The Whare-Oohia: Traditional Maori Education for a Contemporary World

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TE WHARE-OOHIA: TRADITIONAL MAAORI EDUCATION FOR A CONTEMPORARY WORLD

A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Education at Massey University, Palmerston North, Aotearoa New Zealand

Na Taiarahia Melbourne

2009

TABLE OF CONTENTS

He Mihi

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION 4 1.1 The Research Question…………………………………….. 5 1.2 The Thesis Structure……………………………………….. 6

CHAPTER 2: HISTORY OF TRADITIONAL MAAORI EDUCATION 9 2.1 The Origins of Traditional Maaori Education…………….. 9 2.2 The Whare as an Educational Institute……………………. 10 2.3 Education as a Purposeful Engagement…………………… 13 2.4 Whakapapa (Genealogy) in Education…………………….. 14

CHAPTER 3: LITERATURE REVIEW 16 3.1 Western Authors: Percy Smith;...……………………………………………… 16 Elsdon Best;..……………………………………………… 22 Bronwyn Elsmore; ……………………………………….. 24 3.2 Maaori Authors: Pei Te Hurinui Jones;..…………………………………….. 25 Samuel Robinson…………………………………………... 30

CHAPTER 4: RESEARCHING TRADITIONAL MAAORI EDUCATION 33 4.1 Cultural Safety…………………………………………….. 33 4.2 Maaori Research Frameworks…………………………….. 35 4.3 The Research Process……………………………………… 38

CHAPTER 5: KURA - AN ANCIENT SCHOOL OF MAAORI EDUCATION 42 5.1 The Education of Te Kura-i-awaawa;……………………… 43 Whatumanawa - Of Enlightenment..……………………… 46 5.2 Rangi, Papa and their Children, the Atua:…………………. 48 Nga Atua Taane - The Male Atua…………………………. 49 Nga Atua Waahine - The Female Atua…………………….. 52 5.3 Pedagogy of Te Kura-i-awaawa…………………………… 53

CHAPTER 6: TE WHARE-WAANANGA - OF PHILOSOPHICAL EDUCATION 55 6.1 Whare-maire of Tuhoe, and Tupapakurau: Tupapakurau;...…………………………………………….. 56 Te Kawa-a-maui; Te Toki-a-Tangaroa; Mairerangi;...…….. 57 Kahuponia...... 58 6.2 Whare-waananga of Te Tairawhiti: Ngati Porou - Puangiangi; Tapere-nui-a-Whatonga; Te Aho-o-Matariki… 59 Hemo-o-Tawake; Te Uhi-a-Mataora; Te Aho Matariki (II);. 61 Kaiawha……………………………………………………. 62 6.3 Te Aitanga-a-Hauiti - Ruakaka; Te Rahauhau; Te Rawheoro...... …………………….. 62 6.4 Ngati Konohi - Te Aitanga-a-Mahaki and Rongowhakaata; Te Ao Marama and Whitireia;…………………………….. 64 2

Wharekorero (Te Tuahu); Puhi Kaiti;…………………….. 65 Tokitokiwhakaonge;……………………………………..... 66 Maraehina(hina); Taihamuti;…………………………….... 67 Hamokorau(terangi)……………………………………….. 68

CHAPTER 7: TRADITIONAL MAAORI EDUCATION FOR CHILDREN 70 7.1 Te Whare Tangata and Whare-paku - Of Pre-natal Education…………………………………………………... 70 7.2 Te Whare-koohanga - Of Infant Education………………... 71 7.3 Te Whare-mauokoroa - Identifying Children’s Talents...…. 72 7.4 Te Whare Taikorera, Whare-anoano and Whare-noa - Of Education for Children and Adolescents……………….. 74

CHAPTER 8: FURTHER TRADITIONAL MAAORI INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION 79 8.1 Te Whare-pora(hau) - Of Education pertaining to 79 Women…………………………………………………….. 79 8.2 Te Whare-ahuru - Of Hand-to-hand combat………………. 81 8.3 Te Whare-aitu - Of the Art of Warfare……………………. 82 8.4 Te Whare-whakairo - Of the Art of Carving………………. 84 8.5 Other Whare……………………………………………….. 86

CHAPTER 9: TE WHARE-OOHIA - A HYPOTHESIS FOR A CONTEMPORARY EDUCATION 89 9.1 Summary…………………………………………………… 89 9.2 Implications of Traditional Knowledge for Modern Education………………………………………………….. 90 9.3 Diagram of Curriculum Based on Maaori Pedagogy - Te Whare-oohia:…………………………………………. 95 Te Whare-mauokoroa; Te Whare-tangata;………………… 96 Te Whare-koohanga;………………………………………. 98 Te Whare-taikorera;……………………………………….. 99 - Te Whareanoano; Te Whare-noa;……………………….. 101 Nga Whare-maatauranga………………………………….. 102 9.4 Assessing Learning of Te Whare-oohia…………………... 103

Conclusion 104

He Timatanga Takutaku 106

Bibliography

Appendices 1. Names of Io from Te Matorohanga. 2. Whakapapa of creation pantheon according to Pei Te Hurinui Jones. 3. Names of Io extracted from the whatumanawa takutaku, and other takutaku. 4. Names of atua Hine extracted from the whatumanwa takutaku:

He Mihi

Rata ware Rata ware Noho noa koe ka tuatua i a Tane Koia i whekii, koia i whekaa Rere mai ko te konga koia i piri, koia i mau Rere mai ko te maramara koia i piri, koia i mau E tu Tane kia torotika to tu Tihei Mauriora!

Ka tikina atu te ara waananga i haria mai i Hawaiiki hei mihi ki te hunga na ratou nga koorero i whakatakotoria, nga waha kii, nga puukoorero no nga hau e wha, tena koutou. Ko ratou kua mene ki te po e kore e warewaretia ina kua whakairohia nga koorero ki te taahu roa.

Ko nga koorero kua whakaemihia hei whaariki mo te tangata kei te ao marama, he mea na koutou i whatu. Ko nga koorero i koorerohia no te rauaroha, no nga whare a kui a koro ma i takea mai i te oko-nui, no reira ra te ringa maioha kua oti te takai ki te awe, e tomo i te whare kia koorero pangaa. Me iriiri i nga wai amio o Okataina i Te wai tapu o Tane, ko Wetini Mitai kei tona tuahu. Ka whakawhiti ki Te Tairawhiti ki Turanginui-a-Kiwa ko Mahaki a Tauhei, kei Taihamuti o Whirikoka ko Rutene Weherua. Ka piki ake ki roto o Uawa ki Te waha o te parata kei te pae o Rawheoro e noho mai na ko Wayne Ngata. Kei tata tonu ra a Pakaurangi kei tona maru a Te Rahauhau ko te mokopuna a te uhi, a te whao ko Mark Kopua. Ka haere tonu ra ki raro i te maru o Te Tipi O Taikehu, ki Whakapau Karakia, ki te mokopuna o Te Aowera ko Anaru Kupenga. Ka piki ki roto o Rangitukia ko Nunu Tangaere kei Te poho o Hinepare. Ka whai atu i tau o te wai ki roto o Wharekahika kei Puangiangi ko Robert Ruha. Ka hono haere ki roto o Apanui kia tau iho ki Whitianga, ko te kura tena o te whatumanawa a Hohepa Delamere. Ki tona pekanga no Ngati Hine, o Nga Puhi whanui tonu kei Tamaki Makaurau e tiaki ana i te marea, ara ko Rawiri Tai Tin. Kakapo huri taku haere ki te kuititanga o te Nehenehenui o te kawau o maro Maniapoto e ko te whanau a Miringa te kakara. Ka kauria i nga wai o Ruamano ki Waikaremoana ki Kahuponia, kia tae atu ki Hanamahihi ko Maire- rangi, kei tua o Hine Mataroa ko Te Kawa a Maui, ko Te Toki a Tangaroa e pupuritia ana e Hori Uatuku. Ka oti atu i te po o Hinenui kei te matemate-a-one, takoto mai ra e Te Hue.

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Traditional Maaori1 maintained an extremely well-ordered hapuu (sub-tribal state), not without its complexities, but one that had evolved to interweave all strands of societal fabric. The matter of education was at the heart of all hapuu as it was central to intellectual, spiritual, emotional, and physical development. Abstract representations of systemised knowledge embodied in primordial deities supported with ensuing genealogies, incantations, verse, histories, and practice were disseminated within ancient Maaori educational environments known as Whare and Kura and have endured to the present day, albeit substantially depleted in comparison to pre-european contact. Consequently large components of this education have for many generations remained under-ground, closely guarded by modern day toohunga (learned experts)2 still cautious of Western supposition and dogma. There are nonetheless well-known contemporaries who are in fact recipients of knowledge from within these ancient establishments. Diggeress Te Kanawa, internationally admired for her traditional cloak- making, received inherent knowledge of generations of the art from her mother that would have stemmed from the teachings within the Whare-pora, a traditional educational environment explicitly for women. Peta Awatere, Colonel of the 28th Maori Battalion of World War II was schooled in the Whare-aitu at the traditional training grounds of Kirikiritatangi, a fighting academy where the arts of Maaori weaponry and war strategy were taught. Mark Kopua, an

1 Maaori can alternately be written with a macron over the a (eg. Māori). I have chosen to use double letters to stress these vowels in words. Only with book titles, people’s names, or quotes have I not used this format. 2 Toohunga is only one name used to describe ancient scholars. Other names are numerous some of which include amorangi, ruahine, taupuhi, amokura, ruakura, ahurewa, ihorei, nihorei or ruanuku. 5

international toohunga-taa-moko (traditional Maaori tattoo expert), portrays many histories in his art inherited from toohunga of the Tairawhiti (East Coast region) from the Te Rawheoro Whare-waananga, another educational environment where genealogies, history, karakia (incantations), and esoteric philosophy were also discussed and debated. And the late Hohepa Delamere, who did not attend state schooling until he was a teenager, was one of the last known contemporaries to be educated entirely within the ancient Kura, an environment that had an all-encompassing education particularly of the practice of metaphysics.3 Hohepa was known internationally as a healer, and was to those who knew him well like the amokura4 of yesteryear, interweaving the supernatural with reality; and there are many learned individuals throughout the country well known and not so well known, who remain inherent recipients of knowledge from within these ancient institutions.5

1.1 THE RESEARCH QUESTION The purpose of this research is to investigate traditional Maaori educational constructs, discuss the pedagogy (philosophies of teaching practice) and epistemology (philosophies of knowledge) employed in these institutions, and show via a hypothesis that they can still make a valuable contribution to contemporary education and modern society.

Traditionally, Maaori ideology and philosophy were integrated into all facets of society, and debated within the confines of educational institutions. One of the most important and acknowledged institutions where this occurred was the Whare-waananga. Whare-waananga were sacred institutions in which knowledge was imparted under the most strictest of rules and regulations of an ancient order, and incumbents charged with maintaining the intellectual preservation of knowledge. To begin, the histories of these structures, their content and their purpose, including that of many other traditional educational structures in which Maaori were educated will be examined. Who taught in these structures? How were they arranged? What was the curriculum? Who was accepted into this education? Where did the education occur?

3 The practice of metaphysics does not necessarily imply an understanding of metaphysics in this instance. Understanding metaphysics is probably too presumptuous a statement but I cannot discount that the philosophy or science of metaphysics was or was not part of the curriculum of kura. Certainly the practice was and will be expanded on further. Metaphysics is defined in the ‘Concise Oxford Dictionary’ as ‘Theoretical philosophy of being and knowing’ (1964), p.763. Metaphysics as discussed amongst my peers is the science of the non-physical otherwise commonly referred to as the super-natural. 4 This is a term of reference for an anointed scholar of ancient knowledge. 5 I have known Mark and Hohepa for many years and witnessed their works in person during that time. While it is generally known that Diggeress was tutored by her mother Rangimarie Hetet, and Peta Awatere also had links to Te Araroa, what I know of their talents I have learnt over the years in passing conversation with friends and whanau.

These are all questions that will be indirectly addressed in the exploration of the multifarious structuctures of the Whare-wananga and the many other traditional educational institutions of the Maaori. The pedagogies, epistemologies and the curriculum of these ancient institutions will also be discussed. The final part of this research involves summarising these findings regarding traditional Whare and Kura into a modern hypothesis for educational reform and analysing its validity and relevance in a contemporary society.

1.2 THE THESIS STRUCTURE With the exception of Kura, specifically the Kura-i-awaawa6 where Hohepa Delamere was educated, the most revered of the Whare was the Whare-waananga7 for the fact that the most sacred part of hapuu education was esoteric and taught within this Whare. However, Whare- waananga were prevalent in all tribal regions, and any attempt to address every tribal Whare in the context of this research would be futile. I have therefore decided to cross-reference a triangulation of tribal groups from whom I descend, and with tribes of individuals who I have developed intamate ties with over the years.

Before discussing these institutions, chapter two will first discuss the history of the traditional Maaori creation pantheon, with specific reference to Kura and Whare, and the engagement of traditional education. This is to ensure that the links to the origins of Kura, Whare-waananga and other Whare discussed in following chapters are duly recognised. Besides the links, the information will begin to reveal the ancient histories that have been retained within Whare and Kura, and their influence in shaping Maaori society.

