhabit- not show deviant behavior (Black 1976). The ants moved there at the beginning of 2011, frames of social control have taken their and at the same time, Leinelä´s nursery was form throughout the history of a society, opened. The Ring Rail line from the Helsinki and they change as society changes (Cohen center to Leinelä improved the accessibility 1985). of the area. Stanley Cohen (1985) distinguishes two Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

forms of social control - hard-edge and use power during social interaction. Martin soft-edge. While hard-edge social control Innes (2003) especially concentrates on the refers to forceful intervention in the be- means of social control within everyday in- havior of individuals, soft-edge social con- teractions. Society rests on these standard- trol is conciliatory. When soft-edge social ized “interaction rituals” (Innes 2003, 53). control takes place, psychological methods This is exactly the case of our study of are often used to resolve the possibly prob- local authorities in relation to young peo- lematic situation. When young people show ple. These social dynamics, which take place signs of possible deviant behavior, soft- within one neighborhood, have an impact on edge social control is used to create more overall neighborhood cohesion. of a therapeutic situation, rather than an “authority against the individual” - type of situation. Collective Efficacy Cohen (1985, 78–79), who has studied so- Collective efficacy is a concept introduced cial control in Western Europe, described by Robert Sampson (2012). Collective effica- the role of family and schooling as a “hard cy is a part of social processes in neigh- or soft penetration in social body.” Howev- borhoods. These social processes are linked er, in the Finnish context, this could be to residents’ well-being and disadvantage. expanded to a concept of the education sys- Neighborhoods have repeating cultural and tem, practiced by the state and the society, social mechanisms that have long-term ef- targeting the young. The adults involved in fects on phenomena at a neighborhood level. hobbies and free-time activities take part According to Sampson (2012, 369), collective in the education process of a young person, efficacy affects individuals’ reactions, 148 and thus practice social control. Accord- such as experiences and pre-expectations of ing to Cohen, the soft approach includes crime and disorderly behavior. Shared per- teachers, social workers, and psychologists ceptions and trust are therefore important “picking up” on the deviant behavior and for cohesion in the neighborhood; similar trying to encourage them to change it. Hard shared views of the social control often social control is practiced more through form a safe and active neighborhood. punishment, for example detention and iso- Collective efficacy has two mechanisms: lation of the child from society. From this social cohesion and shared expectations for description it is possible to say that the control. Informal social control takes place Finnish education system practices and pre- in public space, such as watching children’s fers soft-edged social control, at least in play or groups of youths. According to Samp- relation to underage individuals. son (2012, 152), for social control to work, Even though social control is ambiguous- it does not need always to happen in the ly present in everyday social relations, closest relationship, and neighbors do not there are some social situations it can be have to be particularly close in order for especially detected within. As a matter of social control to take place. In addition, fact, some actors are consciously performing social infrastructure, such as resident social control. For example, the police are committees, is important for the construc- authorized by the state to perform social tion of well-being in residential areas. control on individuals of any age (Innes Neighborhood organizations, such as resident 2003, 64). Some actors are not as clearly committees or clubs, provide the opportuni- connected to social control as the police. ty to improve the collective efficacy and Nevertheless, it is a norm in most societies population activity, and hence the wellbeing that adults perform social control over the of the entire residential area. These organ- young. Within the frame of this study, we izations may be formal or informal (Sampson explore social control, which is used by au- 2012, 181). thorities towards young people, in Koivuky- If the area has a high collective ef- lä. ficacy, residents often experience great- All in all, social control is a way to er well-being than a passive neighborhood; Chapter 4

there is clearly less crime, and health because hanging out does not intrinsically overall is better. According to Sampson involve consumption, their presence is seen (2012, 368), the effects of collective ef- as unacceptable. To control the situation, ficacy are not dependent on ethnicity or many public and semi-public spaces employ the wealth of the area; the phenomenon is security guards to manage the practicalities detected everywhere. of enforcing rules. They are, in essence, the instruments of social control. Youth “Hanging Out” and Social Control Recent studies have shown that both police and security guards practice higher levels It would be misleading to discuss young of social control on young people than ever people in Koivukylä, and forms of social before, despite the lack of a corresponding control which affect their everyday lives, rise in youth delinquency or use of alcohol without addressing the topic of hanging out. (Saarikkomäki 2017, 17). This is part of a Hanging out can be understood as a form of much wider trend in which the privatization participation in the public arena, in which and commercialization of public space has young people claim spaces for informal, but restructured the politics of public space meaningful engagement with peers and every- and surveillance (Low & Smith 2006), and day surroundings. Noora Pyyry (2015, 7–8) given rise to the rapid increase of private calls these momentary hangout homes, in security forces. On the other hand, there is which the youths appropriate public space not much evidence to support the view that in order to actively do nothing, and thus young people would be more antisocial or escape the purposive and goal-oriented seri- violent than they were before. For example, ousness of the adult world. She argues that Venla Salmi (2008; 2012) has compared Finn- the playful improvisation of unsupervised ish self-reported youth delinquency between 149 hanging out is especially important for 1962 and 2006 and between 1995 and 2012, young people because it is in stark contrast and found that there had been very little to the otherwise highly scheduled and struc- change. It is unclear whether increased po- tured life of family, school, and organized licing has had an impact on deterring delin- hobbies (Pyyry 2015). Places such as shop- quency or not. ping malls and gas stations become social The underlying socio-economic element to playgrounds which transcend their original social control practiced by the police and function as places of consumption and tran- security guards is of particular interest. sitory movement. In fact, hanging out can Elsa Saarikkomäki (2017) found that police directly challenge and disrupt these func- and security interventions are socially se- tions to the point that even the act of do- lective among youths in Finland. Although ing nothing becomes an act of disobedience. delinquency and heavy drinking were found The term often given to this unruly behavior to be strong predictors of both police and is loitering, and many semi-public spaces security guard encounters, social factors explicitly deny the right to do so. increased the likelihood of intervention Several years ago, a mall in Lahti at- (Saarikkomäki 2017, 61–66). In fact, youths tempted to deal with the problem of loi- from lower social classes and non-nuclear tering by installing a high frequency noise families receive a disproportionate amount maker that could not be detected by most of attention, even when considering varying adults but would drive young people away levels of delinquency. (Lähdetluoma 2009). The general manager of It can therefore be argued that segrega- the shopping mall said that she did not tion has causal effects among young people want to expel the youth completely because living in poorer neighborhoods, in the way they are good customers, but that she hoped local policing target them compared to their to end loitering because of customer com- peers living in wealthier and better edu- plaints about young people misbehaving. In cated neighborhoods. Whether this is due to other words, consumption would legitimize corresponding levels of youth delinquency is their presence and use of the premises, but still debatable, but what is certain is that Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

Finnish youths experience increasing levels Urban regions spatial data (2016). Income of social control when hanging out in public and education are commonly used factors in spaces. segregation studies. Education, especially, is often seen as the “primus motor” of well-being (e.g. Pisa 2015… 2017). The Scaling Segregation: higher the parent’s educational level, the fewer economic problems the children tend to Helsinki Metropoli- have in their family life (Lammi-Taskula & Salmi 2010). Earlier research has shown that tan Region, Vantaa and income inequality affects how children form social relations and their ability to cope Koivukylä in social situations, both at school and outside school, especially social relations between children and inside their families (e.g. Hakovirta & Rantalaiho 2012). If we assume that spatial segregation sets The heat map (Figure 2) shows the general the framework for local social life, as pre- situation with the segregation index in the sented earlier, scaling with spatial units Helsinki region. As the map shows, segrega- will help us to gain more knowledge on the tion hotspots form a mosaic and are somewhat linkages between the structural level de- scattered across the region. However, there velopment and the neighborhood level social are some spatial patterns present. South- life. This approach is also required due ern parts close to the coastline are almost to the scattered spatial pattern of Finnish entirely on the positive side of the index. 150 segregation development. As many of the previous studies have shown, Research done at the beginning of this there are more disadvantaged spots on the century in Finland and especially in Hel- eastern side of the region (e.g. Vaattovaara sinki, has revealed the mosaic-like pat- & Kortteinen 2000). A second pattern of neg- tern of the concentration of socio-economic ative hotspots can be found by following the disadvantage (e.g. Kortteinen & Vaattovaara rail line northeast. 2000). This is due to a strong social mix- The Koivukylä-Havukoski area is a good ing policy in housing development which was example of mosaic-like segregation in a originally meant to prevent the development closer level analysis (Figure 3). Despite of segregation. However, since the 1990s the proximity of the Koivukylä and Havu- this policy, together with the latest chang- koski small regions, these two areas are es in the Finnish economic and demographic quite different in regard to population structure - such as the decline of heavy and housing structure. Figure 3 reveals the industry, the growth of knowledge-intensive pockets of socio-economic disadvantage in sector, and international immigration - has grids that measure 250 by 250 meters. The given this unique pattern to the spatial division between Koivukylä and Havukoski is differentiation. clear; there are more grids on Havukoski’s To visualize the spatial structure of side of adults with lower income levels and segregation, we have created maps (Figures no education. The average income per person 2,3) by using a segregation index which in Koivukylä is 30,937 euros annually, while combines two factors: income and education. in Havukoski it is 23,532 euros, which is The maps are based on standardized values of over 20 percent lower (Appendix A). Similar- non-educated adults and individual-level in- ly, the unemployment rate is over 19 percent come (mean=0 and standard deviation=1). The in Havukoski, which is over seven percentage higher values indicate a higher income lev- points higher than in Koivukylä (11.3%), and el and lower share of non-educated adults, noticeably higher than the average unemploy- while the lower values indicate a smaller ment rate in Vantaa (10.3%). In addition, income and higher share of adults with no the proportion of foreign-language speaking education. The information is based on YKR population in Havukoski (30%) is more than Chapter 4

151

Figure 2. Segregation in Helsinki Region (Helsinki, Espoo, Vantaa, Kau- niainen) by using segregation index (education and income) (Statistics Finland 2016). Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

