The Escalating Conflict with Hezbollah in Syria
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Iraq's Muqtada Al-Sadr
IRAQ’S MUQTADA AL-SADR: SPOILER OR STABILISER? Middle East Report N°55 – 11 July 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. MUQTADA’S LINEAGE .............................................................................................. 1 A. MUHAMMAD BAQIR AL-SADR: THE REVOLUTIONARY THINKER AND “FIRST MARTYR” ......2 B. MUHAMMAD SADIQ AL-SADR: THE PLEBEIAN ACTIVIST AND “SECOND MARTYR”............3 C. MUQTADA AL-SADR: THE UNLIKELY HEIR .........................................................................6 II. MUQTADA’S STEEP AND SWIFT LEARNING CURVE....................................... 7 A. FROM CONFRONTATION TO DOMINANT PRESENCE................................................................7 B. TRIAL AND ERROR: THE FAILURE AND LESSONS OF RADICALISATION ................................10 C. MUQTADA’S POLITICAL ENTRY ..........................................................................................12 III. THE SADRIST MOVEMENT: AN ATYPICAL PHENOMENON ....................... 17 A. MUQTADA’S POLITICAL RESOURCES...................................................................................17 B. AN UNSTRUCTURED MOVEMENT ........................................................................................20 IV. THREE POTENTIAL SOURCES OF CONFLICT ................................................. 21 V. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 24 APPENDICES A. MAP OF IRAQ ......................................................................................................................25 -
Shia Strength - Iraqi Militants Adapt to the US Drawdown
TERRORISM & INSURGENCY Date Posted: 30-Sep-2011 Jane's Intelligence Review Shia strength - Iraqi militants adapt to the US drawdown Key Points Iranian-backed Shia militants in Iraq are responsible for a disproportionately high number of the US casualties suffered in recent months. Kataib Hizbullah, the most sophisticated group, is considered a direct extension of Iran's Qods Force and could become involved in international operations in support of Iranian goals. Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Promised Day Brigades are Iraqi Shia insurgent groups, whose links to Iran peaked in 2008 and have slowly reduced since then. Iraq's 'special groups', such as Kataib Hizbullah and Promised Day Brigades, have stepped up attacks as US forces look to withdraw. Michael Knights looks at Iran's support for the Shia militants, their operations and their post-US future. The US military suffered its heaviest monthly casualties in Iraq in three years in June, when 14 of its soldiers were killed in action. At least 12 of them were killed by Iranian-backed 'special groups', prompting fresh complaints from the US that Iran was encouraging its Iraqi allies to step up their attacks as the scheduled withdrawal of all US forces from Iraq looms. The surge in attacks highlighted the threat posed by Shia militants, especially if the US and Iraqi governments sign an agreement allowing US forces to stay beyond the 31 December withdrawal deadline. Even if the US leaves as previously agreed, Iran is expected to continue to back Iraqi proxies in order to influence the political situation and retain an ability to strike Western assets in the country and possibly elsewhere. -
Transnational Criminal Law
Introduction to the Laws of Kurdistan, Iraq Working Paper Series Transnational Criminal Law Pub. 2016 Iraq Legal Education Initiative (ILEI) American University of Iraq, Sulaimani Stanford Law School Kirkuk Main Road Crown Quadrangle Raparin 559 Nathan Abbott Way Sulaimani, Iraq Stanford, CA 94305-8610 www.auis.ed.iq www.law.stanford.edu 1 Preface to the Series: Introduction to the Laws of Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan Iraq and Iraq's Kurdistan Region is at a compelling juncture in their histories. In the wake of the transition to a democratic state, the country and region economy has prospered and its institutions have grown more complex. As institutional capacity has grown, so too has the need for a robust rule of law. An established rule of law can provide assurances to investors and businesses, while keeping checks on government and private powers and protecting citizens’ fundamental rights. Institutions of higher learning, such as universities and professional training centers, can and should play a key role in stimulating and sustaining this dynamic. Indeed, education is foundational. This paper is part of the Introduction to the Laws of Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan, a series of working papers produced by the Iraqi Legal Education Initiative (ILEI) of Stanford Law School. This series seeks to engage Iraqi students and practitioners in thinking critically about the laws and legal institutions of Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan. Founded in 2012, ILEI is a partnership between the American University of Iraq in Sulaimani (AUIS) and Stanford Law School (SLS). The project’ seeks to positively contribute to the development of legal education and training in Iraq. -
Iran's Compliance with UNSCR 2231