Chapter three will review literature recorded by early westerners and Maaori scholars whose works have already featured in the discourse relating to educational origins of the Maaori. The review shows similarities and disparities of information, as it was recorded by both Maaori and Paakeha between the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, who investigate the education of an array of different tribal groups. Further examples of the origins of Maaori knowledge that influenced the various educational institutions will also be discussed and debated.

Chapter four will discuss further dichotomies of Maaori and western views, but pertaining to research. These will be discussed within the contexts of cultural safety, ethics and methodology

6 This is the name of the ancient school of education that Hohepa attended. 7 There were many other names this institute was known by that will be duly be discussed.

and describe how I applied best practices in the act of interviewing respective informants from different tribes. Research models that I feel enhance my research capacity are also highlighted, and the research process that I engaged will also be summarised and discussed here.

In Chapter five the ancient Kura-i-awaawa will be revealed. This is the first institution that forms the first part of the aforementioned triangulation. This Kura is situated in Te Whanau-a- Apanui. Specifically it is the Kura of Hohepa Delamere at Whitianga Bay near Te Kaha. The ancient link to a sub-conscious referred to as whatumanawa will be discussed here, and the symbiosis with Io, the most sacred of all divinities from many tribal histories, will be revealed. This chapter will conclude with a brief description of pedagogy and epistemology as it pertained to Kura-i-awaawa and Hohepa.

Chapter six includes the next two tribal groups of the triangulation. Here the Whare-maire8 of my own tribes the Nga Potiki and Tuhoe of Te Urewera, particularly of Ruatoki will be explored.9 My father was born and raised in Ruatoki, and I spent many holidays there as a child, before eventually living with my grandparents in Ruatoki while completing secondary school in Whakatane. Exploration will continue to the Whare-waananga of Te Tairawhiti, that is the eastern seaboard of the North Island from Manutuke near Gisborne, to Wharekahika, better known as Hicks Bay. My mother is from Ngati Porou, and my father has strong genealogical ties with Rongowhakaata and Te Aitanga-a-Mahaki. Further, my wife was born and raised in the Waiapu Valley, mainly Tikitiki, and she also has strong genealogical links to the tribes from the Rongowhakaata through to the Te Whanau-a-Apanui regions.

Chapter seven and eight will engage in the history of other traditional educational institutions designed for infants and their mothers, children, women and all members of hapuu and iwi (tribal) groups. Again the curriculums of these institutions will be discussed so that by the completion of this study, a wide enough net will have been cast in order to gain with some sense of confidence, the nature of traditional Maaori educational institutions.

Finally in Chapter nine, a hypothesis for a modern day version of these traditional components in today’s educational institutes wil be proposed and analysed. Besides the education that

8 Whare-maire is a term used by Tuhoe for what are generally known as a Whare-waananga. 9 The original inhabitants of the Urewera Ranges inland from Whakatane were the Nga Potiki. The later influence of Tuhoe-potiki the ancestor meant that many other tribal groups soon referred to the Urewera people as Tuhoe. Ruatoki sits at the northern end of the ranges.

occurred within these institutions, it is also the concept of these institutions that I hope to reveal as credible components of a traditional society that still has relevance in a modern society, for Maaori and non-Maaori educational aspirations alike.

Revelations aside, traditional Maaori history is something I have an immense passion for, with a firm belief that the ancient principles by which traditional Maaori society flourished holds potential to enriching ones worldview and challenging existing monolithic paradigms that I have often confronted not so much in educational institutions, but certainly within local and national political constructs. The prospect of re-introducing this knowledge in a formal context is contentious and at the same time exciting. This renaissance has already been discussed by author Samuel Robinson in the preface of his book Tohunga.10 Robinson’ dream to see “…everyone arise to their own tohunga status”11 if not fulfilled, is probably a realistic prelude to any broader innovation.

10 Robinson, S. (2005).Tohunga. The Revival. Ancient Knowledge for the Modern Era. Reed Publishing, Auckland. 11 Ibid, p.11.

CHAPTER 2: HISTORY OF TRADITIONAL MAAORI EDUCATION

This chapter deals with the histories of the Whare-waananga, the origins of Maaori knowledge and where education was taught or undertaken. The intention is to highlight the importance of these origins as the history of Maaori knowledge also contributes to the history of what Maaori society was like prior to the arrival of the Paakeha. This history will show that education was a purposeful engagement, designed with specifc intent.

2.1 THE ORIGINS OF TRADITIONAL MAAORI EDUCATION Oral histories were the cornerstone of Maaori education and traditional Maaori institutions of learning are referenced from the beginning of Maaori cosmogony. Among many iwi this beginning is personified by Io, an embodiment of consciousness known.12 Io resided in his house known as Te Whare-o-te-rauroha in Rangiatea. From Io emerges the union of the primary parents of creation, Ranginui who is represented by the sky, and Papatuanuku represented by the earth.13 They are bound in symbolic marriage and bear a progeny generally referred to as atua,14 who populate the cosmos.

The length of genealogies of this period varies from tribe to tribe, as does the multitude of entities. The knowledge pantheon begins with the Rua identities, particularly Rua-i-te-pupuke (or Rua-i-te-pukenga) and Rua-i-te-horahora - metaphoric references to waananga15 or learning as inherited from Io, the Apa and Poutiriao.16 This knowledge then descends to Rangi, Papa and the atua. It is the atua who create mortality by way of one of the children called Tane, who created a woman from the earth whom he called Hine-i-ahu-mai-i-te-one (popularly referred to as Hine-ahu-one that translates as ‘The-maiden-formed-from-earth’). Tane then

12 This account is prevalent among sources both oral and written. Best in ‘Children of the Mist’ (1925) refers to Io and mentions many associates (White, Hammond, Davis and others) who make reference to Io. Smith writes about Io as told by Te Matorohanga in ‘Te Kauwaerunga’ (1913). Maaori scholar Pei Te Hurinui Jones discusses Io in his monographs (folders 86-94), and more recently Robinson in ‘Tohunga’ (2005). The larger portion of information regarding Io that contributes to this research was that told by Hohepa Delamere from a waananga I was a part of in Whitianga Bay near Te Kaha in 2004. 13 Best refers to Rangi and Papa as ‘…personifications of sky and earth.’ Best, E. (1925), Children of the Mist. p.746. 14 Atua here refers to the children of Ranginui and Papatuanuku. 15 Ngata, A.T. and Jones, P.T.H, (1970). Nga Moteatea: The Songs, Part II. Auckland University Press. Auckland. This word has many connotations, generally in relation to knowledge or education., pp.257-265. 16 Jones also refers to the Apa and Poutiriao in Jones, P.T.H.(1898-1976). Mareikura-Io. Microfilm of MS-Papers- 5220, folders 86-94. The Apa and Poutiriao in short are non-physical forms, representations of cosmic balance.

copulates with this earth formed maiden, and from this union people are born.17 The waananga18 is in due course imparted to people.

One of the earliest accounts of formal education regards the grandfather of the renowned ancestor, navigator, and scholar Maui-tikitiki-a-Taranga (generally known as Maui), Tama-nui- ki-te-rangi.19 Maui was raised by his grandfather and is responsible for the knowledge maintained by the Ngati Maui of today. It could be argued that Maui and his brothers were the earliest class of toohunga to which their descendants of the Ngati Maui claim his Whare- waananga, Te Aho-o-Matariki, as being the very first Whare-waananga in Hawaiiki-nui (the Pacific) established on Mount Hikurangi on the East Coast of the North Island.20 By all accounts Maui was an extremely learned man with vast knowledge of the scientific, natural, and supernatural realms that over the centuries, has been intrinsically interwoven into the fabric of Maaori society. Maui is said to have also attained esoteric knowledge from his grandmothers Mahuika and Murirangawhenua, strongly indicating that the waananga was not exclusive to men. From Maui, tribal oral histories have been inherited and consequently imparted for the most part, within formal institutions of learning designed on the original Whare and Kura of Io.

2.2 THE WHARE AS AN EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTE Traditional Maaori education was not excluded to the confines of a building. The word ‘maatauranga’ used in reference to education can mean to be ‘versed’ in any ‘context’, and was never an undertaking seclusive to the likes of formal constructs of education as we know them today. Traditional education is nearer to what is known as life-long education, where every engagement in day-to-day living was designed to educate. There were however variations of this education that comprised of educational arenas and structures intentionally designed for the purpose of teaching and learning.

As already mentioned, the matter of education was at the heart of all hapuu. Many aspects of teaching and conveyance of ancient Maaori knowledge occurred as a natural process of day-to-

17 According to Robinson’s version Tiki was the first male fashioned by the atua for Hine Mauri, granddaughter of the maiden-fashioned by clay, Hineahuone, and daughter to Tane and Hine-titama who became Hine-nui-te-po (p.40). Among all tribes there are variations of this history. 18 That is the knowledge from within the Whare-waananga. 19 The Ngai Tahu version differs in that Maui was raised by one Hinehauone. Tohunga:2005, p.42. 20 Waananga with Anaru Kupenga of Ngati Maui, and Ngati Te Aowera, September 2007, Ruatorea. Anaru refers to Whare-waananga as Whare-waananga-maatauranga.

day living. But even with the nature of daily social engagements were formal structures embodied therein, and these were generally referred to as Whare. These Whare were not just physical edifices but encapsulated a wider arena of formal instruction such as that within the Whare-taikorera where play was the curriculum. As a Whare that maintained a general curriculum and pedagogy of play, it would not be until the child was identified for more specific engagements in life that educational structures would start to become incredibly detailed, with definitive guidelines pertaining to access, pedagogy, and eventually assessments (or milestones) for graduation to other Whare. Within the Whare-waananga, but not exclusively, rituals attached to learning ensured a student focused of mind, body, soul, and spirit. These rituals originated from Tane, who underwent lengthy ceremonies of purification upon receiving infinite knowledge from Io’s abode in Rangiatea.21 These ceremonies among other learning and teaching observances insisted that the student be mentally apt to receive, internalise and then reproduce the screeds of genealogy, incantations, cosmogony and related histories with infallible precision. Te Rangihiroa Buck mentions this regarding the transmission of knowledge within the Whare-waananga:

Polynesian historical narratives were not idle stories that were bandied about...without supervision or restraint....their (Maori) oral history was transmitted from generation to generation in proper courses of study by priests and teachers who had themselves graduated in the Whare Wananga or sacred Houses of Learning.22

Further statements are made by Buck highlighting the oratory elegance, and incredible memory of learned toohunga of their tribal histories and genealogies that contributed to the honour, prestige or pride of the people. One such example he offers is of Tuhoe elder and toohunga Tamarau Waiari who, “...in the nineties of the last century (1800’s), took three days ...to recite the genealogy of the Ngati Koura sub-tribe of Tuhoe....It necessitated the recital, in correct order, of over 1400 names.”23 And it must be highlighted here that Ngati Koura was only one of about 30 hapuu among the Tuhoe people at that time.

The word whare as it is commonly referred today means ‘house’. As mentioned above however this word did not imply a physical structure only, and could perhaps be a modern

21 This version is stated in Ngata, A.T. and Jones, P.T.H, (1970). Nga Moteatea: The Songs, Part II. An Oriori for Tuteremoana by Tuhotoariki. pp.257-265. 22 Journal of the Polynesian Society: The Value of Tradition in Polynesian Research. p.183. 23 Ibid.

misinterpretation. Certainly Te Whare-koohanga referred to a physical edifice that was erected for birthing, and many Whare-waananga were edifices where learned sages and ariki (hereditary chiefs) congregated to discuss and impart sacred and ancient knowledge. Whare- puni, Whare-nui, and Whare-moe or Whare-tipuna are terms used to refer to meeting houses commonly seen on today’s marae. As an example of contrasting examples were the Whare- matanui, a term of reference for a platoon of warriors of Te Hokowhitu-a-Tu (war party) and as already mentioned the Whare-taikorera. In fact, the teaching of this education was in the form of games that took place in the Pa and surrounding environment.

Student of Hohepa Delamere and educator, Paraone Tai Tin from Ngati Hine in the Taitokerau (northland), offers an ancient translation of the term whare as ‘longevity of vision’ (wha translates as ‘distance’ of time, while re means to ‘watch’ or ‘observe’).24 Hence when the term Whare precedes the word waananga as in Whare-waananga, those chosen for this education must be prepared to commit ‘time’ and ‘focus’ to the realm of waananga and the curriculum therein. Paraone further expresses that when one is enveloped in the learning of a Whare, their world-view is guided by the philosophy therein. A carver schooled within the Whare-whakairo (where the art of carving was taught) for example would view signs of nature differently to a student of other Whare, but all acknowledging inter-connectedness through the education as it was received from Io. Subsequently when one’s focus is not maintained then their application becomes confused, and consequently so does their learning.25 Toohunga taa- moko Mark Kopua reinforces this concept of Whare by relating instances of the Hauiti toohunga Peta Komaru and the many visitors who would frequent his home for days to engage in waananga, thereby emphasising the person as the Whare, that is someone who ‘houses’ the knowledge, and not so much a physical structure.26 Best mentions that “…in most cases the expression ‘house’ (whare) was merely a figurative one” and “…denoted a course of teaching practised at a certain place, a curriculum.”27

The term Whare was not exclusive when identifying structures of teaching and learning. Kura was another word employed to express an environment where learning occurred such as the

24 Ibid. 25 Ibid. 26 Waananga with Mark Kopua, Managtuna, March 2007. 27 Best, E (1923). The Maori School of Learning. V.R.Ward, Government Printer, Wellington. Reprinted 1986. p.10.

