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The Peace Vs. Justice Debate and the Syrian Crisis
American University Washington College of Law Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law Articles in Law Reviews & Other Academic Journals Scholarship & Research 2018 The Peace vs. Justice Debate and the Syrian Crisis Paul Williams Lisa Dicker C. Danae Paterson Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/facsch_lawrev Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, International Humanitarian Law Commons, International Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons THE PEACE VS. JUSTICE PUZZLE AND THE SYRIAN CRISIS Paul R Williams,' Lisa K Dicker," C. Danae Paterson I. INTRODUCTION........................................... 418 II. THE "PEACE-FIRST" APPROACH ........................ ..... 420 A. PrioritizingEnding the Conflict. .................. ....... 421 B. Benefits of the Peace-FirstApproach.............. ............ 422 1. Saving Lives...................................... 422 2. Ending Harm to the Environment and Infrastructure ..................... 422 3. Promoting Reconciliation ....................... ..... 423 C. Achieving Peace-Firstin Practice........................ 423 1. Singular Objective of Ending the Conflict............ ..... 423 2. Negotiating with the Guys with Guns ...... ....................... 424 3. Accommodation and Appeasement................ ......... 424 4. Minimizing Justice .............. ................... 425 5. Amnesty ........................................ 426 D. Case Studies ............................... ........ 426 * Rebecca -
EASTERN GHOUTA, SYRIA Amnesty International Is a Global Movement of More Than 7 Million People Who Campaign for a World Where Human Rights Are Enjoyed by All
‘LEFT TO DIE UNDER SIEGE’ WAR CRIMES AND HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN EASTERN GHOUTA, SYRIA Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. First published in 2015 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom © Amnesty International 2015 Index: MDE 24/2079/2015 Original language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo: Residents search through rubble for survivors in Douma, Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus. Activists said the damage was the result of an air strike by forces loyal to President Bashar -
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ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Vol 8 No 6 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) Social Sciences November 2017 Research Article © 2017 Osaretin Idahosa and Harrison C. Ajebon. This is an open access article licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/). As the Beat Goes on in Syria, is There an Exit Route? Osaretin Idahosa, PhD Department of Political Science, University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria Harrison C. Ajebon Department of Political Science, University of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria Doi: 10.1515/mjss-2017-0041 Abstract The UN Security Council unanimous Resolution 2254 (2015) endorsed a Peace Process for Syria on December 18, 2015. By this token the global body called on President Bashar-al- Assad and opposition groups to sheath their swords and allow a political settlement in the country. In context of the dynamics of the Syrian conflicts, this study looks at the workability of the resolution meant to reduce the cost of the war and deterioration of humanitarian conditions. The study reveals that after over half a decade of brutal mutual carnage (by both government and opposition forces) a top-bottom imposed peace process has lost its appeal. Rather, a bottom-top remedy that uses the cultural assets of the Syrian people to create a movement for peace and reconciliation in the country is urgently needed. Keywords: Syria, Global, Humanitarian, Opposition, Peace, Resolution, War 1. Introduction Resolution 2254 (2015) adopted by the Security Council of the United Nations at its 7588th meeting, on 18 December 2015 reaffirms the commitment of the global body to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Syria. -
Iraq's Muqtada Al-Sadr