152

Figure 3. Segregation in Havukoski and Koivukylä small areas by using segregation index (education and income) in a 250 meter by 250 meter grid (Statistics Finland 2016). Chapter 4

twice as much as in Koivukylä (13.6%). In allowed us to experiment with the options of other words, Havukoski has simultaneously using different research methods to under- an accumulation of population with a lower stand the complexity of social relations in income level, lower educational levels, and a suburban neighborhood, and in this way with immigrant backgrounds. to suggest new openings to the segregation One explanation for the differences in discussion. In the meantime, we also wanted the population strata between the areas is to argue that there is a need for classical their differences in housing structure and neighborhood-level research even if we seek tenure type. In earlier research on seg- to understand the large phenomenon of urban regation in the Helsinki region, the neg- development. ative consequences of the phenomenon tend to concentrate on the neighborhoods with Expert Interviews high-rise blocks, rental housing, and small flats (e.g. Kortteinen & Vaattovaara 2000). We conducted semi-structured, theme-based Cultural stigmatization of social housing interviews with five experts working in the has also decreased the popularity of these Koivukylä area. These experts work with the types of areas (Kortteinen et al. 2006). youth in Koivukylä in different capacities, Havukoski is the most apartment-build- but they also have a professional under- ing-dominated area in Vantaa, thus it has a standing of Vantaa in general. We provided high population density; whereas Koivukylä them with complete anonymity in order for is mainly dominated by detached houses, own- the interviewees to include more sensitive ership housing, and recently built apartment topics about their work. We chose individu- housing (Appendix B). als that have been working in Koivukylä for a long time and therefore possessed a thor- 153 ough understanding of the situation in the neighborhood. In our interviews we wanted to find the particular local conditions in which wider themes such as social control manifest Methodological Framework themselves. In this way we hoped to contex- tualize our research questions. Whereas the survey data we analyzed was not was not de- signed for our specific research questions, In this study, we used a mixed methods ap- the semi-structured interviews were, and we proach. The approach combines both qualita- were able to ask the local experts about tive and quantitative research, as well as topics which would otherwise remain hidden. data from a research study. Mixed method research is based on the idea that all methods have bias or weaknesses and with the col- Survey Data lection of both types of data, these weaknesses can be neutralized (Creswell 2013). To avoid the overrepresentation of adults The use of different kinds of data completes and the institutional perspective in re- the understanding of the research problem search, which after all studies the youth and improves the reliability of the research demographic, we used survey data which were analysis. In our study, two major datasets collected as part of a project coordinated have been used: youth survey data and expert by The Centre for Educational Assessment at interviews. In addition, we have observa- The University of Helsinki (MetrOP-tutkimu- tions and visual supports, such as the rich sohjelma 2010). The project sought to study picture of Koivukylä. learning and wellbeing of young people in the Helsinki metropolitan region, and the The members of our research group have survey measures young people’s attitudes to their educational background in social the future, school, and their neighborhood. sciences, geography and the arts, which has The survey data set allows us to give Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

a voice to young people’s own experienc- some postal code areas. Since we used only es of the quality of social life in their descriptive statistical methods, this was neighborhood, and also to understand so- not a major problem and we decided to ex- cial control from their perspective. We are clude the responses from the postal code ar- interested in their response to the social eas with fewer than 10 respondents. As a re- control practiced by authorities, as well as sult, our postal code analysis included 132 the indirect indicators such as social net- postal code areas in the Helsinki region. works, and levels of trust and fear, which are the key elements of social cohesion. However, the survey data were not used as Variables the principal data set in our research. The Two types of spatial unit have been used original survey design has a strong focus on as background variables in our analysis: education and children’s learning, and this respondents’ municipality of residence, and does not directly respond to our needs in postal code. Using both variables allowed us this research. Thus, we chose only a few key to have a scaled approach to the data. variables based on our theories, and our fo- In addition to some basic background var- cus on social relations and control, and we iables (such as parents’ education level and approached these variables by using descrip- housing type), we were mainly interested in tive statistical methods. the following variables (Table 1) about the subjective experience of young people in Data Description their neighborhood: The survey data were collected in 2010 from Based on our theoretical background, we can assume that these variables reflect the 154 7th graders in 14 municipalities with over 8,000 respondents. For our research purpos- phenomena related to social control and col- es, we concentrated on the data collect- lective efficacy: intervention practiced by ed from the Helsinki region municipalities adults in the neighborhood to adolescents, (Helsinki, Vantaa, Espoo, and Kauniainen). trust, feelings of safety, pre-expectation There were outliers especially in the age of crime at a local level, and adolescents’ and postal code data points which we consid- social networks. These individual variables ered as clear errors, and they were removed. were chosen to analyze the experience of The survey was mostly filled autonomously by the young people, and were parallel to the the adolescent, which might be one explana- interview questions asked of adults/institution for these data errors. In this way our tions. sample size was 5,302 respondents in total. The survey design posed some challeng- The age of the respondents varied between 10 es to our research, which has been taken and 13 years. In addition, we were also in- into account in our analysis. Firstly, the terested in the responses from people living youth survey studied only 7th graders, while in Koivukylä–Havukoski (postal code: 01360). our research interest is “young people” in The original sampling was done by schools. general. In other words, the group of study This posed some challenges to our research in the quantitative analysis is narrower frame as we were interested in the neigh- than the one used in the interviews. Sec- borhoods where the students are from, not ondly, the smallest spatial unit of analysis the schools themselves. Most students in the used in the survey was a postal code. This Helsinki region study at their local school unit is relatively large when considering based on the administrative distribution of the differences between the Koivukylä and schooling areas. The schooling areas are Havukoski areas, which share the same postal large in Espoo and Vantaa and there is also code, but which are drastically different the option to attend a school other than the when comparing their population strata (see local one. In other words, postal codes are chapter 3). The way people experience the smaller units than schooling areas, so there boundaries of their neighborhood is not the is an imbalance of the representativeness of same as the way postal codes define those Chapter 4

Table 1. Variables. Variable Scale

K&A 6b My neighbors will notice if I misbehave and 1-5 (strongly disagree-strongly agree) they will intervene. “Naapurini huomaavat. jos käyttäydyn huonosti. ja puuttuvat siihen.”

K&A 6k I can trust the people in my neighborhood. 1-5 (strongly disagree-strongly agree) “Asuinalueeni ihmisiin voi luottaa.”

K&A 6m I can walk alone safely in my neighborhood 1-5 (strongly disagree-strongly agree) after dark. “Voin turvallisesti kävellä yksin asuinalueellani pimeän tulon jälkeen.”

K&A 8d There is a fight or someone is being 1-5 (not at all probable-completely probable) threatened or beaten in front of your house. “Kotitalosi edustalla on tappelu ja jotakuta uhataan tai lyödään.”

K&A 11b Are your after-school-friends living on 1-4 (almost nobody - less than half -over half - almost walking/biking distance? everyone) “Asuvatko koulun jälkeen -kaverit kävely- tai pyörämatkan päässä?”

155 boundaries. Since we were interested in social developed as part of Peter Checkland’s Soft phenomena, such as social control, we had to Systems Methodology (SSM) and by the System pay attention to the variation within a post- Group at the Open University UK. al code area. This was also a reason why we In our case, we thought they could be used mixed research methods which use different used as a means to gain an overview of the categories. In the survey, the categories were various forms of social control in a small given, whereas in the interviews, they were geographic area, and to visualize these for- more flexible and questioned. The expert in- mations simultaneously on the same picture terviewees also questioned our spatial framing plane. We also hoped the images would make since most of them referred to Havukoski when it clearer for readers how social control talking about Koivukylä. Thirdly, most of the manifests itself in Koivukylä and why sites variables we used were scaled from 1-5 (e.g. of disorganization appear in the places they strongly disagree to strongly agree). This do. To develop and specify the rich pictures meant that the scale contains the so-called further, we also researched the use of draw- “neutral option,” or option 3, which is a prob- ing in ethnographic observations (Kuschnir lematic since it does not provide much informa- 2016), and integrated some of our ethno- tion and many people tend to choose it. Thus, graphic visualizations into the images. we only used the extremes in our analysis.

Ethical Challenges Rich Pictures and Visual Ethnography As the study involves analysis of a wide We used rich pictures to visualize social con- range of qualitative and quantitative data, trol in different places in Koivukylä. Rich and given the focus on young people, a num- pictures can be described as a flexible graph- ber of ethical problems were addressed. We ical technique used to represent a situation, decided that conducting a local analysis problem, or concept (Horan 2000). They were could produce more new knowledge and under- Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

standing of distinct phenomena than focus- childhoods is crucial. ing solely on a societal level discourse, so Morrow (2008) identifies a number of are- naming the locality of study could not be as of sensitivity including: the process of avoided. However, because of the small size obtaining consent, children’s perspectives of the neighborhood we decided to avoid men- on the research (including being realistic tioning the names of individual stakeholders about the expectations of the research and to protect their anonymity. reporting back to research participants), Regarding territorial stigmatization as breaching confidentiality and privacy, a result of potential negative findings in choosing pseudonyms, and attempts to draw the study, consideration was given to the out policy implications from the study. As discourse of naming and framing. In order to we have used data from a study which adhered avoid from the outset framing the object of to these criteria, our main problematic is- study as problem-oriented, and the “subjects sue using these data was the final point on of study as the ones bearing the problems,” drawing out implications from the study. In we left the situation open at the title-lev- this regard Morrow says that it is possible el, in order to avoid naming phenomena with that survey methods turn out to be harm- problem-rhetoric (Hyötyläinen 2013). ful to the children, especially in cases in In our semi-structured theme interviews, which the research seeks the gaining of pub- we interviewed only adults. The interviewees lic attention as one of its purposes. were not given formal interview agreement We have attempted to adhere to this under- documents to sign, however they were asked standing throughout the paper. how they would like to be referred to in the study and about remaining anonymous. It was 156 also made clear verbally that their participation was voluntary and that they had the right to withdraw any given information. Ad- ditionally, it was made clear to interviewees that they might be quoted in the paper Results and that this paper would be published. As mentioned previously, we did not con- duct direct interviews with young people. Interviews Instead we made use of a youth survey. This data set was anonymized and was original- Based on our interviews, there were some ly conducted seven years ago by a group phenomena that local experts raised that of academics working within strict ethical they considered to be important. From the criteria. We were aware that much can change topics they raised, we classified some the- in seven years, and have taken this into matic subheadings. The experts described how consideration. When drawing conclusions, we social control is used in the context of weighed up the information from the youth youth in suburbs, as well as the issues re- survey in lieu of information we obtained quiring adult intervention, including intox- from adults via our recent interviews and ication, public drinking, antisocial behav- observations. ior, and verbally- or physically-disruptive We have paid attention to papers by Vir- behavior. A surprising phenomenon that was ginia Morrow (2008) on ethical considera- also brought up by the local experts was the tions when conducting interviews and surveys scheduled street fights organized by youths with children about their neighborhoods and via social media. networks, and their discussion of the social From our interviews we also learned that child. In this framework, children are un- the Koivukylä library has taken on many derstood as research objects with particu- preventative forms of intervention, or the lar, diverse competencies. Morrow points so-called soft-edge social control (see sec- out that an understanding of diversities of tion 2), that are usually performed through Chapter 4