Kura-i-awaawa that was the educational environment of the late Hohepa Delamere.28 This was a sacred learning institute where amongst broad education, metaphysics was engaged. Whatever the case, the name and its purpose have endured, as have those of many other institutions of teaching, including their pedagogies and epistemologies, sacred rituals and observances, and curriculum of arts, warfare, esoteric knowledge, medicine, astronomy, food- gathering, cosmogony, navigation, building, architecture, white and black sorcery, and so much more of a culture rich and full of centuries of a naturalistic evolution.

2.3 EDUCATION AS A PURPOSEFUL ENGAGEMENT The teaching and conveyance of ancient Maaori knowledge itself occurred as a natural process within the evolution of tribal society. As the need for further understanding of the environment for the benefit of survival became necessary, theories were developed, acted on, and the outcomes retained in part, in the form of legends. These legends have since become favourite fables that parents and grandparents tell their children and grandchildren, with the added caution, message or moral therein that reinforces societal values and principles. These are the stories by which many Maaori and New Zealanders have come to understand Maaori histories as they are retold in children’s books, or perhaps in other publications. Often, if not always, these stories conceal a much deeper knowledge than the surface feature of the fables from which further understanding can be gained. The well known ‘myth’ of Maui and the Sun for example where Maui was said to have snared the sun and slowed its ecliptic arc so people would have more time to complete daily tasks, can be interpreted in many ways, two of which follow.

The first is that Maui theorised the centrifugal relationship between the natural forces of the earth and sun and the relativity of gravity as the earth revolves around the sun. Another simpler interpretation highlights Maui as being responsible for ordering or systemising day-time and night-time activities so that maximum benefit was obtained of the time peoples of that time found themselves in increasing limited supply of. Whatever interpretation one prescribes to, for most it remains a fantastical bed-time story, with a hint of a moral that could best be described as to not take what time we have during the day for granted. Nonetheless pakiwaitara (fables) and puurakau (legends) have played a part in the continuation of knowledge known today. Fables, legends, or myths of the Maaori were created in order to retain knowledge, but

28 Waananga with Hohepa Delamere, Whitianga Bay, January 2004.

traditionally were only a minúte portion of stories that carried histories of the Maaori. The greatest part of this knowledge was otherwise formalised within structures and systems of learning. For the large part most of these structures were known as Whare.

These educational institutions had their own special character and function, integrated into the day-to-day living within hapuu affairs. Education, religion, socialism, spirituality, and politics were so inextricably interwoven that it was impossible for individuals to seclude themselves from daily life without having a role within these Whare, particularly those in significant roles of leadership. It was expected of rangatira and ariki moreso to have knowledge and understanding of all aspects of societal development, therefore their participation within these Whare was an inevitable disposition of their inheritance.

2.4 WHAKAPAPA (GENEALOGY) IN EDUCATION The first part to education within the Whare-waananga began with a selection process, where entry prerequisites were rigorous, and sometimes nigh impossible to achieve. To begin, the student’s own whakapapa was a strong determinant for acceptance. These children would more often than not be descendants of toohunga, rangatira (conferred chiefs), or ariki and show exceptional ability to retain and recite information. Lineage meant they not only had a biological innateness, but the exposure to the environment of their elders would almost have ensured their capability to ascend the entry tasks and continual graduate examinations of the Whare-waananga. Occasionally children not of ariki lineage found their way into the ranks by proving themselves and continuing to prove themselves from a very young age. The type of testing that occurred was no more than a practical means of ensuring that beyond being an apt student, commitment would be unwavering.

Education was a right for all, as much as it was a necessity for hapuu survival. While not all children were inducted into the Whare-waananga or Whare-pora, all children did receive some form of education regardless of heritage or class.

While Whare and Kura became the institutions for imparting knowledge, genealogy became an integral part of the curriculum taught within. Whakapapa served a highly practical function more than knowing ones relationship to ones kin. It was a means employed to maintain many aspects of learning and teaching and therein formed a number of reference points, one of which was a timeline of events as they pertained to their ancestors. As an example, one of the first

genealogies is of an abstract interpretation of ‘the Big Bang’. It could be seen as a theoretical view of cosmogony embodied in genealogies that start with Te Puu.

Te Puu, in some tribal histories, represents the beginning of the creation theorem according to Maaori, followed by increasingly complex genealogies that require extensive interpretation to gain understanding. However Te Puu for this example is often the first name of many celestial genealogies that can be translated as the ‘origin’, and we find the term ‘pu’ used frequently as a prefix of primary concepts: puutahi as the ‘original design’; puutake as the ‘basis’ or ‘base’ of physical and metaphorical terms; puumotomoto is a sacred reference to the ‘doorway’ of celestial knowledge; puurewa as ‘ultimate balance’; puutau as ‘cell’ (of the body); and so on. The puu genealogy then descends to different phases of evolution that further define the conception of the abstract thought and the physical conception of the cosmos. Whakapapa then becomes a means of referencing historical timelines, and used as a cross-reference with other tribal genealogies as they have retained them. Further comparative measures utilised by Maaori included cross-referencing similar stories from various informants from tribal whare, or relying totally on certain individuals whose knowledge could scarcely be equalled - a monotheistic practice but as in the case of Te Matorohanga, was democratic and suited conventions of the time.29

The next chapter will review literature from both Maaori and non-Maaori on Whare-waananga. The reviews will critique the literature second, but first seek to examine the inner-workings of Whare-waananga from different tribal perspectives, and thus contribute to the greater body of understanding traditional Maaori education.

29 Te Matorohanga was a nineteenth century toohunga from the Wairarapa region who regularly attended other tribal Whare-waananga and was considered by his peers as the chief informant of knowledge during his time.

CHAPTER 3: LITERATURE REVIEW

While there are some pains in siphoning screeds of your own cultural knowledge written by foreigners, their attempts contain valueable information and ultimately contribute to the knowledge of the Maaori world as it was. This chapter begins with reviewing texts written by three non-Maaori authors, with attention to Maaori knowledge in relation to the Whare- waananga and other Whare before introducing two Maaori authors who write and discuss their own tribal histories of tribal knowledge pertaining to the Whare-waananga. The review spans a range of tribes or tribal groups as they are explored from authors and academics spanning a period of two centuries.

While this review will largely summarise documented Whare-waananga knowledge, the review will also critique the authors writing mannerisms in order to highlight their attitudes toward the said knowledge. In the context of this research, this analysis allows the hereditary descendants and owners of tribal knowledge to maintain the essence of the information as it was intended, and therefore interpreted as it was originally intended by those who were entrusted with that knowledge over the centuries.

3.1 WESTERN AUTHORS Percy Smith For decades, the majority of Maaori esoteric knowledge was believed (even by many Maaori) to be detailed only in publications by Western ethnographers. Percy Smith, co-founder of the Polynesian Society, transcribes the most detailed publication of the Whare-waananga and related practices in a dual volume, the first titled Te Kauwaerunga and the second Te Kauwaeraro.30

In the late 1850’s a large number of Maaori congregated in the Wairarapa to discuss ‘politics’ and the waning of traditional practices.31 Three of the most noted toohunga to Europeans of that time, Paratene Te Okawhare, Nepia Pohuhu, and Te Matorohanga were present. At some point after much discussion it was decided by those gathered that the histories of the Maaori be

30 The Lore of the Whare Wananga or The Teachings of the Maori College on Religion, Cosmogony, and History, VolumeI: Te Kauwaerunga, and Volume II: Te Kauwaeraro. Written by H.T.Whatahoro, from the teachings of Te Matorohanga and Nepia Pohuhu. Translated by Percy Smith. (1913). New Plymouth. Te Kauwaerunga can be translated as ‘celestial knowledge’ and Te Kauwaeraro as ‘terrestrial knowledge’. Literally they mean the ‘upper jaw’ and ‘lower jaw’ respectively. 31 Ibid, Introduction; p.i.

explained, and that Te Matorohanga be the principal informant. It was also agreed that the information be written by two young Maaori men, H.T.Whatahoro and Aporo Te Kumeroa, both educated in the traditional Maaori community and the Missionary.32 Although it was agreed they write the information and not be required to commit the information to memory as it was performed traditionally, both were still subjected to “…all the ancient forms and rituals accompanying the teachings.”33

These scribes spent periods over many years engaged in this learning and task of recording the ancient histories of those learned sages, with many of their writings published in the aforementioned volumes that were re-written and translated by Percy Smith with the assistance of TeWhatahoro. It must be noted here that a large part of information published by early writers such as Best, Smith, Downes, and White, have stemmed from the writings of Te Whatahoro and Kumeroa. The writings shared by Te Whatohoro and cohorts, who spent a large part of their live’s recording the knowledge of some of the last remaining toohunga of their generation, had hitherto, never been acknowledged.34

The history contained within these two publications is invaluable to the student of ancient Maaori lore and practices, particularly regarding the function of the Maaori colleges of higher learning, the Whare-waananga. Many of the nuances pertaining to the daily customs and curriculum of teaching and learning are shared here according to the histories of Te Matorohanga. There is no reference to the institution where Te Matorohanga was originally schooled, although it is noted that Te Matorohanga resided in the vicinity of the Okura-a-renga Taranui Whare-waananga in the Wairarapa.35 The pan-tribal nature of Whare-waananga also saw Te Matorohanga as a participant in the revered East Coast Whare-waananga of Rawheoro near Tolaga Bay.36

In the introduction of Te Kauwaerunga Smith poses origins of Maori cosmogony based on histories gathered by Te Whatahoro and other ethnographers. Reference to a far off land called Irihia has already been inferred by colleagues as India, while further clues lead to cultural

32 Ibid. 33 Ibib, p.ii. 34 The People of Many Peaks: 1769-1869, Allen & Unwin NZ, Reprinted 1996. Auckland, University Press with Bridget Williams Books, Auckland. p.20. 35 Chapman-Taylor, Mary (1901). Some observations on the whare-wananga and other branches of the House of Learning., qMS-0433. 36 Waananga with Wayne Ngata, Tolaga Bay, October 2007.

similarities with the Babylonian and Aryan races.37 A link of the cultural strain is indicated to be that which has descended from the migration of the Maaori from these two lands and comparisons raised to local tribes who still inhabit these lands.38 In this account, famed ancestor Maui does not feature in Smith’s account of the migration of Maaori to Aotearoa or any of the Pacific Islands. Exploration of the Pacific is first raised with Kupe, who landed much later than Maui (by my calculations some 300 years later), suggesting the trail from Irihia by Maaori ventured first to the Pacific then eventually to Aotearoa.39 I suppose Smith applies a degree of anthropological anecdotes although I find it surprising that there is no reference to Maui who is well known among many Maaori and Polynesian tribal groups and their histories employed in this supposition. While various accounts of Maui are discussed by Te Matorohanga (that Smith compounds into Chapter VI of Te Kauwaerunga), there he remains. Smith uses the ‘discovery of Kupe’ history not considering the well known version of Maui at all, who features at least 15-20 generations (in some tribal genealogies) earlier than his descendant Kupe.

These histories make provocative reading for two reasons. The first is that it highlights the position of the tribe in which Te Matorohanga was schooled, with varying traditions and reference of ancestors according to their (Wairarapa) histories. The second is that Smith’s suppositions are based on an anthropological and ethnographical view that the Pacific was inhabited before Aotearoa. This is contrary to the Maui history of whom Maui is said to have ‘fished up’ the North Island, that is discovered Aotearoa, his descendants later embarking on expeditions into the Pacific.40

While many of the ethnographical viewpoints expressed by Smith are interesting, it is difficult to absorb some of his personal perspectives that reflect the monotheist era of Western literary vernacular:

Assuredly these ancient beliefs…will offer to the student of Comparative Mythology, and additional light on the working of the mind of the primitive man, in his efforts to account for the

37 Smith, pp.x-xi. There are also oral accounts that refer to a father-land known as Te Ao Marama, said to be where the sun shone a lot that preceded the migration to Irihia. The term te ao marama is used frequently in karakia in reference to knowledge as in emerging into a ‘world of light’. 38 Further oral stories of Maui and accounts of the Whare-waananga of his older brothers also concur with this account and will be raised later. 39 This would have also been due to early assumptions that Maaori first migrated from South America. 40 Waananga with Anaru Kupenga, September 2007, Ruatorea.

phenomena of nature…. Isolated for, probably over 2000 years and having no contact with other races of a higher culture.41

Inferences of a ‘primitive man’, ‘mythology’, and ‘higher (western) culture’ trivialise this history and the culture of Maaori, compounded by no empirical evidence and only presumptions typical of ethnographic rhetoric of that era.