Iran’s Compliance with UNSCR 2231 Alleged Violations Must Be Addressed Valerie Lincy IRAN WATCH REPORT Behnam Ben Taleblu August 2017 1 Executive Summary UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 2231 implements the 2015 nuclear agreement with Iran and imposes missile- and arms-related restrictions. Little-noticed biannual reporting by the UN Secretary General alleges that Iran is repeatedly violating these non-nuclear provisions. Thus far, the United States has responded to such violations with sanctions and designations of Iranian and foreign entities supporting Tehran’s ballistic missile development. However, the UN and its member states have not responded. More must be done to investigate allegations of noncompliance and to punish violations of the resolution. The Challenge of Responding to Alleged Violations of UNSCR 2231 On July 27, Iran tested its Simorgh satellite launch vehicle from a newly inaugurated space center.1 In response, the United States, France, Germany, and the United Kingdom addressed a letter to the UN Security Council calling the test “a threatening and provocative step” and “inconsistent” with UNSCR 2231, which codifies the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) nuclear deal.2 The countries expressed alarm over Iran’s satellite launch vehicle test because it could help extend the range of Tehran’s nuclear-capable ballistic missiles. The Simorgh test is only the latest example of Tehran’s defiance of ballistic missile restrictions set forth in Annex B of UNSCR 2231. According to a June 20 report by the UN Secretary General,3 Iran may have violated the prescribed limitations on arms imports and exports and ballistic missile testing, as well as entity-specific prohibitions on multiple occasions. -
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire
Lebanon in the Syrian Quagmire: Fault-Lines, Resilience and Possible Futures Ishac Diwan, Paris Sciences et Lettres Youssef Chaitani, UN ESCWA Working Paper for Discussion The purpose of this paper is to examine the weaknesses and strengths of Lebanon amidst the tensions created by the Syrian conflict that started in 2011. Lebanon’s sectarian governance system has been over 150 years in the making. But the Syrian fire next door, which has taken an increasing sectarian nature, is likely to burn for a long time. With such dire prospects, what is the fate of Lebanon’s governance system? Will it lead the country inexorably towards civil strife? The Lebanese governance system could be described as a horizontal deal among communal oligarchs, supported by vertical organizations within each community. While oligarchs have changed over time, the system itself survived devastating civil wars, endured extensive global and regional influences, and was also undeterred by the projection of power by many external forces, including the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Syria, Iran and Israel. What are the forces at work that make the Lebanese governance system both resilient and resistant to change? In the paper, we use as an analytical framework, which is introduced in section one, the model of limited orders developed by Douglas North and his associates. In section two, we argue that the Syrian civil war is likely to be long lasting. Section three examines the weaknesses and fault-lines of the Lebanese system in light of the Syrian war. Section four explores the factors that continue to contribute to the strength and resilience of Lebanon in spite of the rise in extremist Islamic militancy. -
View/Print Page As PDF
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3198 What Is Iran Up To in Deir al-Zour? by Oula A. Alrifai Oct 10, 2019 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Oula A. Alrifai Oula A. Alrifai is a senior fellow in The Washington Institute's Geduld Program on Arab Politics. Brief Analysis Tehran and its proxies have been exerting hard and soft power in northeast Syria, combining military consolidation with economic, social, and religious outreach in order to cement their long-term influence. n September 30, Syria and Iraq reopened their main border crossing between al-Bukamal and al-Qaim, O which had been formally closed for five years. The circumstances surrounding the event were telling—the ceremony was delayed by a couple weeks because of unclaimed foreign airstrikes on Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps targets in east Syria following the Iranian attack against Saudi oil facilities earlier that month. What exactly have the IRGC and its local proxies been doing in Deir al-Zour province? And what does this activity tell us about Iran’s wider plans there? OPENING THE DOOR FOR IRAQI PROXIES T he border ceremony was led by Khadhim al-Ikabi, an Iraqi government representative, raising questions about whether the decision will help circumvent U.S. sanctions placed on Iran. Although Syrian state media celebrated the event as an opportunity to increase trade with Iraq, Tehran’s reaction indicated that the crossing will mainly serve Iranian military interests. According to officials and media in Iran, reopening the border is of “high strategic importance” in strengthening the Islamic Republic’s “trilateral coalition” with Baghdad and Damascus. -
Iran and the Gulf Military Balance - I