the functions of the youth center. A local time: expert described the ways in which the library is involved in the lives of the local youth, and has developed effective measures [The youth house has] a lot of interna- to control antisocial behavior in construc- tional action and when there are young tive ways. people who have not necessarily even vis- ited the Tallinn ship, then the situation The Role of Mobility in Attaching to Wider is already quite bad [...] They don’t feel Society and Social Networks that they are part of society in any way, so I feel that it is somehow worthwhile According to local experts, youth is differ- to take trips to the rest of the world entiated when it comes to daily mobility: and show that this is how they really some youths never exit their home district, live here so they wouldn’t shut themselves while others frequently move around via the here. So, I think that they should prefer- railway. One expert described how some young ably use the train [...] Many may be quite people feel shy about going outside Koivuky- shy in that. They experience that ‘here lä, so their daily environment is quite I’m fine and I know this place.’ But they restricted. Going one or two train stops to don’t dare to go anywhere else. Tikkurila or Korso can feel too far away, whereas other young people feel very natural ([Nuorisotalolla on] paljon kansainvälistä about traveling around Vantaa using the rail toimintaaki et sillon ku on nuoria jot- line. Also, youths spend their free time ka ei oo niinku välttämättä ees Tallinnan in different places doing different things: laivalla käyny ni kyllä sit sillon on jo some are at the youth center, others at the aika huono tilanne [...] Ei koeta että sä 157 library or shopping malls, and some stay at oot osa yhteiskuntaa välttämättä millään home with friends. tavalla ni kyl mä jotenki ite nään että When youths travel outside Koivukylä, they jotenkin kannattas joskus tehä reissu- usually go to Tikkurila and Korso to spend ja muuhun maailmaan ja näyttää sitä että time with their friends. The Jumbo shopping oikeesti täällä eletään näin ettei niinku center was also a popular spot earlier. Many sulkeudu tänne. Että musta sinänsä mie- interviewees mentioned that the Ring Rail lellään mieluummin käyttävät sitä junaa line, opened in 2015, is a key factor in [...] Moni on ehkä aika arkoja siinä. their mobility. With the new Ring Rail line, Että koetaan että täällä mä pärjään, mä nowadays the youths can easily travel to tiiän mikä tää paikka on. Mut ei sit western Vantaa, for example to the Myyrmanni uskalleta muualle lähtee.) shopping center in Myyrmäki and to Leinelä. They also mentioned that one of the positive things in Koivukylä is that the location Intervention by Local Adults next to the rail line makes for easy trans- When asked about local adults intervening in portation. Koivukylä, one expert established a network One expert also described how some of the called “Koko kylä kasvattaa,” a network of youths rarely travel abroad, perhaps because residents to “raise your own children and of their family situation. Subsequently, also others’ children:” the youth center occasionally provides trips abroad so that youths can see different They used to have this “Koko kylä kasvat- environments and get the feeling that they taa”- “The whole village parents” [...] are part of a society. The expert saw this a really active group which organized a as very important because travelling can lot of things with the mentality that the also prevent marginalization from society. whole village grows their own and the The expert also saw that for youth, using children of others. There was something the rail line from Koivukylä is preferable for children and young people and for the to just staying in Koivukylä in their free inhabitants of the village, like something Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

for everyone in Koivukylä. It was active (joukkotappelu). There have been some group for many years; it’s been some time since fights in Koivukylä, in other areas in Van- it finished. [...] They organized a lot of taa, and in the metropolitan region as well. things. It reflects that there have been a The year 2017 was rather calm, but one of lot of active functions and actors. the experts mentioned a few fights which happened that year in the Vantaa area. In (Siellähän on ollu ennen sellanen Koko previous years, experts have seen multiple kylä kasvattaa [...] Tosi aktiivinen to- group fights. There are cycles of this kind imintaporukka mikä järjesti vaikka mitä of disorder (järjestyshäiriö) to be seen: vähän tolla mentaliteetilla että koko kylä during summer and the beginning of autumn it kasvattaa niinku omat ja toisten lapset. is especially active. Experts described how Siellä oli lapsille ja nuorille ja kylän sometimes phenomena go away for a few years asukkaille tai niinku Koivukylän kaikil- and then come back, such as in the case of le asukkaille jotain. Se toimi aika monta group fights. vuotta, siitä on jo kyllä nyt jo aikaa Youths gather at a sports field or other ku se on loppunu. [...] Ne järkkäs vaikka suitable location for pre-scheduled fights. mitä. Et se kuvastaa just sitä, että se Usually the reason behind the fight is some- alueena on semmonen et siellä on paljon what small, such as someone stealing snuff ollut vuosien aikana aktiivista toimintaa from another. One local expert described the ja toimijoita.) reasons for these fights as “mythical:”

[The fights] are quite mysterious events The activities lasted for a few years but in themselves; they can start from a very 158 have ended now. The local expert described small move, for example in Koivukylä, a this network as an active group which or- year ago in autumn, many times in a row. ganized a lot of events that offered some- When we were figuring out what was going thing for everyone living in this “village” on, for example one had started because (kylä). For the expert, this network meant somebody had stolen cigarettes from anoth- that the Koivukylä area had some active ac- er and someone had then grabbed that cig- tors over time. However, the expert did not arette. Some tiny little thing like this mention if there was a specific reason for that gets blown out to foolish dimensions this network to start their activities at and then people are saying in advance that that time, nor the success of those activi- ‘Come with us’ and it spreads around peo- ties. On the one hand, this network can be ple. ‘Let’s go to take revenge’ or ‘Let’s seen as an example of local adult residents get my cigarettes back’. practicing social control, as well as building local collective efficacy on the other. (Ne ovat aika mystisiä tapahtumia sinänsä, Overall, some adults in Koivukylä inter- ne voivat lähteä hyvin pienestä liikkeel- vene if they see disorderly behavior, while le, esimerkiks just ne Koivukylän niinku others do not intervene. Some of the adults vuosi sitten syksyllä olleet aika monta might be scared; others just do not bother peräkkäin. Ni kun sitten kun niitä selvi- – they think that it is not their business. teltiin että mikä kuvio siinä on, ni es- According to two local experts, this lack imerkiks yks oli lähteny siitä että joku of intervening happens especially in outdoor oli pummannu toiselta röökiä ja joku oli public spaces, such as the Koivukylä square. sitten napannu sen. Joku tällänen mität- Residents of some houses might intervene tömän pieni juttu joka sit saa älyttömät when outsiders cross their yard, as this is mittasuhteet ja sit sitä lähetään ker- not seen as suitable behavior. tomaan eteenpäin että ‘Hei lähe messiin’ leviää ihmisille, ‘Nyt lähetään kostaa sille’ tai ’ettii tai lähetään hakee mun Scheduled Group Fights röökit takas’.) Two local experts mentioned group fights Chapter 4

According to this description, reasons things in time. [Gang formation] is proba- for gathering to fight seem insignificant bly constantly evolving. The events in the for adults. Youths gather, but fights happen world and all information that comes from rarely. Some of the youths that came to the through the internet from elsewhere, and scene do not actually even know what the the more they are opened in the media, the fight was really about. Often police or oth- more it will probably create the develop- er local actors become aware of these fights ment. [...] It is absolutely a thing in in advance and they come to the scene before the future which will surely be increased, the fight starts. After seeing the police, which the authorities and actors should people disperse. invest in and have their eyes open. In this case, local actors are quite effective in preventing fights from start- (Se on sellanen tulevaisuuden haaste ky- ing. They get information of upcoming fights llä, pitää pyrkiä saamaan kaikille tahoil- through an effective network of local actors le lisää koulutusta, että pystyttäs ne that work closely with youths and hear them kaikki semmoset äärijutut poimimaan ajois- talking about fights. In other cases, they sa. Se [jengiytyminen] on varmaan pikkus- see the youth gathering and follow them to en niinku koko ajan kehittymään päin. Nää see what is going on. For local actors, so- maailman tapahtumat ja kaikki mitä tulee cial media is an effective way to investi- tietoo netin kautta tuolta muualta ja mitä gate and get information about these fights enemmän niitä mediassa avataan ni sitä beforehand, because youth actively publish enemmän se varmaan luo kehitystä.[...] things they see and participate in. Invita- Ehdottomasti tulevaisuuden juttu mikä var- tions for these fights are sent in WhatsApp muudella tulee lisääntymään, mihin virano- groups, through a huge network of youth, and maisten ja toimijoitten tulee panostaa ja 159 sometimes youth workers or other adults also olla silmät auki.) see these messages before the fight, making it easier to intervene. Currently, the police are monitoring this situation, for example in Dixi. The expert Possibility of Gang Formation did not see that those gangs were formed One local expert described concern about from members of the same neighborhood, but gang formation in the future. For exam- instead they might be “old friends” coming ple, there is already some evidence of gang from different neighborhoods. formation in the Dixi shopping center in At the moment, local adult residents do Tikkurila. There are some groups and in- not seem to have any role in controlling teractions in Dixi which are an indication this kind of behavior in public space. of gang formation, according to the expert. Behind these concerns are global changes and changes in Finnish society. Asylum seekers Importance of Hobbies bring new patterns of behavior and most of Hobbies also play a role in social control. them are young men, who might be one poten- Everyone interviewed stressed the importance tial element in gang formation along with of the youth having hobbies; having a hobby local youth. protects the youth from disorderly behavior The expert believed that gang formation and/or hanging out with the “wrong” company. is definitely a growing phenomenon, and a One expert explained that hobbies help to way to tackle this problem is to form strong build a daily routine, attach the young peo- networks of local actors and to educate ple to a community, and reduce time spent on these actors: unconstructive activities. In other words, preventing the youth from engaging in dis- It will be a challenge in the future; edu- ruptive behavior: cation for all actors must be strived for, so we could be ready to notice all extreme Hobbies are definitely a protective factor Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

for young people. After all, it attaches well as S-Market and the Lumo multipurpose to some kind of network and community, and center in Korso. It is in these urban spaces then it supports keeping up a daily rhythm that the youth often come into contact with and the production of meaningful acts, and different forms of social control. so it brings a lot of content to life and Several of the local experts mentioned it is all out of the opportunity to spend the problem of juveniles drinking alcohol it somewhere else where there is not ex- in public. Occasionally young people will actly any constructive things to do. go to the library to hang out while intoxicated. Although this has not been such a (Harrastus ehdottomasti on suojaava tekijä large problem recently, our interviewees nuorille. Se kiinnittää kuitenkin jonkun- did say it is a cyclical phenomenon that laiseen verkostoon ja yhteisöön, ja sitten does occur from time to time. Surprising- se tukee päivärytmin ylläpitämisessä ja ly, our local experts said that the drinking mielekkään tekemisen tuottamisessa ja sitä had not caused disruptive behavior inside kautta niinku tuo paljon sisältöä elämään the library, and young people are general- ja sit se on taas kaikki pois siitä mah- ly very well behaved, even when intoxicated. dollisuudesta viettää sitä aikaa jossain Nevertheless, the library takes the issue muualla missä ei oo just nimenomaan mitään seriously and intervenes with the problem rakentavaa tekemistä.) whenever it arises. In fact, not only do the staff intervene with any antisocial behavior within the library premises, but they also The local experts mentioned that Koivuky- do so with underage drinking that happens on lä has some lively sports clubs; the KoiPS the public square in front of the library, 160 football club is popular, especially among which is a typical hang out spot for youths boys. This is related to traditional think- during the summer season. ing in Finland: sports clubs have always The library has become very involved in been seen to play an important role in inte- the lives of local young people. This is grating young people and aiding them in be- partly because the library is a popular coming decent citizens (kunnon kansalainen) hangout space, especially during the winter in the society (Aalto 2000). In contrast, season. Also, however, this is because the there is a lack of arts hobby opportuni- library staff are dedicated in their support ties in Koivukylä. Local experts wish for of the needs of the youths, and they go out more indoor space for youths, for example of their way to provide space and activi- multi-purpose halls and cafes where youths ties for them. There is a specially-reserved can hang out. Experts also mentioned that room in the corner of the library which parents have an important role in encourag- young people can access with a key provid- ing youth to participate in hobbies, and in ed by the staff, in exchange for a library having time for their children. card. We were told that this room is used every evening by up to 12 youths at a time. Hanging Out in the Local Library The room is rather small, with a TV set, a sofa, and a few chairs. Rather than being a During our research in Koivukylä, we found space for specific activities, it seemed as several places which were popular among if the room is used merely for hanging out, young people to spend time outside of their and spending time with peers without direct homes and schools. During our field work adult supervision. There are future plans visits in the neighborhood, winter was set- to renovate the space into a band practice ting in and temperatures were plummeting. room. The library also organizes PlaySta- In such a cold climate, young people tend tion and board game events twice a week, and to meet indoors in shopping centers, li- there are many music events that are ideal braries, and gas stations. Our local experts for young people who are not old enough to mentioned commercial centers, such as Dixi access other music venues. in Tikkurila, K-Citymarket in Koivukylä, as The youth center (Nuorisotalo) is also Chapter 4