Beyond Smith’s views however is the information divulged by Te Matorhanga and Pohuhu to Te Whatahoro. The rigorous structure of education undertaken within these sacred schools of learning is described in depth, as are insights into the curriculum. Matters of history, philosophy, cosmogony, epistemology, geography, psychology, cosmology, genealogy, biology, linguistics, arts, horticuluture, or oceanography are some elements of an extensive list discussed by Te Matorohanga. The relationships to Babylonian, Aryan, and Greek cultures and mythology posed by Smith are easily realised upon absorbing the detail by which Te Matorohanga discusses his knowledge imparted within the Whare-waananga. The nature of such information within the Whare-waananga has carefully transcended centuries within a structure and format that treated such information with a reverence comparative to the engagement of many religious sects to their holy scriptures. Maintaining the original compostion of knowledge was not only an academic requirement of this educational institution but was reinforced with spiritual nuances. This pedagogy therefore placed the student of the Whare-waananga under incredible pressure to learn, retain, and recite all information imparted.

Details of times of learning, names of places within the edifice of the Whare-waananga, rituals, practices, karakia, where the education took place, the nature of those selected to engage in the education of the Whare-waananga, the ceremony on exiting from sessions, are all detailed by Te Matorohanga according to the customs of the Wairarapa. An example described by Te Matorohanga of spiritual purification of students included stripping off their clothing before entering into the house where teaching occurred, where they would then be robed in garments that were worn for the purposes known only to the Whare-waananga alumni.42

Another interesting aspect raised by Smith is the cross-educational practice that occurred between Whare-waananga. One such example is given by Te Matorohanga regarding a debate

41 Smith, P. (1913). The Lore of the Whare Wananga, Vol. 1: Memoirs of the Polynesian Society, Introduction:iv 42 Smith, P. (1924). Lore of the Whare-wananga. Te Kauwaerunga. p.4 & p.90.

about the names of a well-known star that indicates that while there was ongoing (although not constant) inter-sub-tribal and inter-tribal warring, the aspect of higher education on occasion was not considered in local level politics. 43

The information regarding the first Volume of Te Kauwaerunga, that include the inter-related genealogies in defining the universe are intricate to say the least. The mention of Io as the creator of all things as told by Te Matorohanga and discussed by Smith, deserves contemplation, particularly regarding Maaori cosmogony (see Appendix 1). It also highlights that this divinity is known to the Wairarapa toohunga class, and one can assume that metaphsics may have also been engaged here. A matter of final interest is that Te Whatahoro, who scribed the teachings of Te Matorohanga was “…said to have completed six of the seven grades of the whare wananga.”44

Volume II, that is Te Kauwaeraro, leaves the celestial history and nuances of daily engagement within the Whare-waananga, and focuses on more terrestrial histories. This discussion again returns to India as the Fatherland, and references to old names of tribal groupings used by Maaori. Some vocabulary similarities are investigated, one example being the word arai that means ‘rice’, with a full account of this food source given by Te Matorohanga as arai-toto- kore (Toto-kore means ‘bloodless’).45 The interesting aspect of rice being part of the Maaori vocabulary opens new insights to a people and their origins, if indeed the main strain of this history is what has survived. Many inferences to similar histories of the Sumatran nation are then posed with the Maaori voyager and explorer Tama-rere-iti entering the foray.46 Histories of great wars that have consistencies with Hawaiian and Rarotongan histories are compared and navigational points are also scrutinized.

It is not until the introduction of voyager and explorer Irapanga that the Pacific trail is raised, despite Irapanga being from an era clearly after Maui. Irapanga seems to have slipped into obscurity in many tribal histories although is evident in Rarotongan genealogical tables. In discussing Irapanga however Maui is raised as being a predecessor who may have blazed the trail that Irapanga followed. The name Hawaiiki-rangi was given by another early explorer

43 Ibid, p.101. This example refers to a debate at the Te Rawheoro Whare-waananga regarding the varying names of the star Kopu or Venus. 44 The People of Many Peaks: 1769-1869, Allen & Unwin NZ, Reprinted 1996. p.21. 45 Smith, P. (1913). The Lore of the Whare-wananga. Te Kauwaeraro. p.11. 46 Ibid. p.17.

Uenuku-rangi to the island that was traditionally known as Maui-nui.47 Otherwise the feature of Maui as the original discoverer of many islands that he ‘fished up’, is commented on by Smith referring back to the “…sojourn of the people in Indonesia” (Hawaiiki-roa).48 The fact also that there were no other islands that referred to Maui’s exploits is incorrect, as the islands of Aoteaora are the main islands in the South Pacific referring to the histories of Maui’s feats and travels that stretch from Te-hiku-a-Maui (The tail of Maui) in the north, to Te-punga-a- Maui (The anchor of Maui) in the south, that is Stewart Island, not to mention the histories of the Ngati Maui peoples of the East Coast who have a thorough account of his many escapades and fuller histories than any published accounts I have encountered.

Eventually Kupe is introduced. Here a statement by Smith that Kupe ‘discovered’ New Zealand49 leaves me feeling perplexed. Not at any stage of his account does Te Matorohanga infer that Kupe discovers any land. The only suggestion of discovery is the fact that Kupe is said by Te Matorohanga to have not seen any people during his expedition. His travels are evident in the names of places form Wellington to the South Island, and from the western seaboard to the northern reaches of the North Island. There is however no history of Kupe having visited the East Coast of the North or the inland reaches of the Urewera Ranges or lake areas of Taupo and Rotorua. Perhaps this retelling has been once again misinterpreted by ethnographers as a discovery, when it is quite clear that Maui is the first arrival.

The continuation of the origins of the many peoples and the canoes that eventually landed in Aotearoa is discussed by Te Matorohanga; from the arrival of the Takitimu to the migration of the ancestors of the Mouriuri (popularly known as the Moriori) and their eventual settlement of Wharekauri (The Chatham Islands). The depth of the history and knowledge displayed by Te Matorohanga unravels a web of intertwining relationships that starts in Irihia then disperses to the peoples of the Pacific, to the tribes as they were known prior to European colonisation in Aotearoa. The same depth by which he recounts events and genealogy is again testimony to the profound methodology of the Whare-waananga, such that after hundreds or thousands of years of history a large part is still divulged with precision, that is perhaps to say that it is difficult to repute by sheer nature of the detail of accounts supported with related genealogies, that are also largely supported by other tribal histories.

47 Ibid.p.30. 48 Ibid.p.35. 49 Smith, P. (1913). The Lore of the Whare-wananga. Te Kauwaeraro. p.53.

The information within Te Kauwaerunga and Te Kauwaeraro is intense to say the least. So much of it poses so many theories of the cosmogonical and more terrestrial origins of the Maaori culture and how it has been maintained despite being so widely dispersed geographically and over such a wide span of time (some 2000 years). The fact that Te Matorohanga has such an incredible account of this history is probably the most pertinent feature of these volumes. In terms of the Whare-waananga trail small references are raised here and there, with no emphatic evidence divulged. What is strongly highlighted however is the pedagogy he (Te Matorohanga) constantly reminds his scribe (Te Whatahoro) of, that is his word as was taught him is final and cannot be debated, as its origins are from the teachings of the sacred Whare-waananga.

Elsdon Best Broader tribal examples are offered by ethnographer Elsdon Best who lived for many years among the Tuhoe people in the rugged Urewera ranges, recording many of their customs and traditions. Best’s writings are different to Smith’s in that Best offers his own suppositions, views, and comparative world histories, while Smith’s texts, save his appendix, is more a straight translation of Te Whatahoro’s scripts of Te Matorohanga. This approach introduces supposition not typical of an ethnographer’s profile and in my opinion exposes Best to broader criticism.

Of his many publications there is one account entitled The Maori School of Learning that is a brief but succint accumulation of histories pertaining specifically to the old Whare-waananga teachings. Although I occasionally have grievances against Best’ personal perspectives, at times he uses a measure of ethnographic sense to highlight some practices of the old Maaori that portray the true essence of societal and educational classification. One such observance Best raises is the ability of abstraction of the old Maaori that he says “…they (Maaori)…possess…to a very remarkable extent.”50 His inference here is to the atua cosmogony and personification of natural phenomena to the point where “…no people known to us have excelled the Polynesians in evolving such [ ] concepts.”51 But then in unbound irony proceeds to belittle his observations by suggesting these personifications as ‘quaint’ or

50 Best, E. (1923). The Maori School of Learning. V.R.Ward, Government Printer, Wellington. Reprinted 1986, p.4. 51 Ibid.

‘charming’ and as ‘myth’, where in actuality many personifications were representations of ordering knowledge of the natural world according to Maaori.

The second observation Best makes is in relation to the imparting of this knowledge, or versions of knowledge. The “superior version…was taught by the higher School of Learning”, that is the Whare-waananga; where “…inferior versions…were acquired by the ordinary people” and “superior versions were retained by the few.”52 This is true. The lore of Io, the progenitor of everything according to almost all Maaori tribal cosmogony is such an example where only a few of the highest order of toohunga were privy to this sacred knowledge.

A brief history of the Whare-waananga trail is offered, however Best rarely acknowledges the source of his writings, an atypical practice that leaves one feeling perplexed (yet again). Descriptions are given of different types of educational institutions such as the Whare-kau-po where “lectures…of racial lore, tribal traditions…” and the like were imparted.53 The Whare- maire is another institution of learning but of the black arts known as maakutu, an education that will be discussed in isolation to the sacred Whare-waananga. Whare-maire of the black arts must not be confused with the Whare-maire of Tuhoe (although this art was taught here), as Whare-maire is a term used by Tuhoe to refer to their institutions of higher learning. Whare- takiura is another Tuhoe term for a learning institution of the most sacred teachings, such as the Kahuponia whare in Ruatahuna.

Best then discusses the nuances pertaining to the sacred customs of entering into the Whare- waananga, the rituals and the karakia alluding to the baskets of knowledge attained by Tane that represent the curriculum for all teaching. These bare the same names as mentioned by Te Matorohanga and Pei Te Hurinui although I cannot assume where Best has drawn this knowledge; whether it is from Te Matorohanga, as there is an instance where Te Matorohanga is acknowledged,54 or from Tutakangahau from Tuhoe of the Kahuponia Whare-takiura in Ruatahuna.55 Nevertheless there is a reasonable amount of information contained herein to gain a very good insight into the nature of Whare-waananga, once you get past his personal paternalistic comments.

52 Ibid, p.5. 53 Ibid, p.13. 54 Best mentions how Te Matorohanga opened a School of Learning in the Wairarapa in 1865, p.17. 55 Tuhoe toohunga Tutakangahau was Best’ main informant of matters regarding Tuhoe lore, p.9.

Bronwyn Elsmore This publication by Elsmore called Mana from Heaven,56 discusses traditional Maaori education formed out of resistance by Maaori against European culture, and captures a compilation of spiritual movements of the Maaori over the past two centuries. One such movement was led by a group of toohunga ahurewa (a term of reference for a higher class of toohunga) from the Tainui people. Like the gathering of Te Matarohanga and cohorts, fears their knowledge would suffer the same fate as their land - coupled with the increasing rise of Maaori communities movement toward Christianity and hence move from traditional knowledges - they determined to establish a place to continue ancient learning.

It was the second Maori King, Tawhiao, who requested of Ngati Rereahu chieftaness Ngaharakeke that a new whare be built for such a purpose.57 Under the instruction of head toohunga Te Ra Karepe, who in fact prophesized the erection of this Whare-waananga, the Ngati Rereahu set about the building of this structure with ancient inherent astronomical dimensions as the blueprint, that once completed would be dedicated to the divinity Io.58 This whare was called Miringa-te-kakara and the movement was named Pao Miere. Within Pao Miere toohunga would teach ancient knowledge to those who were “…disillusioned with the new culture (of the Europeans).”59 Despite the untimely death of the principal toohunga shortly after, the movement continued in a diminished state through to the mid-1920s, but appears to have completely disappeared not long after, certainly Miringa-te-kakara was no longer employed as a meeting place where learning in the old ways occurred.

This account is brief but is important in that it portrays probably one of the first sites of educational resistance to Western education and religion, and appears to be the only publication regarding this most sacred Whare-waananga.

56 Elsmore, B. (1989). Mana from Heaven: A Century of Maori Prophets in New Zealand. Moana Press. Re- published by Reed Publishing 1999, Auckland. 57 Ibid, p.185. King Taawhiao, the second Maaori King, was a seer, a toohunga matakite, and made many tongi (phophetic statements) pertaining to the Waikato people and the people of Aotearoa. 58 Ibid, pp.185-186. Io is believed by some Maaori to be a divinity and by others as a personification of the very source of Maaori cosmogony. 59 Ibid, p.186.

3.2 MAAORI AUTHORS Pei Te Hurinui Jones Decades before Elsmore, Jones, noted author best known for co-editing the Nga Moteatea series of traditional Maaori waiata, describes in greater detail the Miringa-te-kakara house and Pao Miere movement based there. The design of this house undoubtedly originates from the metaphorical house Hawaiikinui.