IRAQ’S MUQTADA AL-SADR: SPOILER OR STABILISER? Middle East Report N°55 – 11 July 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. MUQTADA’S LINEAGE .............................................................................................. 1 A. MUHAMMAD BAQIR AL-SADR: THE REVOLUTIONARY THINKER AND “FIRST MARTYR” ......2 B. MUHAMMAD SADIQ AL-SADR: THE PLEBEIAN ACTIVIST AND “SECOND MARTYR”............3 C. MUQTADA AL-SADR: THE UNLIKELY HEIR .........................................................................6 II. MUQTADA’S STEEP AND SWIFT LEARNING CURVE....................................... 7 A. FROM CONFRONTATION TO DOMINANT PRESENCE................................................................7 B. TRIAL AND ERROR: THE FAILURE AND LESSONS OF RADICALISATION ................................10 C. MUQTADA’S POLITICAL ENTRY ..........................................................................................12 III. THE SADRIST MOVEMENT: AN ATYPICAL PHENOMENON ....................... 17 A. MUQTADA’S POLITICAL RESOURCES...................................................................................17 B. AN UNSTRUCTURED MOVEMENT ........................................................................................20 IV. THREE POTENTIAL SOURCES OF CONFLICT ................................................. 21 V. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 24 APPENDICES A. MAP OF IRAQ ......................................................................................................................25 -
The 2021 Syrian Presidential Election
July 2021 The 2021 Syrian Presidential Election Political deadlock and Syrian Burnout Hadia Kawikji Introduction The legitimacy of any position is based on two main elements, first the manner in which the individual attained the position, and second is the ability of the individual to fulfill the related responsibilities. For the first point, Bashar al-Assad’s Presidency in Syria was attained through heredity within a ludicrous system following his father who seized the power via a military coup. Both father and son ruled Syria for the last half a century with de-facto legitimacy, through nominal referendums completely dominated by the Ba’ath party. This was instead of an election that reflects the Syrian people’s will. In terms of the ability to fulfill the responsibilities of the presidency, many indicators showcase the regime’s failures to the Syrians. The recent years have witnessed the collapse of the Syrian pound to unprecedented levels, along with the displacement of more than half of the Syrian population,1 and the rise of extreme poverty to 82%,2 with the fact that 37% of the Syrian territories are outside of the regime’s control. Additionally, the violation of the Syrian decision is evidenced by the control of the Lebanese “Hezbollah”, Iranian militias, and Russian troops controlling over roughly 85% of the Syrian borders, finally yet importantly, the Syrian regime’s inability to protect its territory is illustrated by the haphazard attacks by Israel on Syrian land at any given time. In March 2011, the majority of the Syrian people called for the removal of the Assad regime and the transition to a democratic country. -
Chapter Iii Syrian Peace Process
1 CHAPTER III SYRIAN PEACE PROCESS Syrian Peace process are all about the many talks that had been done by several international actors in order to put an end to Syria Crisis, whether it is for their national interests or others. Briefly speaking, the peace talks or the peace agreements that have been carried out by the international actors, that somehow decided to involve their selves in Syria crisis, to assist Syria in resolving the prolonged crisis that took place in the country, whether the agreement or the talks involving Syria as an object (as a country involved in the talks or the negotiations) or agreements or talks that only make Syria the subject of the agreement without giving Syria any loophole to vote in the talks. These peace talks on how to solve the conflict in Syria also known as Syrian Peace Process. Syrian peace process is known to begin in the end of 2011- 2012 by The Arab League (Lundgren, 2016). Then, it was followed by one of the agreements that was very well known in the international arena and one of the Syrian peace agreements that attracted too much attention and involved several international actors, such as the United States and Russia, called as Geneva Peace Talks (2012-2017). Following the Geneva Peace Talks that had ended in 2017, another peace talks that will also address the issue of resolving the problems and achieving the peace in Syria without prejudice to both sides (government and oppositions) has been agreed upon by the international actors involved, known as Astana Peace Talks (2017-presents). -
The Syrian Civil War a New Stage, but Is It the Final One?
THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR A NEW STAGE, BUT IS IT THE FINAL ONE? ROBERT S. FORD APRIL 2019 POLICY PAPER 2019-8 CONTENTS * SUMMARY * 1 INTRODUCTION * 3 BEGINNING OF THE CONFLICT, 2011-14 * 4 DYNAMICS OF THE WAR, 2015-18 * 11 FAILED NEGOTIATIONS * 14 BRINGING THE CONFLICT TO A CLOSE * 18 CONCLUSION © The Middle East Institute The Middle East Institute 1319 18th Street NW Washington, D.C. 20036 SUMMARY Eight years on, the Syrian civil war is finally winding down. The government of Bashar al-Assad has largely won, but the cost has been steep. The economy is shattered, there are more than 5 million Syrian refugees abroad, and the government lacks the resources to rebuild. Any chance that the Syrian opposition could compel the regime to negotiate a national unity government that limited or ended Assad’s role collapsed with the entry of the Russian military in mid- 2015 and the Obama administration’s decision not to counter-escalate. The country remains divided into three zones, each in the hands of a different group and supported by foreign forces. The first, under government control with backing from Iran and Russia, encompasses much of the country, and all of its major cities. The second, in the east, is in the hands of a Kurdish-Arab force backed by the U.S. The third, in the northwest, is under Turkish control, with a mix of opposition forces dominated by Islamic extremists. The Syrian government will not accept partition and is ultimately likely to reassert its control in the eastern and northwestern zones. -
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MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3198 What Is Iran Up To in Deir al-Zour? by Oula A. Alrifai Oct 10, 2019 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Oula A. Alrifai Oula A. Alrifai is a senior fellow in The Washington Institute's Geduld Program on Arab Politics. Brief Analysis Tehran and its proxies have been exerting hard and soft power in northeast Syria, combining military consolidation with economic, social, and religious outreach in order to cement their long-term influence. n September 30, Syria and Iraq reopened their main border crossing between al-Bukamal and al-Qaim, O which had been formally closed for five years. The circumstances surrounding the event were telling—the ceremony was delayed by a couple weeks because of unclaimed foreign airstrikes on Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps targets in east Syria following the Iranian attack against Saudi oil facilities earlier that month. What exactly have the IRGC and its local proxies been doing in Deir al-Zour province? And what does this activity tell us about Iran’s wider plans there? OPENING THE DOOR FOR IRAQI PROXIES T he border ceremony was led by Khadhim al-Ikabi, an Iraqi government representative, raising questions about whether the decision will help circumvent U.S. sanctions placed on Iran. Although Syrian state media celebrated the event as an opportunity to increase trade with Iraq, Tehran’s reaction indicated that the crossing will mainly serve Iranian military interests. According to officials and media in Iran, reopening the border is of “high strategic importance” in strengthening the Islamic Republic’s “trilateral coalition” with Baghdad and Damascus. -
Putin's Syrian Gambit: Sharper Elbows, Bigger Footprint, Stickier Wicket
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 25 Putin’s Syrian Gambit: Sharper Elbows, Bigger Footprint, Stickier Wicket by John W. Parker Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, and Center for Technology and National Security Policy. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified combatant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Admiral Kuznetsov aircraft carrier, August, 2012 (Russian Ministry of Defense) Putin's Syrian Gambit Putin's Syrian Gambit: Sharper Elbows, Bigger Footprint, Stickier Wicket By John W. Parker Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 25 Series Editor: Denise Natali National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. July 2017 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. Cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. Portions of this work may be quoted or reprinted without permission, provided that a standard source credit line is included. -
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Continued: Iran: Winning Hearts and Minds in Deir Ezzor “…A History of Iranian Shi’I Proselytism in Deir Ezzor Which Dates to 1988…”