IRAN AND THE GULF MILITARY BALANCE - I The Conventional and Asymmetric Dimensions FIFTH WORKING DRAFT By Anthony H. Cordesman and Alexander Wilner Revised July 11, 2012 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Cordesman/Wilner: Iran & The Gulf Military Balance, Rev 5 7/11/12 2 Acknowledgements This analysis was made possible by a grant from the Smith Richardson Foundation. It draws on the work of Dr. Abdullah Toukan and a series of reports on Iran by Adam Seitz, a Senior Research Associate and Instructor, Middle East Studies, Marine Corps University. 2 Cordesman/Wilner: Iran & The Gulf Military Balance, Rev 5 7/11/12 3 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................. 5 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ....................................................................................................................... 6 Figure III.1: Summary Chronology of US-Iranian Military Competition: 2000-2011 ............................... 8 CURRENT PATTERNS IN THE STRUCTURE OF US AND IRANIAN MILITARY COMPETITION ........................................... 13 DIFFERING NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES .............................................................................................................. 17 US Perceptions .................................................................................................................................... 17 Iranian Perceptions............................................................................................................................ -
Iran's Foreign and Defense Policies
Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies Updated May 8, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44017 SUMMARY R44017 Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies May 8, 2019 Iran’s national security policy is the product of many overlapping and sometimes competing factors such as the ideology of Iran’s Islamic revolution, perception of threats Kenneth Katzman to the regime and to the country, long-standing national interests, and the interaction of Specialist in Middle the Iranian regime’s factions and constituencies. Iran’s leadership: Eastern Affairs x Seeks to deter or thwart U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate Iran or to bring about a change of regime. x Has sought to take advantage of opportunities of regional conflicts to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that it asserts favors the United States, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. x Seeks to enhance its international prestige and restore a sense of “greatness” reminiscent of ancient Persian empires. x Advances its foreign policy goals, in part by providing material support to regional allied governments and armed factions. Iranian officials characterize the support as helping the region’s “oppressed” and assert that Saudi Arabia, in particular, is instigating sectarian tensions and trying to exclude Iran from regional affairs. x Sometimes disagrees on tactics and strategies. Supreme Leader Ali Khamene’i and key hardline institutions, such as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), oppose any compromises of Iran’s national security core goals. Iran’s elected president, Hassan Rouhani, and Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif support Iran’s integration into regional and international diplomacy. -
Armoured Vehicles Market Report 2017
Defence IQ ARMOURED VEHICLES MARKET REPORT 2017 sponsored by CONTENTS Executive Summary 4 Survey Analysis 5 Regional Developments 20 Europe North America Middle East Asia-Pacific Africa Latin America International Armoured Vehicle Review 66 Military Insight 68 Credits 76 About Defence IQ / Disclaimer 77 International Armoured Vehicles 23 - 26 January, 2017 2 Twickenham Stadium , London, UK Register today! “The defence market FOREWORD is becoming more sponsored by NIMR Automative sensitive to cost and value for money” In 2016 we have continued to see hotspots of unrest and conflict across the world, particularly in the Middle East and North Africa region, and there are few indications that these will abate in 2017. Conflict is unpredictable and asymmetric in nature and, in responding to these threats, armies across the globe are expecting their armoured vehicle fleets to provide the backbone of their ground based fighting capability. Versatile and flexible in use, armoured vehicles provide the protection and mobility for the deployment of troops, sensors and weapon systems. They deliver the military capability and “troops on the ground” where and when they are needed. At NIMR, we closely monitor market trends to ensure we are ready to meet the emerging demands of our customers. With this in mind, we welcome the annual Global Armoured Vehicles Market Report and are delighted to introduce the 2017 Report. Launched ahead of the series of armoured vehicle conferences, the report identifies the trends within the sector that will shape the market activity for the coming year. We expect to see continued growth in the demand for vehicles from the international market, both for new capability and to replace some ageing fleets. -
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Continued: Iran: Winning Hearts and Minds in Deir Ezzor “…A History of Iranian Shi’I Proselytism in Deir Ezzor Which Dates to 1988…”