The name is a Hawaiki one. In some dialects it is rendered as Miria Te Kakara....Miringa Te Kakara was one of four Io cult centres....(its occupants given) the name Pao miere.60

The name Pao Miere as mentioned earlier, seems to have unfortunately been a name “...given to the cult by other members of the Ngati Maniapoto tribe” in reference to their “aloof (ness)”. In further correspondence Pei writes:

The Miringa Te Kakara house was built under the supervision of Te Ra Karepe. Te Ra Karepe and Rangawhenua were tohunga of the Io cult. Both had attended the Ahurei (Whare-waananga) at Maketu, Kawhia. The sacred stones (Hani and Puna) were brought to Miringa Te Kakara from Ahurei.... At the opening...Te Hitaua (son of Topia Turoa) came from Tawata (Whanganui River) to attend sessions.... The builders...were Haiminia, Tirirangi Te Akau, Te Haeata Ngatokowha and Eruera Te Akau...commenced in 1886.61

The unique aspect of this house was that it was in the design of a cross known as a tiroa.62 There were descriptions of symbols inside also. A newspaper article mentions:

On the walls, doors and uprights of the cruciform building there is a good deal of inscribed lettering, and translations of this carved work indicate the places in the meeting-house which has

60 Jones, P.T.H. (1898-1976). Waiata, Whakapapa and Religion. Folders 72-85. 61 Ibid. 62 www.celticnz.co.nz/Crosshouse/Crosshouse1.html: The Crosshouse of Miringa Te Kakara. The fascinating feature of this house is that point-to-point measurements correlate directly to astrological navigational points. The Winter solstice sunrise and Summer solstice sunset at 60-degrees and 240-degrees respectively for example, can be viewed through the windows of the north-east to south-east axis from a standpoint at the centre of the whare. The variation of degrees from the centre-pole, to the outside markers of the inside corner poles, measures 6.48 indicating that the ‘precession of the Equinoxes’ were being measured. There are also ample samples of phi - reducing measures employed to determine placement and lengths of the main structure, supporting posts, the doors and windows. All these measures are evidence that star and planetary movements were being monitored, and according to all accounts, this site holds the most accurate measure of all the ancient sites. There are further measures of equidistant gridlines that correlate to the earth’s energy grids Maaori were acutely aware of. This area remains largely unheard of and ignored by most for various reasons, but was undoubtedly a study of the Miringa- te-kakara wananga.

been alloted to the different classes of the occupants, one section to the men, one to the wives, one to the sons, and a fourth to the daughters.The cruciform building was built in 1887.63

A final part of Pei’s correspondence refers to Te Ra Karepe’s Kawenata or scripture, a written record of some of the teachings of Miringa Te Kakara. “Te Haeata took the kawenata to Te Whare Ture who in turn gave it to Hakuone...”64 and “...later given to Araiure.” According to Hotutaua Pakukohatu “...Te Ra Karepe’s book was placed in a box which was buried underneath one of the pillars of the Tokanga-nui-a-noho house at Te Kuiti.” There is further mention that King Tawhiao had been in possession of the book before he had sent it through for burial.65

There is another less well-known piece of architecture at Miringa Te Kakara that is described in the same newspaper as follows: “One of the most interesting structures in the village is a hexagon-shaped cookhouse and dining-room built of punga uprights and with a galvanised iron-roof.” This design would have had some ancient significance given that those of the Pao Miere were resistant to European ways. What the hexagon design represents however remains unknown except perhaps to the descendants of the whanau from Rereahu. The buildings by the late 1950’s had fallen into a dilapidated state and in the eighties were eventually destroyed by fire of unknown cause.

History of other Whare-waananga and Whare-waananga knowledge from the Tainui people that are elegantly scribed by Jones in his journals starts with Io at the beginning of the genealogical creation.66 Ensuing genealogy references metaphorical periods of time immeasureable until, like all other tribal lore, the parental union of Rangi and Papa (see Appendix 2). Other abstract identities of this earliest genealogy mentioned by Pei include the whatukura and mareikura. These were entities of the dimension where Io existed who had the specific task of balancing energies that were mis-wrought. Pei refers to them thus:

63 Private collection. Source unknown. 64 Ibid. The print of this name is difficlut to read and could possibly be another name. 65 Jones, P.T.H. (1898-1976). Waiata, Whakapapa and Religion. Folders 72-85. 66 Jones, P.T.H.(1898-1976). Mareikura-Io. Microfilm of MS-Papers-5220, folders 86-94. MS-Copy-Micro- 0698-15. Alexander Turnball Library, Wellington.

I tua mai o te Wai-o-rongo, ko te whare i noho ai nga ariki o nga Apa. Ko te ingoa o taua whare, ko Whaka-moe-ariki. Ko nga ariki o nga Apa nga atua noho o tenei whare, ara ko Ruatau, ko Aitu- pawa, ko Rehua, ko Puhaorangi. 67

translation - Beyond Wai-o-rongo (Tranquil waters of peace) was the abode of the lords of the Apa. The name of that house is Whaka-moe-ariki (of slumbering lords). The lords of the Apa that dwelled in this house are Ruatau, Aitupawa, Rehua, and Puhaorangi.

Pei continues to state that another abode in Tiritiri-o-matangi was erected for the whatukura and mareikura named Tawhirirangi therein to remain as kai-tiaki (caretakers) of Te Pumotomoto, the entrance into Te Toi-o-nga-rangi.68 He then introduces a history unique to the Tainui Whare-waananga where Io bestowed the whatukura with the Angi-tama-tane (the male role) to guide Hani, and the mareikura the Angi-tama-wahine (the female role) to guide Puna.69 Here then Io established three Whare-wananga called Matangi-nui, Matangi-naonao, and Matangi-puhi and anointed the Apa as the Apa-Puhirangi (the male) and the Apa- Kahurangi (the female). Hani and Puna continue to feature as representations of the male and female concubines throughout the Tainui history according to Pei. In Aotearoa the names Hani and Puna are the sacred stones placed at the bow and stern of the resting place of the Tainui canoe at Kawhia. The Tainui people like Pei have a fuller account of this koorero, but as to the purpose of these identities Pei offers no explanantion. Clues to the role of the Apa suggest that they maintained balance, that is balance of the universal fabric.70 The term Apa can mean ‘slave’, ‘servant’, or ‘spirit’ while mareikura and whatukura are references to ‘supernatural beings’. The interpretation of servant as a prefix to mareikura or whatukura appears paradoxical (slave [like] supernatural beings), whereas ‘spirit’ (spirit [ual] supernatural beings) is more congruent, and from my understanding of this era far more atuned to the function and purpose of these beings and their role.

Pei discuses the Whare-waananga edifice, divulging names of parts of the house where learning and teaching occurred.71 The explanation is very specific and once again, like the

67 Ibid. 68 Ibid. Pei also mentions Uru-rangi as another name of this entrance-way. 69 Ibid. This is unique in that thus far I have not encountered another tribal version that employs the terms Angi as a pre-fix to tama-tane/wahine or has a history of Hani and Puna. 70 This is the unseen energy, the balance and imbalance maintained in the philosophies of universal principles. 71 Jones, P.T.H., folders 86-94.

intricate customs of the Whare-waananga according to Te Matorohanga, highlights a highly structured and organised educational engagement.

There are further unique aspect of Pei’s account of the Tainui Whare-waananga, one of which is reference to the names of the levels of different class of toohunga, and the staff of office that each held.72 In brief these are the: - Te Tohunga-o-te-Tahuaroa (High Priest of the altars) is also an ariki and is the highest position held. The Staff of office for Te Tahuaroa is a tewhatewha that when used in this fashion is called a tenoteno. - Te Tohunga-o-te-Kauhanganui (High Priest of the Centreway of the Temple) who acts as master or all sacred ceremonies at the high sessions of the sacred assembly when the Tuahu-roa is presiding. The Staff of office for Te Kauhanganui is the hoeroa (an elongated curved staff). - Te Tohunga-o-te-Ahurewa (High Priest of the Temple altar) also known as Te Tohunga Hapai Kura (High Priest of the sacred emblems). The Ahurewa carries out the tasks of the Kauhanganui when required. His Staff of office is a pou-whenua (a long-staff the height of its user, pointed at on end with a double-edged blade extending the legth above the grip area). - Te Tohunga-o-te-Tuahu-tapatai (High Priest of the questioning altar) has no physical altar, but the palm of his hand acts as his altar.73 His temple is the environment, officiating on the summit of a hill, or cliff overlooking the sea, or a stream of running water. His Staff of office was a mere pounamu (greenstone club). - Te Tohunga-o-te-Rangataua (High Priest of War) is the inner guardian of the entrance to the temple who determines who enters into sacred ceremonies and who does not. In war he is the spiritual adviser. His Staff of office is the mere paraoa (whalebone club). - Te Tohunga-o-te-Waitohinga-a-Tumatauenga (High Priest of the purifying waters of Tumatauenga) prepares candidates for initiation possibly into higher staffs of office known as the whakarewa (raising-up ceremony). His Staff of office is the taiaha (a long staff the length of its user, with a blunt point at one end and a double edged striking blade above the grip area). - Nga Tohunga-Manukura (the Artisan Priests) are the toohunga of the many arts and daily undertakings of the hapu that could include the Toohunga whakairo (carving experts), Tohunga taa-moko (tattooing experts), Tohunga tarai-waka (master canoe builders), and Tohunga patu-

72 Ibid. 73 I am guessing that the outstretched hand with an open palm, is utilised instead of an altar for officiating sacred ceremonies.

kai (expert cultivators) and so on. Their Staff of office is the koikoi (a long staff pointed at both ends). - Nga Tauira (The Adepts) are apprentices to the Manukura. - Nga Akonga (the Scholars) are candidates for admission to the priesthood. - Nga Kai-tiaki (the Outer-Guardians of the Temple) are guards outside the temple numbering three and from the ranks of the scholars. When on duty they are armed with a tao-roa (a long double-pointed spear).

In reference to staffs, the use of pou-waananga (priestly staffs) were also prevalent and said to be staked outside the whare to let people know that a waananga was in session.74 There is another class known as Te Ahurei that is specific to the Tainui waananga as these are graduates from the acclaimed Ahurei Whare-waananga of Hoturoa, captain of the Tainui canoe, in Kawhia.

Accounts of ceremonies regarding learning within the sacred temple are detailed by Pei. The use of stones or papa-tatau are introduced at the ‘high sessions’ of learning, while the more commonly known stones received by Tane that are the whatukura Te Huka-a-tai and Te Rehu- a-tai, are employed at other sessions. Te Matorohanga mentions the use of these stones as being “…considered to give authority to those who taught, and permanency in matters taught, on the part of the pupils. They were talismanic in nature.”75 In some regards they could be interpreted as ancient hard-drives, with knowledge of how to gain access known only by the toohunga class. They are otherwise described by Jones as:

He kohatu tohu i nga whakaaro me nga hiahia o te pai me te kino. He kohatu tapu hei whaka-u i te hinengaro kia mau tonu ai te pupuri i nga akoranga o te whare-wananga.76

Translation - Stones that revealed the thoughts and desires good or bad. [These are] Sacred stones that helped the mind focus so as to retain the teachings of the whare-wananga.

Their use is described in the ceremony of students entering the house of learning accompanied with karakia and observations as each toohunga takes their post of teaching in the presence of

74 Such pou and a description of their use can be viewed at the Auckland Museum. 75 Smith, P. (1913). The Lore of the Whare-wananga. Te Kauwaerunga, Volume I. Thomas Avery. New Plymouth. Reprinted by Waikato Print, Hamilton, 1997. p.xiii. 76 Jones, Pei Te Hurinui (1898-1976), Papers (MS-Group-0358), Microfilm of MS-Papers-5229, folders 72-85. MS-Copy-Micro-0698-14), p.6.

the stones being unfurled before the tauira closes the door and learning commences. The wearing of robes (korowai) is another unique element documented by Pei of the Tainui Whare- waananga. These robes are described as “…the finest flax fibre, finely and closely woven with ornamental borders of varied designs” for toohunga, and there are less finely woven robes for students. 77 While Jones offers no clues to their significance I would suggest that they represent the distinction of knowledge attained by toohunga, and knowledge yet to be attained by tauira.

Several Whare-waananga from the atua cosmogony, to the landing of the Tainui waka in Kawhia on the West Coast of the Waikato region conclude the manuscripts of Jones according to the histories of the Tainui people and largely the Ahurei Whare-waananga.

The main part to note of Jones’ manuscripts is that in no part of his writings does he offer his own suppositions, or seek to pass comment of his own thoughts regarding this knowledge. He in my eyes seeks to share the knowledge in as pure a form as he received it from his elders, as was the customary practice of those who were selected into the Whare-waananga.

Samuel Robinson A 21st century publication Tohunga - an account of oral traditions from the Ngai Tahu Whare- waananga as told by toohunga Teone Taare Tikao - by author S. Robinson, offers a more recent take on Whare-waananga lore, and yet again another unique perspective, that being from the Kai Tahu people of the South Island. Robinson highlights his genealogical links to the people of Ngati Porou on the East Coast of the North Island, and also of the Irakehu and Waitaha peoples among others, who trace their origins to the Moriori,78 Whare-waananga (or Whare-waanaka in the Kai Tahu dialect) lore being an intermingling of these two strains.

Robinson’s account begins with the Kore period of nothingness and Io, a consciousness responsible for all creation, such was the teachings from his poua or toohunga who imparted knowledge of the South Island peoples to him as youngster. While some of the names and concepts of Io differ from other tribal versions, the fact that Io is placed at the beginning of the creation history is consistent with other tribal histories.

77 Ibid. 78 Robinson, S.T. (2005). Tohunga: The Revival of Ancient Knowledge for the Modern Era. Reed Publishing, Auckland, pp.79-80.