used by many groups of young people on a tion does not have a degree. Unfortunately, regular basis. The youth center is very when working with postal code areas, it is important in maintaining social order, and not possible to specify whether the respond- they work in close cooperation with the ent was from Koivukylä or Havukoski. social workers and the police. Compared Most of the respondents spent a large part to the library, they have a lower thresh- of their childhood in Koivukylä-Havukoski; old to inform parents and child welfare if over half of the respondents lived for more young people are seen smoking or intoxi- than seven years in their current house and cated in the youth center. Not only do the in general, the majority had lived there for youth workers have a professional obligation at least four years (Table 4). Almost half to get involved, but they also make use of of the respondents lived in apartments and youth center cards (NuTa-kortti) which every the other half in detached houses (Table 5). young person must obtain in order to use the youth center services. This helps the youth When asked about the favorite things in workers check the identities of individuals, their neighborhood, in a multiple-choice and they can phone the parents if the need question, respondents most often chose: arises. The library, on the other hand, does closeness to friends, closeness to services, not have the means of checking the identi- and closeness to school (Figure 4; Appen- ties of the youths who use their premises. dix C). These options were chosen by over half of the respondents. A little less than half of the respondents also chose safety, friendly neighbors, and no vandalism and Survey Data stealing as important positive characteristics of the area. On the other hand, people did not feel that nature, beauty, low-den- 161 sity, and small houses were the positive Respondents from Koivukylä characteristics of their neighborhood. In other words, the respondents associated the There were 46 respondents living in the positive elements of their neighborhood with Koivukylä-Havukoski area (postal code: the social aspects, more so than the physi- 01360). As background information, we are cal elements. Interestingly, only 10 out of mainly interested in young people’s parents’ 46 respondents considered the existence of socioeconomic status. Since their income the youth center or hobbies as important to data is not available, we used the parent’s them. education level and housing type variables However, multiple-choice questions give us as indicators. We did not do any quantita- only a general level of information, due to tive analysis based on the respondent’s gen- the strictly predefined choices and the only der nor ethnic background, because the study possibility was to either agree or disagree was based on location. Additionally, our (leaving the option without answer). There- group of interest is small, which does not fore, we need to investigate more specific allow statistical generalization related to variables. gender and ethnicity. Roughly half of the respondents answered the question about their parents’ educa- Neighbors and Intervention tional level. Among the ones who respond- Next, we studied children’s perceptions of ed, their parents’ educational level was potential adult intervention in their mis- relatively low, most of them having upper behavior. By examining the variable, “My secondary education (mothers: 50%; fathers: neighbors will notice if I misbehave and 38%) or only basic level education (moth- they will intervene,” children felt that ers: 25%, fathers: 19%) (Tables 2, 3). The adults would be least likely to intervene respondents’ backgrounds coincided with the in Vantaa (agree or strongly agree 22%) general situation in the area where, in and most likely to intervene in Kauniain- Havukoski, almost half of the adult popula- Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

n % Basic level education 6 25.0 Upper secondary level of education 12 50.0 Lowest level tertiary education (e.g. qualification of technician engineer, diploma in business and administration, and diploma in nursing) 4 16.7 Lower-degree level tertiary education (polytechnic degrees and lower university degrees) 1 4.2 Higher-degree level tertiary education (master's degree) 1 4.2 Total 24 100.0

n %

Basic level education 4 19.1

Upper secondary level of education 8 38.1 Lowest level tertiary education (e.g. qualification of technician engineer, diploma in business and administration, and diploma in nursing) 4 19.1 Lower-degree level tertiary education (polytechnic degrees and lower university degrees) 4 19.1 162 Higher-degree level tertiary education (master's degree) 1 4.8 Total 21 100.0

n % under a year 4 8.7 1-3 years 8 17.4 4-7 years 10 21.7 over 7 years 24 52.2 Total 46 100.0

Table 2. Mother’s educational level (%) in Koivukylä-Havukoski (n=24). n % Table 3. Father’s educational level high-rise apartment house 22 47.8 (%) in Koivukylä-Havukoski (n=21). detached house 24 52.2 Table 4. “How long have you lived in Total 46 100.0 your current house?” (%) in Koivuky- lä-Havukoski (n=46).

Table 5. ”What type of housing are you living in?” (%) in Koivuky- lä-Havukoski (n=46). Chapter 4

163

Figure 4. ”Which of the following characteristics are the most important source of joy for you in your current neighborhood?” Answers in Koivukylä-Havukoski (n=46).

Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

en (agree or strongly agree Municipality 38%) (Table 6). This varia- Espoo Helsinki Vantaa Kauniainen All tion between the municipalities in the Helsinki region 1 = strongly disagree 22.4 25.0 28.8 20.0 25.1 is statistically significant 2 22.2 22.1 22.9 12.6 22.2 (p<0,001). 3 29.5 29.3 26.0 29.5 28.5 When looking at responses 4 18.6 15.7 14.3 29.5 16.5 in Koivukylä specifically, 5 = strongly agree 7.2 8.0 8.1 8.4 7.8 the majority of the respond- Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 ents disagreed or strongly n 1,630 2,131 1,337 95 5,193 disagreed with the statement x^2=41.313; df=12; p<0.001 (Table 7). A little less than 20 percent of the respondents agreed or strongly agreed with the statement, which is slightly less than in Vantaa overall. The number of people at both ends is notable and n % interesting in any case. 1 = strongly disagree 13 28.3 It seems that in general in 2 12 26.1 the Helsinki region, chil- 3 12 26.1 dren do not feel as though 4 8 17.4 their neighbors are actively 5 = strongly agree 1 2.2 164 intervening in their negative Total 46 100.0 behavior, and Koivukylä is no exception. The differences between the municipalities are significant. Municipality Espoo Helsinki Vantaa Kauniainen All Trust and Fear 1 = strongly disagree 4.8 6.7 5.6 4.2 5.8 2 10.5 14.7 15.3 9.5 13.4 Trust and fear are usually considered to be two sides of 3 29.2 33.8 30.8 34.7 31.6 the same coin. Trust and the 4 35.0 28.3 30.6 36.9 31.1 pre-expectations of violence 5 = strongly agree 20.5 16.6 17.7 14.7 18.1 are the most frequently used total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 variables to indicate the n 1,624 2,116 1,323 95 5,158 subjective experience of fear (which does not necessarily x^2=52.927; df=12; p < 0.001 relate to the actual risk of being attacked in the neighborhood, for example). We Table 6. “My neighbors will notice if should not underestimate the I misbehave and they will intervene.” importance of fear since it (%) in Helsinki Region (n=5,193). has an impact on a person’s well-being and on the social Table 7. “My neighbors will notice if I misbehave and they will intervene.” relations in the neighbor- (%) in Koivukylä-Havukoski (n=46). hood. A neighborhood which feels threatened is not a Table 8. “I can trust the people probable environment for good in my neighborhood.” (%) in Hel- social relations between in- sinki Region (n=5,158). habitants (Andersen 2003). Chapter 4

Municipality Espoo Helsinki Vantaa Kauniainen All 1 = Not at all probable 19.3 19.5 22.9 21.9 20.4 2 7.5 10.2 10.1 7.3 9.3 3 9.3 12.8 12.3 10.4 11.5 4 23.3 21.4 21.9 29.2 22.3 5 = Completely probable 40.6 36.1 32.9 31.3 36.6 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 n 1,636 2,110 1,321 96 5,163

n % 1 = strongly disagree 3 7 Table 9. "I can walk safely in my 2 8 18.6 neighborhood after dark." in Helsinki Region (n=5,162). 3 10 23.3 4 13 30.2 Table 10. "There is a fight or some- 5 = strongly agree 9 20.9 one is being threatened or beaten in front of your house." (%) in Helsinki Total 43 100.0 Region (n=5,163).

165

The respondents from Espoo are more trust- front of your house,” to which the respond- ing of their neighbors than those from other ents were asked to evaluate whether they municipalities in the Helsinki region (Table felt as though this situation would be prob- 8). Roughly 55 percent of the respondents able in their neighborhood. More often than from Espoo either agreed or strongly agreed in the other municipalities, respondents that they trust the people in their neigh- from Espoo and Kauniainen thought that this borhood. On the contrary, only 45 percent situation was possible or likely (64% in Es- of the respondents from Helsinki agreed or poo and 60% in Kauniainen), while in Helsin- strongly agreed, which is less than the oth- ki 57 percent, and in Vantaa 55 percent of er municipalities in the region. the respondents thought so (Table 10). Similar to the previous statement about In all three of the previous variables, having trust in neighbors, walking in the the differences between municipalities were neighborhood after dark feels the safest in relatively small. The majority of respond- Espoo, where 81 percent of the respondents ents agreed that they can trust their neigh- agreed or strongly agreed with the state- bors and they felt safe in their neighbor- ment, “I can walk alone safely in my neigh- hood. In other words, it is not a question borhood after dark,” while 74 percent of the about people being absolutely afraid of each respondents from Helsinki agreed or strongly other, even if they have relatively less agreed (Table 9). respondents agreeing with the statements. To study the subjective experience about Those answers are more neutral than nega- the possibility of violence, we are inter- tive. What is surprising is a slight majori- ested in the statement; “There is a fight, ty of the respondents in all the municipal- or someone is being threatened or beaten in ities were thinking that an act of violence Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

is possible in their close Municipality neighborhood. In the region- Espoo Helsinki Vantaa Kauniainen All al analysis, the differences in all three variables were 1 = strongly disagree 1.6 3.0 2.1 3.1 2.3 statistically significant 2 4.6 5.9 6.5 6.3 5.6 (p<0.001). 3 12.3 17.6 16.1 11.5 15.4 When looking at the 4 33.2 32.0 32.9 37.5 32.7 Koivukylä-Havukoski are 5 = strongly agree 48.3 41.5 42.4 41.7 43.9 specifically, the differ- Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 ence in the regional aver- n 1,626 2,113 1,327 96 5,162 ages was again relatively small. Roughly half of the x^2=43.565; df=12; p<0.001

respondents felt that they could trust their neighbors, which was similar to n % the general level in Vantaa 1 = strongly disagree 2 4.4 and close to the regional 2 2 4.4 average (Table 11). A clear 3 10 21.7 majority, 70 percent of the 4 14 30.4 respondents felt it was safe to walk alone after dark in 5 = strongly agree 18 39.1 their neighborhood, which is Total 46 100.0 a little below the regional average (77%) and the aver- 166 age in Vantaa (75%) (Table n % 12). However, the respondents 1 = Not at all probable 8 18.2 felt more often that it was 2 5 11.4 possible that violence could 3 3 6.8 happen at their front door; 4 14 31.8 64 percent of the respondents 5 = Completely probable 14 31.8 from this area saw this type of situation as probable or Total 44 100.0 inevitable, which is a little higher than the average in Vantaa, but close to the re- Table 11. “I can trust the peo- gional average (Table 13). ple in my neighborhood.” (%) in Koivukylä-Havukoski (n=43).