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Iran: Winning Hearts and Minds in Deir Ezzor OE Watch Commentary: Deir Ezzor is a tribal Sunni province of Syria located on the Euphrates River, along the border with Iraq. Its physical and socio-cultural environments resemble those of Iraq’s Anbar Province, and it was an ISIS stronghold for several years. Late last year, the provincial capital and surrounding areas were retaken by loyalist forces, with Iranian-backed militias leading the charge. Although it is not a natural social environment for deep-rooted Iranian influence to take hold, some of the Iran-backed militias may be there to stay. The foundations for Iran’s ability to assert control over this traditionally Sunni area are partially explained in the accompanying passage, published last November in the Syrian opposition news website alsouria.net. According to the article, soft-power measures from as early as 1988 have paved the way for Iran’s new foothold in Deir Ezzor. That year, the article claims, Iranian envoys began enticing poor villagers from the Baqqara (Baggara) tribe to adopt religious practices associated with Shi’i Iran. Through mechanisms such as the Imam al-Murtaza Foundation, Iran extended its influence by providing these neglected areas with material assistance and a new ideological edifice, based on Iranian Revolutionary ideals and centered around newly built Shi’i houses of worship (Husseiniyat). Iran’s close relations with the Assad government also allowed its envoys and allies to provide government functions in some areas, according to the article. The loyalist retaking of Deir Ezzor in late 2017 received crucial support from Nawaf al-Bashir, a prominent member of the Baqqara in Syria. -
Iran's Networks of Influence in the Middle East
an strategic dossier IRAN’S NETWORKS OF INFLUENCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST published by The International Institute for Strategic Studies ARUNDEL HOUSE | 6 TEMPLE PLACE | LONDON | WC2R 2PG | UK 1 an strategic dossier IRAN’S NETWORKS OF INFLUENCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST The International Institute for Strategic Studies ARUNDEL HOUSE | 6 TEMPLE PLACE | LONDON | WC2R 2PG | UK DIRECTOR-GENERAL AND CHIEF EXECUTIVE Dr John Chipman This publication has been prepared by the Director-General and Chief Executive of the Institute and his staff. It incorporates commissioned contributions from recognised subject experts, which were reviewed by a range of experts in the field. The IISS would like to thank the various individuals who contributed their expertise to the compilation of this dossier. The responsibility for the contents is ours alone. The views expressed herein do not, and indeed cannot, represent a consensus of views among the worldwide membership of the Institute as a whole. First published November 2019 by the International Institute for Strategic Studies. © 2019 The International Institute for Strategic Studies cover images: Top: Background: A Lebanese Hizbullah fighter near Arsal, Lebanon, 26 July 2017 (Anwar Amro/AFP/ Getty Images); main images, top–bottom: Popular Mobilisation Units fighters launch missiles targeting the village of Salmani, south of Mosul, in Iraq’s Nineva province, 30 October 2016 (Ahmad Al-Rubaye/AFP/Getty Images); Major- General Qasem Soleimani, commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) attends a meeting between Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei (not pictured) and the IRGC in Tehran, 18 September 2016 (by Pool/Press Office of Iranian Supreme Leader/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images); Pro-government forces at a funeral ceremony at the Sayyida Zainab mosque in Damascus, Syria, 26 April 2017 (Louai Beshara/AFP/Getty Images) Printed and bound in the UK by Hobbs the Printers Ltd. -
31 October 2012 What Is the Probability of an Israeli Strike Against Iran in the Six Months Following the 2012 US Presidential Election?
Intelligence brief | 31 October 2012 What is the probability of an Israeli strike against Iran in the six months following the 2012 US presi ential election? Open Briefing currently assesses an Israeli strike against Iran to be highly unlikely between the US presi ential elections in November 2012 an the Israeli elections in January 2013, an unlikely between January an the Iranian presi ential elections in June 2013. This outlook is pre icate on five key areas of consi eration, summarise below an expan e upon in the following pages. 1. Persisting regional uncertainty will oblige Israel to calculate its moves with painstaking caution. A military strike on Iran, with the possible blowback this coul pro uce, is likely to occur only in extremis, that is, if Israel believe its existence coul be jeopar ise by containment, or in the face of incontrovertible ,smoking gun- evi ence. .owever, growing signs of Iranian cooperation with al- 0ae a an international jiha ist groups, as well as the Israeli lea ership1s fluctuating views regar ing Iranian Shiite rationality, represent wil car s. 2. Israelçs military ability to eradicate or significantly disrupt Irançs nuclear programme is far from clear. Israeli military authorities assess that a strike woul , even in the best case scenario, merely elay Iran1s nuclear progress by up to two years, thereby calling into 2uestion the longer-term wisdom of such a move. In a ition, Iran has been ramping up its covert operations an asymmetric assets, emonstrating an ability to respon in kin if provoke . 3. The impact of parallel measures, especially cyber warfare and far-reaching sanctions, may persuade Israel to postpone a strike.