The descent to Rangi, Papa and the atua are exposed, and continues to the waananga that was received by Tane. The three baskets that contained all knowledge here refers to the curriculum of all teaching that would be imparted by mankind, known in Kai Tahu traditions as Te Kete Uruuru-Matua, Uruuru-Rangi and Uruuru-Tau,79 to be imparted forthwith within their houses of learning. Terrestrial histories of Maui ensue, that is not surprising given that Tahu (the eponymous ancestor of the Kai Tahu people) and his older brother Porourangi, were descendants of the Paikea and Maui lineage.

Hereafter, Robinson explains in depth the different levels of toohunga from the Kai Tahu Whare-waanaka, from the Poutahi, a toohunga who is versed in genealogy, to the Pouwhitu, that is the toohunga-ahurewa, or the highest level of priest-hood. Some interesting aspects for discussion start with the Pourua, the second level of toohunga, who becomes a partisan of the sacred tokotauwaka that I understand from Robinson’s explanation as a special stick of special design used in sacred rituals. Beyond being employed for learning karakia, Robinson describes it (the tokotauwaka) as, “…a tool above all else (that) represents light presiding over the world of humankind.”80 This is the Kai Tahu version of a metaphysical application that was prominent among all Whare-waananga, in fact as already discussed was an anomaly difficult to separate from the day-to-day lives of traditional Maaori.

Further descriptions of atua, tohu (signs), and the whakatoro and whakapakoko rituals for envoking atua are all explained as stages of engagement by the Poutoru. The next level of progression is the Pouwha, the toohunga-matakite, or the seer, that is the toohunga who prophecizes the future based on natural or super-natural signs. The Pourima is the toohunga- rongoa or medicinal healer, and the Pouono, the toohunga-runuku, who is the expert of warcraft. War-craft however as Robinson explains is in reference to maakutu, the art of black magic. Some detailed descriptions are explained of this art that once again expose the metaphysical nature of the old Kai-Tahu Maaori. The last of these levels of attainment is the Pouwhitu, that is, the toohunga-ahurewa. It is at this stage education concerning Io begins, playing a role as “…serviceman of the Io religion for others.” The toohunga-ahurewa would graduate as the “…minister of the innermost and highest secrets of all knowledge preserved by Maori.”81

79 Ibid, p.69. 80 Ibid, p.114. 81 Ibid, p.272.

Robinson’s history of Kai-Tahu education is not only unique but refreshing. The author shares histories as they have been inherited over hundreds of years as they have been imparted within the sacred houses of learning of the South Island without the idiosyncrasies typical of western conjecture. But in accord to the traditions of his elders, Robinson unselfishly discloses the teachings of his people to share for the benefit of those who perceive them as relevant.

Although there are further publications regarding Whare-waananga lore, for the most part, those publications share the histories of their respective hapuu and not so much the constructs of daily engagement of the Whare-waananga itself.82

The unique differences between the tribes of Whare-waananga reviewed in these texts provides a cross-section enough to show that knowledge, even at the earliest stages of settlement in Aotearoa, was already prevalent. This could perhaps be attributed to the fact that the knowledge had already started to geographically disperse over the centuries from the time when Maui first established the earliest known Whare-waananga of the Maaori people.83 The disparaties in writing styles between Maaori and Paakeha authors to me also portrays the attitudes that must be considered when dealing with knowledge of the Whare-waananga. While Elsmore is the exception, she is an author from the later part of the twentieth century, and therefore reflects the change in attitude of Western authors who have sought to write stories about Maaori. Therefore earlier texts must always be considered with greater caution until the attitude of the author can be determined. Traditional knowledge of the Maaori was not just about words to be used however the holder felt, even if they were written for the public domain.

Chapter four will analyse the research methods and process that I adopted in the engagement of this research project. Dichotomies of Maaori and western views will be discussed pertaining to research, as will research models that eventually influence my overall process.

82 Such publications include Nga Korero A Pita Kapiti (1997), A. Reedy (Ed), Mohi Turei: Ana tuhinga i roto i te reo Maori (1996). W & O Kaa (Eds), and Horouta: The History of the Horouta Canoe, Gisborne and East Coast. Haronga, H., Gordon, P., and Halbert whanau (Eds). 83 Again, this is according to the history of the Ngati Maui as told by Anaru Kupenga from Te Whanau o Te Aowera, Ruatorea.

CHAPTER 4: RESEARCHING TRADITIONAL MAAORI EDUCATION

This chaper begins by discussing cultural safety in relation to the Maaori culture, as it is Maaori history that is the primary basis of this research. Maaori and non-Maaori research models are then explored to determine whether they are applicable as models for the puposes of this research. Finally the process itself, from initiating contact to recording information of informants, to ensuring ethical and research requirements are met is outlined.

4.1 CULTURAL SAFETY The history of researchers among indigenous peoples is full with mis-interpretation that has led to consequent pains for indigenous peoples as this research has influenced the Colonisers eventual overall structures of domination. The residue of early research ethics (or lack thereof) lingers, and a ‘breaking the cycle’ syndrome exists now, even among those who were colonized. Breaking the cycle of research ‘norms’ is as much the challenge as is the research topic, and only understanding research more fully will ensure the same mistakes are not repeated. I hope however that what is not understood by researchers of research, can at least be tempered by understanding people, respecting people and their views or their culture, indigenous or other.

The historical lack of cultural sensitivity by western researchers caused deep-seated mistrust beyond culture with Maaori that ultimately drove Maaori knowledge structures underground, into secrecy. While there are a few Paakeha who can be acknowledged for recording tribal histories, the results of Western notions in research is prolific in hypotheses and interpretation. A. Durie mentions that, “…social scientists…explored Maori well-being using non-Maori values and ambitions…” assuming “…that Maori could be understood by using the methodologies of western research.”84 The issue of monocultural parameters to analyse another culture is in itself a paradox.

Tribal difference goes beyond dress or unique peculiarities, but extends to behaviours, customs, dialectial and vocabulary differences and so on. In former times sub-tribes who formed the greater tribe even guarded their knowledge with all the sacred and physical restrictions known to them, and that was among those genealogically close, let alone

84 Durie, A.E. (2000) Maori Research Parameters, from Work in Progress, Palmerston North Massey University, p.1.

34 encountering someone from an entirely different region. This and similar customs still linger, especially among those versed in the traditional ways, and is a consideration, as mentioned, that requires as much care as if I were a foreigner from a distant land. In addressing this part of what I believe can be an impedence to openness, is also for me a gateway to openness, and that is simply a firm knowledge of self, my Tuhoetanga, and within that my own Mahurehuretanga,85 and within that my whanautanga (family roots) that have provided the basis of my being, tweaked by my own tangatatanga (individuality).

The dichotomy when engaged with my own hapuu was that I was viewed as an insider (as opposed to an outsider, that is someone from another tribe or race of people), where trust was already present in their knowledge of me or my parents or grandparents, or the recently shared histories of our hapuu. Whether this trust extended as far from other informants from other tribes I do not know. This familiarity however raises the issue of whether I could remain objective and without bias. Safety now has a different spin on it in that I am now in danger of mis-representing information through a bias lens. The fact is I have no gauge to measure whether I have remained unbias or not. That I am discussing this however, should at least indicate that I have considered it. I question whether early western researchers applied the same level of self analysis when they were pursuing mine or any other tribal histories.

The method of oral transferrance by Maaori from generation to generation included theories and scientific exploration of their ancestors with their outcomes preserved within the sacred parameters of the Whare-waananga and Kura. Today, within Maaori culture exist customs and observances generally observed at whaanau or hapuu functions or occassionally taught through various waananga or hui. Nonetheless, in some instances the sharing of oral histories today is no less shrouded in customary observances than it use to be. It is these observances that have served as the safety net for the purposes of this research.

Cultural safety, that is in one regard piece-of-mind of the informant about imparting centuries of oral history, is about reassuring the informant that their knowledge will continue to be respected and not mis-used (For self-promotion or monetary gain for example), nor the spirit of the maauri-koorero86 aggrieved. Respect in approaching toohunga or kaumaatua I have found is shown by being pragmatic yet humble, while showing a clear knowledge of your subject

85 Te Mahurehure is the name of my sub-tribe. 86 That is the ‘life-force of words (inherited)’.

question. These sometimes subtle observations I have in part addressed by what I say, and as much by what I do or do not do when initiating contact, and then eventually in the act of interviewing.

Admittedly, being conversant in Te Reo Maaori has allowed me to broach many customary nuances, although I have never assumed cultural safety because I am a speaker of Maaori or because of the confidence I have in my own knowledge of many traditional customs. In fact in many of my experiences being of the same ethnicity often draws a higher degree of criticism and expectation from kaumaatua. Nevertheless being able to discuss genealogical ties, tribal issues and even discussing the weather or fishing in the native tongue of the informant does allow the informant an insight to your cultural knowledge base and in doing so lends to addressing some reservations of your customary knowledge otherwise left to probable interrogation. While being the same ethnicity does not guarantee safety, conversing in te reo assists in bridging unknown quantities, further it allows for a greater depth and width of information to be divulged that would probably not occur in the informant’s second language or in the context of the paradigm of another culture.

4.2 MAAORI RESEARCH FRAMEWORKS The increased involvement of Maaori in wider arenas of research fields has seen the introduction of research models and concepts such as M.Durie’s Te Hoe Nukuroa framework, or R.Pere’s monograph of Maaori concepts embodied in Ako, that have contributed to inviting non-Maaori into the Maaori world.

A.Durie’s Ngakau Maori Research concept best defines the approach by which I have embarked on for this research, that is the, “…ability to respond to ‘nga mea Maori’ all that is Maori, including what might be called the collective ‘Maori good’….”87 While there is no formal expectation from the informant, there is an understanding that the information being shared will advertently or inadvertently find its way back to that community from where that information originated. Traditional acknowledgement of reciprocity stems back to the earliest of Maaori histories, and concepts of koha, taakoha, and tikanga paremata are still very strong in some tribal areas, my own included. These are all age-old traditions of customs pertaining to the gifting of taonga or money that depending on the manner of how it is offered, determines

87 Ibid.

whether a gift of like value will be returned when the occasion arises, or whether it is received without any attachments. Durie states that:

Research that is ethically appropriate draws upon Maori cultural values for guidance, upon Maori systems of ethicality and cultural imperatives. Good research takes account of difference in relation to perceptions of appropriate behaviour and rituals of encounter….Ethical research accepts that there is no deception, that anonymity and confidentiality can be protected….88

Concepts such as koha or taakoha apply equally to the koorero shared by the informant that in some interpretations, is considered taonga. Another element of Ngakau Maori research is that it “…accepts that the attributes of the researcher have as much to do with the research as do the methodologies adopted.”89 This emphasises the inextricable link between researcher and the manner by which the research is conducted. As already discussed, conversing with informants in their native tongue helped broach many if not all reservations or customary observances. Having a genuine passion for the subject was necessary and I doubt that if anything disingenuous was present that conversations would have taken the pathways they often did. Those who knew me well were already aware of my long pursuit of Maaori histories, but I can only assume those who I met for the first time trusted their own instincts as to my intentions.

The ethical requirements of Ngakau Maori research again embody very traditional Maaori values that are otherwise approaches lined with respect and care for cultural conventions. The term mana as a pre-empt to whenua (land), tangata (person), whakahaere (aurhority) and a-iwi (tribe) are traditional concepts and are employed in the Ngakau Maori approach focusing on mutual respect and benefits, while acknowledging ownership issues and traditional customs. These ethical observations when applied to research appear simplistic, yet outside of research paradigms and within different cultural parameters they are values people and indigenous cultures the world-over struggle with. K.Lomawaima proposes a simple conclusion in speaking to Western researchers engaging with the American Indians, and that is simply, “…they must first ask then listen…. If the researcher does more talking than listening in the ensuing dialogue, something is wrong”.90 Concepts of reciprocation, intellectual property, acknowledging the ‘great spirit’ are indigenous values that are shared by the Indian nations as

88 Ibid, p.15 89 Ibid, p.7. 90 Lomawaima, K.T. (2000) Tribal Sovereigns: Reframing Research in American Indian Education, Harvard Educational Review, Vol. 70 No.1 spring. p.38.

37 well as Maaori and no doubt other indigenous peoples. Native Alaskan Kawagley discusses the universal inter-relatedness with humans in exploring the ‘Profound silence of Self….’, with many meta-physical views expressing a way of being, and the fabric of the universe all intertwined. 91 Respecting this fabric is about acknowledging that the universe and self is one and the same, and is found within.

Ngakau Maori research works for me because it entails not only a part of my culture but also a part of how I would like to be, and be for the people who have entrusted their stories to me. Like Io and the knowledge of Io that until recently perhaps has become lost in translation, this research sets out to rediscover the histories of Maaori through Maaori eyes, within a Maaori context shrouded in the spirit of a Tuhoe worldview that has been the basis of my research methodology.