Social Networks and Friends Table 12. "I can walk safely in my in the Neighborhood neighborhood after dark." (%) in Koivukylä-Havukoski (n=46). The question, “Do your after-school friends live with- Table 13. "There is a fight or in walking/biking distance?” someone is being threaten or beat- gives us the opportunity to en in front of your house." (%) in Koivukylä-Havukoski (n=44). see how localized the young people’s social lives are; do they spend their free time with other young people in the local neighborhood, or do they and their friends have to travel further away to meet each other? Chapter 4

The young people in Van- Municipality taa seem to have more friends Espoo Helsinki Vantaa Kauniainen All living in walking or biking distance. Nearly 78 percent almost nobody 9.6 11.0 6.9 9.7 9.5 of Vantaa respondents have at less than half 18.4 18.9 15.4 18.3 17.8 least more than half of their more than half 25.1 24.6 24.1 23.7 24.6 friends living close, while almost everyone 46.9 45.5 53.7 48.4 48.1 in Helsinki this situation Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 was shared by 70 percent of n 1,599 2,077 1,297 93 5,066 the respondents (Table 14). x^2=32.496; df=9; p=0.002 The majority of the respondents from the Havu- koski-Koivukylä area (78%) also have most of their n % friends staying close to almost nobody 6 13.3 them, and this is actually more common than the regional less than half 4 8.9 average (Table 15). This sug- more than half 8 17.8 gests that the social life of almost everyone 27 60.0 the young people in Koivuky- Total 45 100.0 lä-Havukoski is localized, and the social networks are tied inside the area or between the neighboring areas. 167 K&A 6b My K&A 6k I can trust K&A 11b Are your neighbors will the people in my after-school-friends ‘01360’ Compared to Other notice if I neighborhood. living on walking/biking Postal Codes misbehave and distance? they will intervene. When making comparisons between the postal code areas, Chi-Square 227.38 378.67 546.20 we noticed a larger variance df 205.00 204.00 204.00 in the survey results than Asymp. Sig. 0.14 0.00 0.00 when comparing the regional a. Kruskal Wallis Test municipal averages. The his- b. Grouping Variable: K&A 15 Postal code tograms showed the proportion of the so-called “negative” responses from all the responses in the following var- Table 14. “Are your after-school- friends living on walking/biking iables by postal code areas: distance?” (%) in Helsinki Region possibility of intervention (n=5,066). (Figure 5), trust in neighbors (Figure 6), and friends Table 15. “Are your after-school- living nearby (Figure 7). The friends living on walking/biking Koivukylä–Havukoski post- distance?” (%) in Koivukylä-Havu- al-code area is colored red koski (n=45). to show its position in the Table X.16: Kruskal-Wallis test comparison. statistics. In contrast to the result of the regional comparison where Koivukylä–Havukoski did not differ much from the regional average, the differ- Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

Figure 5. "I disagree or strongly disagree that my neighbors will notice if I misbehave and they will intervene." Answers (%) by postal code (n=5,193).

168

Figure 6. “I disagree or strongly disagree that I can trust the people in my neighborhood.” Answers (%) in Helsinki Region by postal code (n=5,158).

Figure 7. “Almost none of my after- school-friends are living in walking/biking distance.” Answers (%) in Helsinki Region by postal code (n=5,066). Chapter 4

ence to the other postal code areas in the cant (p=0.14) according to the test, so we region was notable, depending on the var- abandoned the null hypothesis in this case. iable. The young people in Koivukylä–Havu- In earlier analysis on the other variables koski feel less likely that their neighbors about neighbor-experience, the distribution will intervene in misbehavior, and they of responses inside the Koivukylä–Havukoski trust their neighbors less than in most area gives us some level of hints about the other postal codes in the Helsinki region. possible internal differences inside a post- When comparing postal code areas for friends al code area. living nearby, the differences are smaller. Thus, only a small minority of young people (regardless of their postal code), do not Rich Picture and Observations have the majority of their friends living Figure 8 gives a bird’s eye view of the nearby. This might indicate the localized Koivukylä shopping center and surrounding social life among young people in general, buildings. It also attempts to highlight as noted in earlier research. different examples of social control in the We conducted a Kruskal-Wallis test to area. Some key places to note include the evaluate the effects of postal code are- library, which as mentioned earlier, is a as on the three variables used as an exam- popular location for teenagers. Some use the ple: K&A 6b “My neighbors will notice if I computers and newspaper room, and others ac- misbehave and they will intervene”, K&A 6k cess a dedicated hangout room facilitated by “I can trust the people in my neighborhood”, the librarians. Also highlighted in the pic- and K&A 11b “Do your after-school friends ture are shops with security guards (Alepa, living within walking/biking distance?” The Lidl, City Market), as we observed guards Kruskal-Wallis-test is commonly used to test doing small patrols around the Alepa super- 169 the answers on a Likert-scale, and it al- market. It was also highlighted previously lows the comparison of means between multi- in interviews that guards in the K-Citymar- ple groups (Salkind 2010, 675). The test is ket frequently attempt to remove teenagers equivalent to a one-way analysis of vari- from the mall if they are hanging around and ance, as a non-parametric test for independ- not actively shopping. Other places to note ent samples. Unlike a one-way ANOVA test, include the small forest area and the market the Kruskal-Wallis-test does not require the square. These areas have been highlighted as normal distribution of the responses. The places where social control does not occur Kruskal-Wallis-test statistic is x^2 dis- and are also places some teenagers frequent. tributed by k–1 degrees of freedom (ibid.). The railway station has been identified as Since the responses in these variables were an unofficial line of segregation. Besides not normally distributed, we have to use the the library, there are no other places for Kruskal-Wallis-test. teenagers to spend time indoors in the This helps to decide whether to abandon shopping center area. The other venues are the null hypothesis (that postal code has no shops, restaurants, or pubs. effect) or to keep the null hypothesis (at We also filmed a video during our field- least two postal code areas are statisti- work trips to Koivukylä, in November 2017. cally significantly different). We got the The purpose of the video was to provide a following test values (Table 16): visual context to the readers who may not The Kruskal-Wallis-test showed that there be familiar with the neighborhood. The video was a statistically significant differ- begins with footage from the train, travel- ence in trust between the different postal ling from Helsinki to Vantaa. The video then codes (p<0.001), and in distance to friends shows some central public spaces in both between postal codes (p<0.001). In other the neighborhood of Koivukylä on the western words, at least two postal codes are differ- side of the railway tracks, as well as Havu- ent from each other in these factors. The koski on the eastern side (Figure 1). difference in intervention-factor between postal codes is not statistically signifi- Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

170

Figure 8. Rich picture showing observations of social control and group member observations in Koivukylä (image: David Kerr). Chapter 4

more easily than in a neighborhood with a Local Representations of high collective efficacy. However, there are Segregation and Social some indicators of high collective efficacy in Koivukylä in the case of “Koivukylä Control kasvattaa,” which was an active neighborhood organization that organized activity for all the residents in Koivukylä. In his book Lähiö, Kortteinen (1982) noted Segregation has a connection with problemat- that everyday functions are spatially dif- ic progressions of youth. Segregation has an ferentiated, so people need to travel from effect on youth by concentrating socio-eco- Koivukylä for their free time activities. On nomic disadvantage in certain areas. At the the contrary, based on the more recent sur- same time, there is fragmentation of dif- vey, at least the young people in Koivuky- ferent groups of youth and their diverging lä are localized; their friends are nearby, social realities. It has also been argued and in general they are happy with the local in earlier studies (Saarikkomäki 2017) that services. In contrast to the survey data, young people from lower social classes are our interviews indicated that it is common more likely to experience police and securi- for youth to have friends outside their dis- ty guard interventions. trict, and they actively use the rail line to meet their friends and for hobbies. Locality and Differentiated Realities be- If we take the survey data into account, tween Youth and say that young people from segregated areas tend to live more localized lives, it When studying the youth survey data inside a could be argued that this locality in turn 171 postal code area such as in Koivukylä-Havu- has a causal relationship with social con- koski, we can see polarization of how young trol. As we learned through the interviews, people experience their neighborhood. For many actors in Koivukylä practice social example, we saw clear differences when exam- control among young people. Many of these ining the responses to, “My neighbors will actors have formed lasting and impactful re- notice if I misbehave and they will inter- lationships with individual youths, because vene,” and questions regarding trust and the local young people spend so much of pre-expectation of violence. Based on the their time in the same hangout spots. On the data alone, we do not know what the varia- other hand, increased mobility gives young bles are that explain the differentiation. people an increased anonymity when hang- Also, due to the lack of information about ing out in public spaces, and perhaps this the young people’s socioeconomic background anonymity makes them freer from the con- in the survey data, we could not analyze straints of social norms imposed by adults. the polarization in this survey any further. Elsa Saarikkomäki (2017) found that social Nonetheless, by using the idea of Sampson factors increased the likelihood of securi- (2012), where shared perceptions and trust ty and police intervention, with youth from are important for the cohesion of the neigh- lower social classes receiving a dispro- borhood and thus, for collective efficacy, portionate amount of attention. Perhaps the the differentiated realities among the young increased social control of these different people from the same neighborhood are con- local actors may thus partly be explained cerning. by the decreased mobility of young people in Groups spending time in the library, youth segregated neighborhoods. center, or shopping mall are all different groups of friends. Things they do in these Social Control in Koivukylä places in their free time also differentiate their social realities. According to Sampson A clear majority of Koivukylä youth sur- (2012), with low collective efficacy in a vey respondents, 70 percent, feel safe to neighborhood, social realities differentiate walk alone after dark in their neighborhood, Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