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Iran: Winning Hearts and Minds in Deir Ezzor OE Watch Commentary: Deir Ezzor is a tribal Sunni province of Syria located on the Euphrates River, along the border with Iraq. Its physical and socio-cultural environments resemble those of Iraq’s Anbar Province, and it was an ISIS stronghold for several years. Late last year, the provincial capital and surrounding areas were retaken by loyalist forces, with Iranian-backed militias leading the charge. Although it is not a natural social environment for deep-rooted Iranian influence to take hold, some of the Iran-backed militias may be there to stay. The foundations for Iran’s ability to assert control over this traditionally Sunni area are partially explained in the accompanying passage, published last November in the Syrian opposition news website alsouria.net. According to the article, soft-power measures from as early as 1988 have paved the way for Iran’s new foothold in Deir Ezzor. That year, the article claims, Iranian envoys began enticing poor villagers from the Baqqara (Baggara) tribe to adopt religious practices associated with Shi’i Iran. Through mechanisms such as the Imam al-Murtaza Foundation, Iran extended its influence by providing these neglected areas with material assistance and a new ideological edifice, based on Iranian Revolutionary ideals and centered around newly built Shi’i houses of worship (Husseiniyat). Iran’s close relations with the Assad government also allowed its envoys and allies to provide government functions in some areas, according to the article. The loyalist retaking of Deir Ezzor in late 2017 received crucial support from Nawaf al-Bashir, a prominent member of the Baqqara in Syria. -
Iran's Networks of Influence in the Middle East
an strategic dossier IRAN’S NETWORKS OF INFLUENCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST published by The International Institute for Strategic Studies ARUNDEL HOUSE | 6 TEMPLE PLACE | LONDON | WC2R 2PG | UK 1 an strategic dossier IRAN’S NETWORKS OF INFLUENCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST The International Institute for Strategic Studies ARUNDEL HOUSE | 6 TEMPLE PLACE | LONDON | WC2R 2PG | UK DIRECTOR-GENERAL AND CHIEF EXECUTIVE Dr John Chipman This publication has been prepared by the Director-General and Chief Executive of the Institute and his staff. It incorporates commissioned contributions from recognised subject experts, which were reviewed by a range of experts in the field. The IISS would like to thank the various individuals who contributed their expertise to the compilation of this dossier. The responsibility for the contents is ours alone. The views expressed herein do not, and indeed cannot, represent a consensus of views among the worldwide membership of the Institute as a whole. First published November 2019 by the International Institute for Strategic Studies. © 2019 The International Institute for Strategic Studies cover images: Top: Background: A Lebanese Hizbullah fighter near Arsal, Lebanon, 26 July 2017 (Anwar Amro/AFP/ Getty Images); main images, top–bottom: Popular Mobilisation Units fighters launch missiles targeting the village of Salmani, south of Mosul, in Iraq’s Nineva province, 30 October 2016 (Ahmad Al-Rubaye/AFP/Getty Images); Major- General Qasem Soleimani, commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) attends a meeting between Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei (not pictured) and the IRGC in Tehran, 18 September 2016 (by Pool/Press Office of Iranian Supreme Leader/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images); Pro-government forces at a funeral ceremony at the Sayyida Zainab mosque in Damascus, Syria, 26 April 2017 (Louai Beshara/AFP/Getty Images) Printed and bound in the UK by Hobbs the Printers Ltd. -
Tenth Quarterly Report Part 1 – Eastern Ghouta February
Tenth Quarterly Report Part 1 – Eastern Ghouta February – April 2018 Colophon ISBN: 978-94-92487-29-2 NUR 689 PAX serial number: PAX/2018/05 Photo cover: “A raid killed my dream, and a raid killed my future, and a raid killed everything alive inside of me, while I was watching.” - Wael al-Tawil, Douma, 20 February 2018 About PAX PAX works with committed citizens and partners to protect civilians against acts of war, to end armed violence, and to build just peace. PAX operates independently of political interests. www.paxforpeace.nl / P.O. Box 19318 / 3501 DH Utrecht, The Netherlands / [email protected] This report was written by Valerie Szybala with support from the PAX team. It would not have been possible without the participation of Siege Watch’s voluntary network of reporting contacts on the ground. This past quarter, Siege Watch contacts from Eastern Ghouta continued to provide updates and information with the project during the darkest period of their lives. Thank you to everyone from Eastern Ghouta who communicated with the project team over the years, for your openness, generosity and patience. We have been inspired and humbled by your strength through adversity, and will continue to support your search for justice and peace. Siege Watch Tenth Quarterly Report Part 1 – Eastern Ghouta February – April 2018 PAX ! Siege Watch - Tenth Quarterly Report Part 1 – Eastern Ghouta 3 Table of Contents Executive Summary 06 Introduction 10 Eastern Ghouta 12 Background 12 Military Developments 14 Stages of the Final Offensive 18 Chemical Weapons