Matauranga Maori, Kaupapa Maori, Ngakau Maori and Maaori centered research frameworks and concepts are all contributions of indigenous worldviews in an attempt to ‘right the wrongs’ and ensure the same mistakes are not repeated even by those who are ethnic Maaori. Maori Development Research discussed by A. Durie raises the worth of ‘new knowledge…validated through its contribution to Maori progress and development…the outcomes…revolutionary in effecting change.’92 This statement is highlighted by my own people’s expectation that the information I write be returned in a formal manner to our marae. Whether or not change is effected by the new information will remain to be seen. Certainly there is affect in terms of disseminating new knowledge to individuals, however whether or not more structural or institutional change occurs will require greater levels of engagement. The intention is that through the period of internalisation the development of this information will occur as a natural process of progress. Intially education is the focus, and the Tuhoe Education Authority are already well underway in implementing a very Tuhoe approach to education in Tuhoe schools that includes a traditional educational concept based around metaphorical kete, each representing a different curriculum and pedagogical approach. This research however may be considered in the development of a tertiary approach to Te Maatauranga o Tuhoe as Tuhoe continues to define its tino rangatiratanga.

91 Ibid. 92 Durie, A.E. (2000). p.7.

Of a similar vein is the Ethnography of Empowerment framework where again change is not only being affected on the researched, but also on the Researcher.93 Here Delago-Gaitan discusses critical theory as a “…discussion regarding the interaction between researcher and researched….”, and ultimately “…the construction of knowledge through the social interaction between researcher and researched.” 94 With change occurring as a consequence of this research framework, Paolo Friere’s ‘critical theory’ can be defined beyond just a discussion, but as a real application for ‘disenfranchised communities’.95 The two-tiered framework of the Ethnography of Empowerment starts with the premise that “…learning among humans occurs across cultures, primarily in the home…” then “…directed to the enhancement of cultural values.”96 This is a principle of change that influences the one or the few and consequently the environment of the many.

4.3 THE RESEARCH PROCESS With my own cultural values in mind I proceeded to determine an appropriate process from first contact. Fortunately for me I knew most of my informants, so contact to initiate a waananga with them was very informal. In the instance of one informant who I did not know, an elder from my wife’s tribe, I asked my wife to arrange a hui with him. I felt in this instance that the informant would feel more comfortable talking with someone whom they had close genealogical affiliations, as well as with someone whom they knew and trusted. This trust stemmed from having known my wife’s father and mother, and similarly for me when I spoke with my own pakeke. 97 Upon making contact, my wife or I would briefly explain that I was researching histories of Whare-waananga, and would like to talk with them regarding their knowledge on the subject. If they were agreeable then a date, time and venue to meet of the informant’s preference would be requested, to which I would always accommodate. This accommodation was important to me for several reasons, the main one being that it was imperative for me to show that I considered their knowledge and time to share their knowledge of the upmost importance (which as far as I was concerned was).

The research question was always about inviting those considered experts in traditional histories of the Maaori Whare-waananga to openly share their knowledge in depth, beyond

93 Delago-Gaitan, C. (1993) Researching Change and Changing the Researcher, Harvard Educational Review, Vol. 63 No. 4 Winter 1993. p.392. 94 Ibid. 95 Ibid. 96 Ibid. p.392. 97 Relatives older than me who are held in high regard wihin the community.

what might perhaps be already published. Exploring this knowledge began with a general mention of the topic I was pursuing, that being the knowledge of sub-tribal or tribal Whare- waananga, before re-iterating this question when I met them in person. Often I would make a mental note of questions pertaining to their topic of conversation, and ask the question when they finished speaking. As I have already mentioned this approach is based on cultural etiquette, that is one of respect for the speaker, who is often also an elder, but also so their train of thought is not interrupted; thoughts that could be irretrievable. I had also developed questions that addressed what I deemed vital information relevant to my research question that I intended to ask at the end of their conversation however, in all instances, these questions were always addressed. Therefore any further questions were devised on-the-spot; questions that would seek to have them extend on their previously divulged information aimed to purge the greater depths of their knowledge base.

To the first meeting with informants I took a koha, that is a gift of some Maaori flavour, and to most hui I always took kai, more often than not Maaori kai.98 The gift I decided upon was a CD of traditional Maaori puuoro. The kai I would present when I arrived, and in almost every circumstance greater amounts of kai would be consumed at the completion of our koorero, while the gift I would present on my departure accompanied by a small mihi, that is a speech of gratitude for their sharing of knowledge. In one instance I was also presented with a gift, and almost always with an invitation to return whenever I might be in the area. The aspect of giving and receiving koha is as already mentioned a cultural practice that I was not going to ignore. In some instances, particularly with my wife’s people, my wife always came with me. However in the instance of speaking with my own people, I knew it would be more appropriate for my wife not to come simply because our tribal etiquette is different. When I met with my own pakeke I was taken into a separate room of the house where no food was allowed, and information was imparted behind closed doors.

With the permission of the informant I recorded all conversations on a digital Dictaphone. The use of a Dictaphone in regard to tikanga was inconsequential in this instance, but was pertinent in allowing me to capture then accurately decipher the information shared. In regard to storing this information, all audio and digital files I placed under the secrecy of password on my

98 The likes of paraoa rewena, kaimoana and the like.

computer, with a digital folder backed up on an external hard-drive.99 The advent of cultural safety and intellectual property rights cannot unfortunately be left to to the safety of cultural traditions, although these traditions still have their place, and as far as I am concerned, are paramount considerations when regarding the continued safety of aeons of oral history. In two instances two of my informants had in part covered my subject in their own master’s or doctoral thesis’, and I was fortunate to be given digital copies of these to read or share at my discretion.

To ensure that information in my thesis was accurate I gave copies in draft form to informants of their respective contributions that I had extracted, and requested feedback. This feedback also included comments on information that I translated into English. In following up on my drafts either by phone, e-mail, but usually in person, no one offered any corrections or further suggestions, other than to reflect on certain information or offer more. The general nature of people who have their knowledge wrongly or incorrectly disseminated is to pounce fairly quickly on the issue. I interpreted their responses of general endorsement as a fair sign that I was on the right track. The information, that is this thesis, will in time be delivered in person to them as the final part of this process.

I received signed statements of understanding of my purpose and intent from some informants, to reaffirm ownership of their knowledge would remain thus, a requirement that was necessary for everybody’s legal safety. However for others this was not the case. It seemed inappropriate in some instances for me to ask some individuals who had shared centuries of their tribal histories with me to now sign a paper, despite the intentions. To me it seemed to contradict my own cultural values, as I had already become an acknowledged recipient by the mere fact that they had agreed to sit and talk with me.

The first part of the process, that is establishing a relationship with the informant, I determined was one that required me to observe my own knowledge of cultural tikanga, that entailed creating a safe environment through utilising genealogical or friendship links in initiating contact, taking koha not only of a gift but of kai as well, and completing sessions with a mihi. One further aspect that I have not yet touched on was utilising Lomawaima’s conclusion regarding colonial research that is ‘to ask first then listen’. This concept as far as I am

99 Ten years ago this technological language would have been incomprehensible, but is very much the norm now.

concerned has applications not only for coloniser’s on indigenous peoples but for individuals of the same heritage as well. Only upon reaching the very end of their koorero did I seek to probe with questions. I have learnt that people like to be heard, and while this was not necessarily the case with the people I spoke with, I do know that some aspects of the old ways are still relevant today.

The second part of the process involved safety of gathering information. Seeking consent from informants was in part regarded as hapuu consent, given that most individuals were already considered the storehouses of knowledge and leaders amongst their own people and therefore able to share histories at their discretion. Not unlike the toohunga of Tuhoe who shared their knowledge with Elsdon Best for reasons only they could qualify, these individuals had chosen to share their knowledge with me, secure in their own knowledge of self and their place amongst their own people.

My knowledge of my histories that is vast in comparison to some, but minúte in comparison to others, has shaped my nature that is exposed in the presence of the Informant, and in my belief is acknowledged. Within this also is an understanding that we (the Informant and I) have a common bond as we descend like every other entity in the universe from a common denominator. This is an understanding that is prevalent in my own tribal histories and as I have discovered through this research, of many others. It is this interconnectedness that has found itself throughout time again and again and has once again been reacquainted, and will undoubtedly happen again for myself and for others on their own journey.

The following chapter explores the ancient Kura, known as Kura-i-awaawa in which Hohepa Delamere from Whitianga Bay was educated. The Kura was an ancient from of education that divulged in history pertaining to Io, and in that regard offers an exclusive insight into Maaori philosophy. This chapter also reveals the curriculum, pedagogy and epistemology, albeit only briefly, of Te Kura-i-awaawa. Here ancient history regarding enlightenment and a universal link to our past, present and future are discussed from a Maaori worldview. New light is also shed on The Atua pantheon as it pertains to the unique character of this Kura.

CHAPTER 5: KURA - AN ANCIENT SCHOOL OF MAAORI EDUCATION

The information that I have accumulated over these past years regarding Kura has been a as a consequence of waananga with Hohepa (Joe) Delamere, and Paraone Tai Tin, a student and associate of Hohepa’s. It is the majority of this information that has shaped this research and my ideas. Hohepa was a well known toohunga in many arenas, and just an ordinary Joe in others. He was raised in Whitianga Bay near Te Kaha, by his many koroua (male elders) and kuia (female elders) of Te Whanau-a-Apanui. Hohepa also spent a part of his teenage years in Ruatahuna, and speaks fondly of his time with the late entertainer Tui Teka.100 Hohepa left Whitianga when he was a young adult to pursue various career paths, before eventually settling into his gift of healing, dying suddenly in 2007. Hohepa was probably better well known overseas than in New Zealand. It seems that everywhere he went though, he made a profound impact, applying and utilisng the skills and knowledge he attained through the ancient school of Te Kura-i-awaawa.

The Kura was (and still is) an institution that encompassed the curriculum of the Whare- waananga, and the curriculum it would appear of all other whare. As I have only the knowledge of one Kura it is impossible to make comparisons. The Taranaki people however maintain a history regarding the kura that contained vast knowledge, a curriculum known as ‘te mana o te rangi, te mana o te whenua, ko te mana o nga mea katoa’101 (I interpret as ‘command of the heavens, command of the earth, command of everything’). This knowledge is said to have been contested for and attained by Te Maungaroa (or Maungarongo), captain of the Kurahaupo canoe. The ‘Kura’ in Kurahaupo is in reference to this sacred knowledge attained by Te Maungaroa that was also referred to as Te Kura-mai-i-Hawaiiki or ‘the sacred- lore from Hawaiiki’.102 Among the Tuhoe people from Waikaremoana there is reference to a secluded education known as Te Kura Huna103 (the concealed sacred-lore), that is consistent with the conventions of the Kura education. There is also a well known oriori (an ancient lullaby) from Rongowhakaata that refers to, ‘te kura nui’ and ‘te kura roa’, terms of infinite

100 Waananga with Hohepa Delamere, Whitianga Bay, Te Whanau-a-Apanui. January 2004. 101 pers. com. with Hemi Sundgren, historian and curator of the New Plymouth Museum, Tolaga Bay, 2007. 102 Ibid. 103 pers. com with Rose Pere, Gisborne, 2007.

knowledge.104 There is however the Kura-i-awaawa of Te Whanau-a-Apanui in Whitianga Harbour of whom Hohepa Delamere was the taupuhi (chosen scholar).105

5.1 THE EDUCATION OF TE KURA-I-AWAAWA As already stated this was the name of the Kura in which the late Hohepa Delamere was immersed. Io was fundamental to the sacred knowledge of Kura-i-Awaawa (I refer to as Te Kura for short). Io was a part of Maaori history that few of the early ethnographers discovered or were offered any information, no more perhaps than the mention of his place in the Maaori cosmos, and some names by which most of the general population knew him. Io was a well guarded divinity for many reasons in that knowledge of Io, among other things, held cues to metaphysics. While Io may have been well known to many toohunga and perhaps the general Maaori population, the main curriculum of Te Kura seems to have been singularly occupied with Io. As already discussed almost all Whare-waananga acknowledge Io as the progenitor in Maaori cosmogony. Te Kura seems however to be the only institution that has a history not only of Io but epistemology preceding Io, of a supreme subconscious known as whatumanawa106 of whom Io is the guardian.107

The depth and breadth of information regarding this concept of Te Kura is remarkable, and exceeds the intricacies of the intrinsic celestial genealogies or ancient incantations the likes of Best or Smith attempted to record, certainly within their published writings. Reference to Io’s role as the guardian to knowledge of the whatumanawa includes, in part, some of the names mentioned in the opening verse. However Io had many names that are a further reference to the knowledge of metaphysics, whereby comprehension had to be attained before progression to higher learning. Io’s names in relation to the foundation of practising metaphysics from Te Kura are:

Io-te-hauranga – of essence (as in quintessence) Io-te-waiwheta – unity (as in being part of the universal) Io-te-rautahi – infusion (as to instil)

104 This is the waiata “Po, po’ composed by Rongowhakaata toohunga Enoka te Pakaru in the 19th Century. Ngata, A.T. and Jones, P.T.H, (1970). Nga Moteatea: The Songs, Part II. Auckland University Press. Auckland. Song 145: 152-161. 105 Taupuhi is a term of reference described by Paraone Tai Tin and is translated accordingly. The concept is one that can be best described as pre-ordained. 106 This must not be confused with the use of the word whatumanawa in referring to emotions. 107 Waananga with Hohepa Delamere, Whitianga Bay, Te Whanau-a-Apanui. January 2004.