which is slightly below the regional aver- youths. Compared to the youth center, the age (77%) and the average in Vantaa (75%). library is a space of soft-edge and more im- This tells us that social order is strong in plicit social control. The young people are the neighborhood, despite being a relative- able to hang out in the area with a great- ly disadvantaged area of Vantaa. However, er degree of anonymity, without the fear of compared to feelings of safety, a greater consequences, which more explicit spaces of number of respondents in Koivukylä respond- social control enforce. ed that they nevertheless feel it is likely that violence may occur at their front door. Perhaps the relative likelihood of witness- Characteristics of Youth Group Phenomena ing violence does not affect feelings of Scheduled group fights were a recurring phe- safety in the neighborhood if the respondent nomenon in our interviews. Group fights are thinks it is unlikely that they themselves seen as a customary action happening season- would be the victim of said violence? ally. Based on interviews, we cannot claim In the interviews, the local experts de- that current group fights are similar to scribed how local adults are quite passive the traditional fights of the past between in intervening in public places, but that neighborhoods in Finland (Haavio-Mannila they are possibly more likely to intervene 1958). According to Elina Haavio-Mannila in their own house or yard. However, based (1958), from the 1850s to 1950s in Finland, on the youth survey data, youths do not feel village fights (kylätappelut) were formed that their neighbors are actively interven- by tensions between inner groups and out- ing in their negative behavior. Based on er groups. There were groups of youths from this, we can claim that in Koivukylä, local each village against each other. Their vil- 172 adults do not intervene actively if they see lage was a reference group for fighters to youths misbehaving in public spaces. which they identified and whose honor they On the other hand, the library is a point were fighting for. Village battles were a of interest when discussing social control respected, functional institution within the among youths in Koivukylä. Perched on a hill village community; the fights were a sign overlooking the railway station, it is an of the common spirit of the village, whose ideal place from which to observe the life tightness increased by fighting (Haavio-Man- of the youths in Koivukylä. The library is nila 1958, 159–164). attached to the shopping mall, and there Nowadays, based on our interviews, group are several restaurants, bars, and kiosks fights are comprised of mixed groups of in the same building. From our interviews friends from various neighborhoods. Cor- we learned that the square in front of the respondingly, gang formation is nowadays library is a central meeting point of dif- not local in the traditional way which ferent groups of people. Because of the Haavio-Mannila (1958) described; it is also proximity to the train platforms, drug users youths coming from different neighborhoods. from other suburbs often come to make their In contrast to group fights, gang formation purchases in the vicinity. Youths also tend is experienced as a growing concern. to use the area during the summer time for Instead of strong local groups of youths hanging out, and as a place to consume alco- as before (Haavio-Mannila 1958), groups now- hol. adays are rather about different fragments Although the prime function of the li- forming inside suburbs: groups of youths are brary is not for hanging out, nor does it dispersed and some of them form subcultures. have authorized youth workers as employees, It might be that youths have differentiated it has become quite involved in the lives realities - they are different groups that of many youths, and in some sense, has even are spending their time in the youth center, taken over some functions of the local youth in shopping centers, or at railway stations. center, because of the better location as Based on our interviews, part of the con- well as the more informal social relation- temporary youth culture is youth filming ships the librarians have developed with the Chapter 4

their fights and publishing them to social youth center uses soft-edge social control, media. According to the experts, it is not which it is publicly authorized to do. So- rare for youths to publish selfies with guns cial control performed by the youth center on Instagram. Youths think that they have takes place at the youth center building, to film and publish their fights - other- but there are also actions attempting to wise “the fights did not really happen”. perform social control neighborhood-wide. This could be characterized as having a Finally, although it is not even their carnival-like, performative character, where primary mission, the library has opportun- violence is simulated for social media. istically begun to perform social control This way of documenting fights resembles the with the youth, as the youth so often hang North American culture among youth (gangs) out in the library. According to our study, (Patton et al. 2014). The action is rarely intervention in disruptive behavior of the meant to hurt the opposite side. young by neighborhood adults is not like- One possible explanation for group fights ly (at least according to the young). This and/or gang formation could be that youths highlights the importance of the three local do not have any proper reasons for the actors. fighting - they are just bored. In addition, We based our arguments mainly on inter- they might just want to have some cool mate- views done with local experts, but also rial to show in their social media accounts. as much as possible with the youth survey Also, another factor explaining gang forma- referred to. These were the only accessi- tion could be that the youths need a sense ble datasets, considering our limited time of belonging to a community, especially if frame. Thus, this research design has some their family is not able to provide that. limitations and we are taking this into ac- The need for belonging might be so strong count in the analysis. Overall, this re- 173 that it is sought from gangs. Being a gang search has opportunities for continuing with member might answer to the need for belong- the same theme, by completing the study with ing to a community. a stronger concentration on the young people It will be interesting to see if and how themselves, instead of only the institutions these phenomena evolve. Will gang formation dealing with the young population. There or group fights be growing phenomena in the are signs about the differentiated neigh- future? Are these forms of violence due to borhood experience of young people between a lack of proper social control by adults or postal code areas, but also possibly inside institutions? How do these phenomena relate an area. The latter is based only on the to segregation? And finally, are these pat- case study done involving Koivukylä. This terns seen in Finland starting to resemble could be one of the further research ques- situations in other parts of the world (Pat- tions which would contribute to segregation ton et al. 2014)? research. For example we might ask: how does the differentiation of the neighborhood experience affect the collective efficacy in a neighborhood? Our results also show the options for Conclusions practical implementation of the social control perspective in both reconsideration All in all, it is fair to say that in the of the role of different actors working case of Koivukylä, social control is per- with young people, and the spatial design formed by various local institutions. The of these institutions. This is especial- interviews showed that at least the police, ly in designing and developing spaces that youth workers, and the library staff perform have not traditionally been meant for young social control. To begin with, the police, people to hang out, such as libraries. As who are authorized to use hard-edge social previously discussed, libraries have recent- control, prefer soft-edge social control ly started to recognize the potential of (according to our interview). Secondly, the young people and a certain level of flex- Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

ibility has been introduced in the library Creswell, J. W. (2013). Research design: functions. For example, in the develop- Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed ment of the new Oodi central library, the methods approaches. Sage publications, young customers were included in the ser- Thousand Oaks. vice design process (Tuloskortti… 2016). The Davis, A. & Jones, l. (1996). ‘Children in commercial half-public spaces (mall square, the urban environment: an issue for the grocery shop…) were also the “hot-spots” of New public health agenda’. Health and hanging out in a suburb and in these plac- place 2(2), 107–113. es the authority that would practice social control is ambiguous. Is there a opportunity Gronow, J., Klemola, P. & Partanen, J. to support the self-determined, spontaneous (1977). Demokratian rajat ja rakenteet: emergence of social control through spatial Tutkimus suomalaisesta hallitsemistavasta and service design? ja sen taloudellisesta perustasta. WSOY, Porvoo. Haavio-Mannila, E. (1958). Kylätappelut: So- REFERENCES siologinen tutkimus Suomen kylätappeluin- Aalto, S. (2000). Urheilu – viihteestä stituutiosta. WSOY, Porvoo. viihdeteollisuudeksi. In Shculman, H., Hakovirta, M. & Rantalaiho, M. (2012). Pulma, P. & Aalto, S.: Helsingin historia Taloudellinen eriarvoisuus lasten arjes- vuodesta 1945, osa 2. 341–485.Helsingin sa. Sosiaali- ja terveysturvan tutkimuk- kaupunki. sia 124. Anderson, E. (1999). Code of the street: Hyötyläinen, M. (2013). Resident accounts of Decency, violence, and the moral life of Mellunmäki. Territorial stigma explored 174 the inner city. Norton, New York. in Helsinki Lähiö. Department of Social Andersson, R., Dhalmann, H., Holmqvist, E., Research, University of Helsinki. Kauppinen, T., Magnusson Turner, M., Innes, M. (2003). Understanding social con- Skifter, L., Andersen, H., Söholt, S., trol: Deviance, crime and social order. Vaattovaara, M., Vilkama, K., Wessel, T. McGraw-Hill Education, New York. & Yousfi, S. (2010). Immigration, housing and segregation in the Nordic welfare Kortteinen, M. (1982). Lähiö. Otava, Helsin- states. University of Helsinki, Depart- ki. ment of Geosciences and Geography. Kortteinen, M. & Vaattovaara, M. (2000). Batey, P.W.J.; Madden, M.; & Scholefield, G. Onko osa Helsingistä alikehityksen ki- (1993). Socio-economic impact assessment erteessä? Yhteiskuntapolitiikka 65(2), of large-scale projects using input-out- 115–124. put analysis: a case study of an airport. Kortteinen, M. & Elovainio, M. & Vaat- Regional Studies 27(3) 179–191. kehitys Helsingin kunnallisissa vuokrat- Bell, S. (2012). How people use Rich Pic- aloissa. Yhteiskuntapolitiikka 71(1), tures to help them think and act. Open 3–13. University, Milton Keynes. Kuschnir, K. (2016). Ethnographic drawing: Bernelius, V. (2011). Osoitteenmukaisia Eleven benefits of using a sketchbook oppimistuloksia? Kaupunkikoulujen eri- for fieldwork. Visual Ethnography Journal ytymisen vaikutus peruskoululaisten op- 5(1), 103–134. pimistuloksiin Helsingissä. Yhteiskunta- Lammi-Taskula, J. & Salmi, M. (2010). Lap- politiikka 76(5). 479–493. siperheiden toimeentulo lamasta lamaan. Black, D. (1976). The Behavior of Law. Aca- In Vaarama, M & Moisio, P. & Karvonen, demic Press, New York. S. (eds.): Suomalaisten hyvinvointi 2010, 198–214. THL, Helsinki. Cohen, S. (1985). Visions of social control. Polity Press, Cambridge. Low, S. & Smith, N. (2006). The Politics of Public Space. Routledge, New York. Chapter 4

Lähdetluoma, M. (2009). Teinikarkotinta Chicago and the enduring neighborhood ef- kokeillaan lahtelaisessa kauppakeskukses- fect. University of Chicago Press. sa. Yle 12.11.2009. 21.11.2017. On the interaction between segregation, MetrOP-tutkimusohjelma (2010). Helsingin urban decay and deprived neighborhoods. yliopisto, koulutuksen arviointikeskus. Ashgate, Aldershot. 12.12.2017. by postal code area. Statistics Finland, Morrow V. (2008). ‘Ethical dilemmas in re- Helsinki. search with children and young people Tuloskortti: Kirjasto Updated -yhteiskehit- about their social environments’. Chil- täminen (2016). Helsinki City Library & dren’s Geographies 6(1), 49–61. Demos Helsinki http://keskustakirjasto. Musterd, S., Marcinzak, S., Van Ham, M. fi/wp-content/blogs.dir/4/files/2016/02/ &Tammaru, T. (2015). Socio-economic Tuloskortti_kirjasto_updated_final.pdf Segregation in European Capital Cities: Vaattovaara, M. (1998). Pääkaupunkiseudun Increasing Separation between Poor and sosiaalinen erilaistuminen: Ympäristö ja Rich. Urban Geography 38(7), 1062–1083. alueellisuus. Helsingin kaupunki, Tieto- DOI: 10.1080/02723638.2016.1228371 keskus, Tutkimuksia 1998: 7. Patton, D. U., Hong, J. S., Ranney, M., Valtavaara, M. & Neuvonen, P. (2016). Patel, S., Kelley, C., Eschmann, R., & “Häivy ulos!” – Julkinen tila on Washington, T. (2014). Social media as a nuorille tyly, mutta nyt aikuisille ope- vector for youth violence: A review of tetaan kunnioitusta. Helsingin Sanomat the literature. Computers in Human Behav- 9.5.2016. https://www.hs.fi/kotimaa/art- 175 ior35, 548–553. 2000002900193.html PISA 2015 results (volume III): Students’ Vantaa alueittain 2015 (2015). City of Van- well-being (2017). OECD Publishing, Par- taa. 283 s. https://www.vantaa.fi/in- is. DOI:10.1787/9789264273856-en stancedata/prime_product_julkaisu/vantaa/ Pyyry, N. (2015). Hanging out with young embeds/vantaawwwstructure/124282_Vantaa_ people, urban spaces and ideas: Openings alueittain_2015.pdf to dwelling, participation and thinking. Vantaa alueittain on tiivis tietopaket- University of Helsinki, Department of ti Vantaasta (2017). Vantaa alueittain Teacher Education, Research Report 374. tilastotaulukot 8/2017. City of Vantaa. Saarikkomäki, E. (2017). Trust in public and 27.11.2017. Legal Policy, Helsinki. YKR Kaupunkiseudut (2016). Finnish Environ- Salkind, N. J. (2010). Encyclopedia of re- ment Institute, Helsinki. search design. Sage, Thousand Oaks. Salmi, V. (2008). Nuorten miesten rikoskäyt- täytyminen 1962 ja 2006. Rikollisuuden- kehitys itse ilmoitetun rikollisuuden kyselyjen valossa. Oikeuspoliittisen tutkimuslaitoksen julkaisuja 235. Salmi, V. (2012). Nuorten rikoskäyttäytymin- en ja Uhrikokemukset 2012. Oikeuspoliit- tisen tutkimuslaitoksen tutkimustiedonan- toja 113. Sampson, R. J. (2012). Great American city: Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

Koivukylä-Havukoski Vantaa Helsinki Region

Apartments (in total) 6,692 102,785 577,802

Detached houses/ small residential housing (%) 16.1 36.2 23.7

High-rise apartment housing (%) 84.0 63.8 76.3

Households (in total) 6,358 97,515 540,310

Households living in rental housing (%) 49.4 41.6 47.0

Households living in ownership housings (%) 49.0 57.2 50.8

Other types of ownership (%) 1.6 1.2 2.2 Appendix A. Area and population in general. Source: Statistics Finland 2017.

Koivukylä Havukoski Vantaa

Area (km2) 1.1.2015 1.6 2.9 240.3

176 Population 1.1.2015 3,435 8,141 210,803

Inhabitants / km2 2,107 2,788 877

People from Vantaa by birth (%) 1.1.2015 30.0 22.2 27.5

Foreign language speaking population (%) 13.6 30.0 14.4 1.1.2015

Foreigner citizenship (%) 1.1.2015 8.1 20.7 9.4

Unemployment rate (%) 31.12.2013 8.9 16.3 10.3

Families (%) 74.0 62.0 77.0

Population with a degree (%) 31.12.2013 71.7 57.8 67.6

Average income per person with incomes (€) 30,937 23,532 31,694 31.12.2014 Appendix B. Housing in general (2015). Source: Statistics Finland 2017.

Chapter 4

Number of responses K&A 5a: close to nature 7 K&A 5b: tranquility 14 K&A 5c: beauty 6 K&A 5: safety 20 22 K&A 5e: friendly neighbors and other inhabitants K&A 5f: close to friends 32 K&A 5g: close to relatives 9 K&A 5h: close to services (e.g. shops) 31 K&A 5i: close to school 28 K&A 5j: close to hobbies 11 K&A 5k: close to a youth space 10 K&A 5l: good traffic connections 18 K&A 5m: urban bustle and activity 8 K&A 5n: small houses and not dense 2 K&A 5o: clean surrounding/nature 12 K&A 5p: no disturbing traffic 14 K&A 5q: no vandalism and stealing 23 K&A 5r: no offensive adults 12 21 177 Appendix C. Which following char- K&A 5s: no young people bullying or threatening acters are the most important K&A 5t: no adult complaining about young people's 17 source of joy for you in your behavior current neighborhood? (Koivuky- Total (n) 46 lä-Havukoski, n=46).

Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

(Vilkama et al. 2014). This means that the Commentary: neighborhood with the highest proportion of academically educated adults is over 25 times higher compared with the neighbor- Scaling segregation: hood with the lowest level of education. The proportion of immigrants also varies Young people in the city from around two percent to around 30, and in the child population, the difference is and the neighbourhood even larger (Vilkama et al. 2014). These differences have a tangible effect on the neighborhoods and their residents: who lives by Venla Bernelius there, what social problems are visible on the street, and with whom do the children meet and play in the neighborhood parks. One of the key ideas in geography, and Even if the average for the region appears the research on urban segregation, is that wealthy and educated, there are local pock- everything happens somewhere. When we dis- ets of poverty in which everyday life looks cuss social issues and societal change, we very different. often think about people and phenomena in Besides place, scale is a fundamental rather abstract ways: through statistics and part of urban segregation. As dwellers in a general trends. Even extreme issues con- certain city, we are all affected by multi- cerning only one end of the scale, such as ple layers of differentiated environments. extreme poverty, is often considered to be The city regions themselves are different an abstraction, without placing it anywhere. from each other, as well as the municipali- 178 These statistical averages and abstractions ties within the region. For instance, Espoo tend to hide the local variances of social and Helsinki have differentiating environ- issues. However, the ways people and phenom- ments and urban policies within the same ena are spatially organized between cities city region. Housing opportunities differ, and their neighborhoods// affect our lives as do the urban transport systems, school in fundamental ways. allocation policies and the level of local “Where children grow up affects their out- taxes. Within the municipality, other spa- comes in adulthood in proportion to the time tial layers continue to affect us. Many of they spend in the place,” state Raj Chetty the services are organized by a spatial unit and Nathaniel Hendren (2015: 80) in their larger than how we typically define a neigh- extensive research on children growing up in borhood; for example, the units for health- poor neighborhoods or moving into wealthi- care and education can be geographically er ones. Their research draws our attention quite large, as well as the complementary to the fact that that places matter, and regions of shopping malls and many leisure that even in a wealthy city, we tend to have activities. Then, when we look closer, there neighborhoods with very different everyday are the smaller layers of the neighborhood, realities and outcomes. Segregation happens the block and the home itself. in a place, not in the statistical yearbook. Segregation may affect residents in all The Helsinki Metropolitan Region is typi- these different spatial layers or scales. cally considered to be a relatively balanced Firstly, the differentiation of services or city region especially in a global compar- school catchment areas can affect the ser- ison. Nonetheless, the differences between vices and social interaction within these the neighborhoods within the region are spheres. In the neighborhood, the overall quite marked. The income differences between level of segregation has an effect on the the extreme ends of the neighborhoods are social life, as well as the block-level dif- eightfold, and for example the proportion ferentiation, which affects who we meet in of adults with an academic degree ranges the yard and on the street. from around two percent to over 55 percent Chapter 4

According to a growing body of research, like in practice, when we carefully scruti- children and the young are especially sus- nize the scales of segregation from the city ceptible to the effects of segregation (see to the neighborhood blocks. It outlines how e.g. Bernelius 2013, Chetty & Hendren 2015). social life is organized within the neigh- The effects are thought to be more noticea- borhood, and how young people experience the ble due to the more localized everyday life neighborhood through its institutions and compared with adults, whose work and social social networks. relationships are usually more dispersed in Everything happens somewhere, and where the city. Another factor contributing to the we grow up influences what happens to us. stronger effects is assumed to be the on-go- Koivukylä in Vantaa is a place where life ing process of socialization, which makes looks different from the why it looks in the children and the young more prone to be some other parts of the same city region. affected by the role models, attitudes, peer When we read the stories of the neighborhood pressure and the quality of services availa- and its residents, the meaning of the dif- ble to them (e.g. Kauppinen 2004). For exam- ferent layers of segregation becomes evi- ple, the local schools are important places dent. Happily, we also notice that there are for socialization and peer group effects, several strengths within the neighborhood, as well as places affecting the education- supporting positive outcomes and underlining al opportunities and attainment of the young the great diversity of urban life also with- (Bernelius 2013). in the geographic scales, often mistakenly As Chetty and Hendren summarize in the seen as homogenous from the outside. quote above, the neighborhood affects children’s lives in permanent ways, reaching REFERENCES all the way into education and earnings in 179 adulthood. Internationally, these effects Bernelius, V. (2013) Eriytyvät kaupunkik- have been observed as being typically rather oulut. Helsingin peruskoulujen oppilas- small, but especially marked and negative pohjan erot, perheiden kouluvalinnat ja in the “black holes” of the urban social oppimistuloksiin liittyvät aluevaikutuk- fabric; in the neighborhoods marked by high set osana kaupungin eriytymiskehitystä. crime, extreme poverty and low-performing Helsingin kaupungin tietokeskus, Tut- schools (Nieuwenhuis & Hooimeijer 2015). At kimuksia 2013:1. the other end of the spectrum, some parts Chetty, R. & Hendren, N. (2015) The Impacts of the city offer a supporting environment, of Neighbourhoods on Intergenerational positive role models and educational oppor- Mobility: Childhood Exposure Effects and tunities even for the children whose own County-Level Estimates. NBER Working pa- family might have a low level of resources per 23001. and troubles coping. When we consider these Kauppinen, T. M. (2004) Asuinalueen ja per- effects, it is important to think about the hetaustan vaikutukset helsinkiläisnuorten scales of segregation: the social environ- keskiasteen tutkintojen suorittamiseen. ment which the children and the young are Helsingin kaupungin tietokeskuksen tut- faced with in the whole city, in the school kimuksia 6/2004. catchment areas, the neighborhood and the block. Nieuwenhuis, J. & Hooimeijer, P. (2015) The association between neighbourhoods and The Helsinki Region does not have the educational achievement, a systemat- extreme black holes of the urban social ic review and meta-analysis. Journal of fabric, as described in some internation- Housing and the Built Environment 31(2), al literature on urban segregation. Howev- 321–347. er, our differentiated city region does have markedly different places to grow up in and Vilkama, K., Lönnqvist, H., Väliniemi-Laur- to socialize with their peers. The students’ son, J. & Tuominen, M. (2014) Erilaistuva text on segregation describes in detail what pääkaupunkiseutu. Sosioekonomiset erot the different layers of segregation look alueittain 2002–2012. Helsingin kaupungin tietokeskus, Tutkimuksia 2014:1. Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

– I should have been doing interviews with Commentary: the local people on their ways of life in Koivukylä but nothing seemed to work. We agreed upon an interview next week. Swapping the baton The interview was one of the most difficult ever. The interviewee was sober, and clearly suffering from anxiety with the odd by Matti Kortteinen situation. The whole point of the interview was to get the interviewee to speak freely, in his own words, about what he regarded as In 1978, I was 25, a student, and with an being important, but he didn’t get started. anxiety disorder, as J. P. Roos, professor The answers were short, one or two sentenc- in social policy, drove me around Koivukylä es, sometimes almost grunts, without any- in his orange Wartburg. He pointed at this thing coming up or opening up during the 90 newly built high-rise suburb and said, “un- minutes it took. We were both relieved when dertake research on that.” The attempt was the ordeal was over. However, I managed to to get to “people’s real life as it real- agree about interviewing his wife the next ly is.” To make this happen, the idea was day. At the beginning, for the first 30 min- to use the “ways of life” concept togeth- utes, this interview was exactly like the er with the newly re-invented “qualitative first one, after which the wife suddenly research methods”. The attempt was funded by asked me, , after a pause: “Did my man tell the Academy of Finland in a research project you about the drink?” “No.” And then she that was, at the time, quite avant-garde: started. On the transcript, afterwards, you 180 nothing of the sort had been done in Finnish could easily see how profoundly the whole sociology in decades. interview changed: it was no more structured We made all sorts of methodological at- into questions and answers but rather into tempts: a small local survey, participant stories, told by the interviewee, starting observation by the students, interviewing from the drink, through a family crisis, to local people – but nothing seemed to work, a story about an ovary infection, and a se- no attempt opened the place, nor the lives rious crisis, into a story about the pres- of the locals, in any interesting way. Until ent-day situation of the family – the preg- something happened when I was again on my nancy, and things settling down. All I had way to interview a local politician (with to do was to listen, totally involved, more no other contacts available). It was a cold or less getting sucked into the world of windy autumn evening, and after arriving the stories, finding myself two hours later early by train, I went to the local su- in the yard, after the interview, cheeks per-market to stay warm. I tried to think of blushed, totally confused: what on earth had something to buy (coming up with a comb), happened? as I was suddenly caught in a discussion I tried to develop an answer by taking the between the man in front of me in the cash- different themes of family life from both of ier’s line and the cashier: the former had the transcripts and constructing a setting about 12 bottles of beer in his trolley and in which the utterances and/or stories of the cashier suspected that he was drunk. I both spouses were side by side, theme by was called into the dispute as the outside theme. A revelation: the seemingly incompre- evaluator and I managed to state, and look- hensible utterances of the man, when framed ing serious, that “very rarely does one see by the stories of the woman, were suddenly men that sober.” The guy got his beer and I informative, and in addition, they made per- found myself suddenly sitting on a rubbish fect sense to me, as a man. It was as if the bin behind the store chatting with him: we spouses would have had a sensible discussion had seen each other before, neither remem- on the main themes of their lives. I found bered where, and I found myself confess- myself writing enthusiastically about the ing to the guy that I was in deep trouble revelation, and, while doing it, found that Chapter 4

the logic of the themes was intrinsically out a book. On the basis of the pause, as I interlinked, and some sort of a conceptual more or less knew what I tried to do, I came structure emerged on this basis: it was as out with a consistent analysis on how the if it would have been more than a story of previously self-evident patriarchal struc- one family. What on earth had I done? ture of the family, in the new conditions of life (a far-away high-rise suburb with two economically almost equal providers), had ended up in a crisis; how this crisis took All empirical work stopped for a year, and on different forms in the different subcul- in a three-year project this resulted in a tures of the block; and how the position of crisis, but I couldn’t help it: in order to the working class male seemed specifically continue I had to come to grips with what weak and prone to crisis. The whole analyt- I had done. Before the Koivukylä-project I ical substance of the book could have been had tried for years to do my master’s the- described with the figure presented above sis on the basic concepts of a classic in (that I, in practice, used during the writ- sociology, Emile Durkheim. I focused on his ing, in coding and decoding the data) – but work on The Division of Labour in Society it wasn’t as I didn’t dare, for it seemed (1893/2014), but his ended up in failure; too simple (Kortteinen 1982). too difficult, I could not make it. Now I However, I later found that this way to realized I had used the interpretation I had frame is quite a useful point of departure implicitly developed while trying to under- in its intuitive clarity. Of especial use, stand Durkheim in the data of this specific this frame has been in situations in which– family: there were the tensions set by the during the later stages of my career – I changing conditions of life (far away sub- have found myself engaged in discussions 181 urban living), on one hand, and the inter- with architects and planners. At its core, nalized cultural structures (“the conscience the frame is sociology, in one of its most collective”), on the other; and people’s traditional forms (coming quite close to the “ways of life” were more or less seen as concept of “social action” by Talcott Par- strategies in signification and agency in sons [1937]) but this is exactly the reason trying to cope in a setting like this. To it contains an element that still seems to put it simply: people’s interpretations and be lacking in the discussions on planning signification of their new conditions of and architecture. life were based on the previously internalized structures, and when tensions and There are two sides to the idea. The first problems arose, deliberation was used in of these came out immediately after my book the more or less collective problem-solv- was published (or already earlier, as the ing; it was through this that the ways of manuscript went around the administration of life developed, as new interpretations, the city a Vantaa, creating fuss, and rage): ideas and solutions emerged. As far as the the book was interpreted as a criticism of new ideas and interpretations were agreed the planning of Koivukylä, as thus of the upon collectively, with time, they became housing policies of Vantaa; it was as if I a part of the internalized structures used was blaming them for the cultural crisis. in the interpretations. It was framed in As a result, I was made “persona non-grata” cultural change, in the ways of life: how in the city of Vantaa for the next quarter it happened, through the agency, within the of a century (however, I did not hear about families. this until the 25 years had gone, and then, only by chance). The whole interpretation, After the year (during which J. P. Roos, however, was a drastic mistake: the idea my boss, totally lost his nerve, with the of the book is something like the oppo- assistant, me, not doing the interviews I site. The housing policies of the city, the was supposed to be doing) I continued with planning and the architecture do not de- the interviews, concentrating on one specif- termine people’s lives, the level and forms ic block of buildings, and the result came of local community life and/or well-being. Hanging out in Koivukylä USP / 2018

People interpret the conditions of life the climate, the economic conditions, the they are given in a way that is based on surroundings from an aesthetic perspective their cultural roots; there is variation and etc.) but the cultural and social structures change in this, and the result is based on of the population does not seem to fit into the signification and agency that emerges on the frame. People, however, evaluate the this basis. The structures of life set by different options in the housing markets on planning and policies are not insignificant the basis of their internalized ways of sig- but neither do they determine the result, nification, and the ones related to a home especially in times of drastic internal mi- are especially strong and emotional. The gration, with the migrant population pil- options available in the housing market are ing up in the high-rise suburbs. Thus, the evaluated on this basis and housing demand high-rise suburbs of the time became the is formed on this basis. To a large extent, platforms and focal points of a more general this determines how the population base and change related to urbanization; it would be the future of a specific housing area is silly to blame a single suburb or a city. formed. Then there is the other side of the coin: people’s ways of thought, as to their core at least, are formed during their life history, and attached to both their personali- Present-day discussion on suburban prob- ties and social relations, at least private lems can help to open up the relevance of (for instance, the adoption of patriarchal the perspective. Suburban riots have be- values and attitudes). They are thus inter- come the most acute topic in international generational, quite firm and slow to change. discussions on suburban social life. In our 182 All this is referred to by the concept of national discussion, the question has been “culture”, at least in sociology, in gener- simple: where on earth do they come from and al. This is also the basis on which the con- why do they come here? Using the frame, a ditions of life set by planning are inter- simple interpretation can be presented. preted, how they are signified and what kind In Finland, quite recently we have gone of agency emerges as a result. With subcul- through a massive structural change: the tural variation, differences emerge even on demand for labor with only basic education how the same conditions of life are inter- collapsed between 1987 and 2015 almost as preted; and in parts the variation was huge dramatically as did the demand for agricul- (depending, for instance, on whether one tural labor in the years 1950–1975 (Korttei- originated from Munkkiniemi – a bourgeois nen 2017). The difference is in the nature, elite district in Western Helsinki – or from not in the scale of change: with declining the peasant country side). But neither does demand in agriculture, people moved to the the background determine the result: the cities to work, migration and massive subur- most important thing is the fit between the ban construction projects resulted. Nowadays internalized structures and the objective the surplus population does not migrate, conditions of life, or the structures of for it has nowhere to go: nowhere is there life set (partly) by planning. demand for people with only basic education. The frame, put forward like this, is in- The result is that people stay put where tuitively convincing and not difficult to ever they are, and the sub-areas within the understand. It also contains a broad idea on cities that they mainly inhabit, descend planning: it could be wise to take also into socio-economically in a way that is his- account the cultural and social conditions toric as to its extent (Kortteinen & Vaat- of life, the adopted patterns in significa- tovaara 2015). So, as to its significance, tion that the people carry – at least in the urban segregation is now the great wave of planning of housing areas. Present-day plan- migration (“suuri muutto”) of yesterday. In ning does take into account many structural Finland, both are (or were) centered in the preconditions (the space in relation to the high-rise suburbs surrounding the cities. urban fabric, the traffic lines, the soil, The position of youth with only basic Chapter 4

education living in these segregated neigh- program in Urban Studies and Planning (USP). borhoods, is especially dire: their pros- The basic idea is to bring researchers and pects in life are poor with no historical planners together to learn, and to produce equivalent after the Second World War. From broader understanding of the urban problems this perspective and on this structural ba- we are facing. As I personally look at the sis, it is no wonder if we see a new kind of situation in the class rooms and studios revolts emerging; and social studies could of this program now, I can’t help having a be done, for instance, with the frame pre- strong sense of deja vu. The students are sented above: how do present-day youngsters roughly the age I was in J. P.’s Wartburg. interpret the conditions of life they find It remains to be seen what happens. themselves in, and how does rioting emerge on this basis? Triggers seem to be linked with the formal social control, especially REFERENCES to stop and search policies, that is deemed Durkheim, E. (1893/2014) The Division of La- to be humiliating (Kortteinen 2017). As the bor in Society. Free Press, New York. police, through this policy, are search- Kemppainen, T. (2017). Disorder and insecu- ing for paperless migrants, and as getting rity in a residential context: a study caught is a life-threatening situation for focusing on Finnish suburban housing such migrants; some flee, and deaths occur. estates built in the 1960’s and 1970’s. Riots have emerged again and again on this Helsingin yliopisto, valtiotieteellinen basis. tiedekunta, tutkimuksia 2017:2. From a distance you can easily spot sim- Kortteinen, M. (1982) Lähiö. Tutkimus ilarities with the 1970s. The problem with elämäntapojen muutoksesta. Otava, Helsin- the high-rise suburbs in the late 1970s ki. 183 was not primarily linked with planning but Kortteinen, M. (2017). Mistä lähiömellakat rather with the fact that migrant population nousevat. Presentation in USP Studio was, to large extent, concentrated to these Course. areas. Now it seems that we are embarking on a similar period of history but linked with Kortteinen, M. & Vaattovaara, M. (2015). both structural employment and with foreign Segregaation aika. Yhteiskuntapolitiikka ethnic minorities and migrants. Though the 80(6), 562–574. setting is not produced by planning it could Parsons, T. (1937) The Structure of Social be wise, in planning, to take these social Action. McGraw-Hill Book Company, New conditions into consideration in attempts at York. urban (re)development. As far as we know, questions linked with informal social control, social order and disorder and questions of collective efficacy seem important both as to how conditions of housing are currently interpreted, and how local engines of migration and segregation are formed. (Kemppainen 2017). Very probably the traditional local solutions (of mixing everyone with everyone and expecting a good result) do not work as well as before and new ones have to be developed.

Together with Professor Mari Vaattovaara and with our good friends in planning and in architecture we have built up a new master’s