Io-te-arumaia – intervention (as something extraneous) Io-te-kurahea – intention (of resolute purpose) Io-te-matapou – serenity (as in unperturbed) Io-te-kaiti – humility Io-te-ngaitua – unison (as in concurrence) Io-te-urutapu – sacredness (of divine dedication) Io-te-oomana – consolidation (to strengthen) Io-te-maharau – multiplicity (of great numbers) Io-te-tangatanga – foundation (as in establishing a base)108

The grouping of these names leads to understanding the waananga and purpose therein entailed:

Io te haumana

Io te rautahi Io te waiwheta

Io te kaiti Io te ngaitua Io te oomana Io te urutapu Io te maharau Io te tangatanga

Io te matapou Io te kurahea Io te arumaia

109 Whatumanawa is of a divine nature. Conversely the physicality of humanity is what inhibits understanding the whatumanawa and potential therein, and this matrix is only the beginning to identifying and initiating the source which generates access to the whatumanawa.

The above names contain the essence of the schooling within Te Kura regarding whatumanawa. The names of Io arrange the pathway to acquisition of divine knowledge that traditionally was greater than a theoretical base. The understanding contained in the verse above implies methodologies toward seeking enlightenment and poses an ancient relationship to the philosophy of Buddhism, perhaps related but not to be equated to Hinduism or Taoism,

108 Ibid. 109 Ibid.

nor later practices of Jainism,110 although a conglomeration of parts from all exists. Traditionally enlightenment was not a topic of discussion to be taken lightly (excuse the pun) and those chosen for this education were subject to the most strenuous of conditions that included spiritual purification and an expectation of unequivocal commitment, as was the case of all sacred institutions of learning of the Maaori. This is undoubtedly another reason why early visitors to New Zealand were not privy to information from within this school of education. There are many other names of Io from Te Kura that contribute to understanding whatumanawa (see Appendix 3).111

Many of the names are cryptic and require a reasonable command of the Maaori language in order to interpret thoroughly. Through the interpretations understanding is sought. Through the attainment of that understanding, then access to the whatumanawa becomes a matter of practicing ones understanding until clarity of mind is attained. Once the mind is clear, the whatumanawa becomes prominent and instinct and intuition prevail but remains under constant pressure from the hinengaro (mind) that strives to dominate - to be heard. Io is knowledge that exposes the pathway to the whatumanawa, and that is the curriculum of the Kura-i-awaawa.

Io is the pathway to divine knowledge and the embodiment of knowledge endowed. For almost all tribes there is an acknowledgement of Io pertaining to the history of how knowledge and understanding was endowed to Tane and hence to humankind. From within Te Kura the abstract account of Tane ascending to receive this knowledge contained in three baskets is consistent, in parts, with all other tribal traditions. A noted toohunga of the Ngai Tara people from the Wellington region, Tuhotoariki, composed an oriori around the sixteenth century for his grandnephew Tuteremoana112 that entails part of this history. In the second stanza he makes reference to the metaphorical ascent of Tane aided by his older brother Taawhirimatea113 to receive three baskets commonly known as nga kete waananga, from the caretaker of all knowledge, Io.

110 Willis, R.(ed).(1993). World Mythology: The Illustrated Guide. Duncan Baird Publishers, London.p.69. 111 Thes names of Io in Appendix 3 are extracted from what I refer to ask the whatumanawa takutaku. This is an ancient takutaku of some 140 verses from Te Kura-i-awaawa as dictated by Hohepa Delamere. The takutaku itself is for the purpose of sourcing the whatumanawa. 112 Ngata, A.T. and Jones, P.T.H, (1970). Nga Moteatea: The Songs, Part III. Auckland University Press. Auckland. 113 Ibid. Tane and Tawhirimatea were brothers of an abstract genealogy of Maaori cosmogony.

From within Te Kura these kete are replaced by oko, bowls for carrying food or water, or used occasionally for ceremonial purposes. Whatever they may have been they were but symbols for the endowed conscious and sub-conscious of human by Io. The conscious is represented by two atua Rongomaitahanui and Rongamaitaharangi, and are names for the right and left brain respectively, while the sub-conscious is represented by the mootoi that is the cerebellum that forms part of the whatumanawa symbiosis. While the right and left brains are represented by two atua of the atua cosmogony, the mootoi remains independent as its function is of a divine purpose that is directly related to the whatumanawa and precedes the atua genealogy, or ordering of physical evolution according to the Maaori.114

According to Te Kura there is an array of components pertaining to the oko starting with the entire name being Te Oko-nui-atea, or ‘the great bowl of space’, that as we already know contained potential for infinite celestial and terrestrial knowledge within the brain, and divine potential via the cerebellum. Nga Ireire-a-here, hatching etched into the sides of the oko, is a methophorical representation of the fabric that binds the universe and maintains cosmic balance. The term ireire refers to the essence of the spirit as a separate entity whose endowed role is to provide balance and are found existing among the Apa mentioned previously, who in this version are known as irekura and ireirekura. Completing the oko is Te Taupoki-nui-a-Rua- i-te-pukenga, an interesting component that symbolises a removeable lid of the oko (taupoki means lid) personifying the ideology that knowledge has bounds yet can be boundless, contained yet not restrained, finite yet infinite. Rua-i-te-pukenga as already discussed is part of the genealogy of the Rua who are representations of all knowledge. Completing this example is Tane-te-maurangi, the name for the skull that contains the mootoi and the matarua, the matarua being the third-eye115 that is, in this version, the whatumanawa.116

Whatumanawa - Of Enlightenment According to Te Kura, enlightenment was the means to sourcing the whatumanawa. As already mentioned the whatumanawa is the supreme subconscious. It is neutral. Within the whatumanawa truly exists all potential. It is the unophysical matrix to the metaphysical,

114 Waananga with Paraone Tai Tin, Auckland, September 2007. 115 This definition is similar to the eastern definition of the third-eye, that is an unseen part of the temple (of the forehead) that allows one to see All. 116 Waananga with Paraone Tai Tin, Auckland, September 2007.

hetophysical, and megaphysical117 realms of fulfilment of intent or purpose. At the very least one could expect a good night’s sleep after indulging in finer aspects of the whatumanawa waananga. Whatumanawa is a divinity that bears no abstract or personified name so often found in Maaori genealogy. Sourcing the whatumanawa as I have mentioned comprised in part the philosophical studies undertaken within Te Kura, part of which included committing large amounts of ancient verse called takutaku (melodic incantation) to memory. Paraone Tai Tin states that it is actually through understanding the whatumanawa and unbound potential that knowledge of Te Kura is attained. Te Kura was if anything, of the philosophy that taught one not to think, but was dedicated to the art of omnipresence, of being ever in the here and now, in summary, to sense rather than think by being in touch with the whatumanawa through Io.118

Understanding Io allows tremendous insight into the Maaori worldview and belief systems that share parallels to Eastern philosophies of the life-force (maauri), spirit (wairua), and soul (taakuira), and that illuminates the pathway to the whatumanawa. This celestial trio was also an entity of the Maaori divine belief within Te Kura. The spirit, or wairua (as it is generally translated), can be likened to its English description, that is of a ‘non-physical element’ of the human, but not as a keehua or ‘ghost’. Wairua should not be likened to the ‘spirit’ in this translation, as in the popular biblical version of the wairua tapu, the holy-spirit (tapu translated as holy). Maauri, commonly translated as ‘life-force’, exists within all living entities and again the English translation carries some relativity but requires a more accurate description, that being ‘of an energy that abides within the individual’.

The last component of the divine trio from Te Kura is the taakuira or the ‘soul’. Many races and religions have beliefs regarding the existence of the soul and coincidently the version from within Te Kura has its similarities. To begin, the taakuira is not by any means part of the human anatomy. Taakuira resides metaphorically speaking in the sacred house of the realm of Io, Te Whare-o-te-rauroha.119 Therefore understanding Io and his many names pertaining to his functions and purposes, leads to the understanding of the taakuira and its role toward enlightenment.

117 The terms hetophysical and megaphysical are translations of Maaori tems regarding spheres of the whatumanawa. 118 Waananga with Paraone Tai Tin, Auckland, September 2007. 119 This is the name known by Te Kura. Many other people refer to this as Rauroha or Te Whare-rauroha, and is sometimes referred to as a marae, a ‘court-yard’ of sorts.

From within Te Kura the taakuira is a conduit to the whatumanawa, and the wairua a messenger, while the maauri plays the advocate for the whatumanawa. This is a complex symbiosis, nonetheless one to which Te Kura subscribes and has done so since time immemorial, and certainly can be afforded more time than I am unduly offering. There are other factors of the Maaori belief system that contribute to a total understanding that I have not discussed that include nga Rangituhaha me nga Rangitauheke, nga tiirangi me nga irirangi, nga whatukura me nga mareikura, nga amokura me nga apakura, and nga uekura me nga reikura, that all form part of the prolific matrix.120 Memorising and annunciating verses of takutaku pertaining to the whatumanawa (that contain examples of the ancient Maaori language and hence understanding from within Kura-i-awaawa) was also a means of sourcing the whatumanawa, but in this instance understanding of the verse was far more vital to attaining enlightenment then being able to recite them. Such was the teaching maintained within this sacred institution known as Kura-i-awaawa.

5.2 RANGI, PAPA AND THEIR CHILDREN THE ATUA The union of the primal parents of Ranginui and Papatuanuku is part of the abstract genealogy that has become intertwined with Maaori history created to make scientific sense of their environment. This was a genealogy continually misunderstood and misinterpreted by early European authors and hence Maaori were given many labels such as ‘idol worshippers’, ‘pagans’, ‘heathens’, ‘neolithic’ and the like. These primal parents and their metaphoric offspring were also part of the Te Kura curriculum.

Both Rangi and Papa are references to the sky and earth both in its physical and metaphorical form. The many other names that these two primordial beings bear are extensive and lend to understanding the world from a Maaori view point. Papa and her many names are again a means to understanding the earth’s sciences and energies, unfortunately the list are only limited to those names I have extracted from the whatumanawa takutaku:121

Papa-ahuahu-reia Papa-rongorongo-nuia Papa-aroaro-ki-a-nuku Papa-aurea-mata Papa-tu-kaha-iraira Papa-noa-ki-nga-uri Papa-i-oi-tahi Papa-tua-moemoe Papa-tua-aro

120 Te pumau me te pupuri i te maumaharatanga kia kore ai e rereke. These are all personifications pertaining to tikanga and kawa or the ‘infallible methodology’ of retaining ancient knowledge. 121 This is an extensive incantation of Te Kura of around 140 verses.

Papatua-te-rongorongo-nui Papa-ahuahu Papa-nuia Papa-rauenga Papa-matamata Papa-tu-kaha Papa-mea Papa-i-oi-Rea

The science of the Maaori is holistic, intertwining and rationalising generations of naturalistic histories, personal theories, and metaphysical practices. These extended to Ranginui who also has numerous names. Again, this is only a limited list of names. Note that some names are not preceded by the name Rangi or sometimes end with Rangi, while some do not even include the name Rangi:

Rangi-nui (tamaku-a-rangi) Rangi-tamaku Rangi-parauri Rangi-mareikura Rangi-matawai Rangi-tauru(nui) Rangi-mataura Rangi-te-wiwini (ka tika) Rangi-te-wawana Rangi-naonaoariki Tiritiri-o-matangi Tikitiki-o-rangi Rangi-tau-a-hika Kopu-parapara Takoto-wai-mua Puku-haohao Rangi-kau-take Puna-rua Pua-te-rangi Maru-rangaranga Te Mamaku-rangi Te Taute-a-ranginui Aorere-hu-rangi Te Kahu-o-te-rangi

Ranginui pertains to cosmic cycles of the universe.122 Therefore Rangi and Papa are the basis from which all science can be asserted and understanding this assertion is part and parcel of the physical composition toward attaining the metaphysical.

Nga Atua Taane - The Male Atua The largest body from which Maaori science stems is contained within the names of the children of Rangi and Papa. Their children are numerous and form a scientific table of classification of sorts, according to Maaori. From Te Kura this table consists of 140 children, 70 male and 70 female. The seventy male atua are well known among all tribes, and their names documented in various publications are consistent to those of Te Kura. The 70 female atua however have remained something of a non-entity in all tribal annals, but are prominent within Te Kura, and while reference to a small number can be found in the aforementioned publications, often they appear in tribal genealogies as departmental atua only. This is a

122 Waananga with Paraone Tai Tin, Auckland, September 2007.

difference of tribal lore pertaining to their (tribal) interpretation of the ordering of their world according to their understanding. While the ordering may not be an issue, certainly the main elements reside in understanding their abstract representation of the world.

As already mentioned the word atua was poorly translated by early missionaries as ‘God’ or ‘gods’. Maaori incantations would have undoubtedly been observed by missionaries and interpreted as prayer, and from within their paradigm prayer can only be offered to a divinity such as a god. This attempted translation is far removed from the principles of what atua represent as I have already discussed, and nothing further from the pantheon descript of many historians.123 A literal translation can mean ‘of beyond’; a as in reference to anything ‘of’ or ‘belonging to’, and tua which means ‘beyond’. Beyond in this instance could imply ‘beyond’ this realm, ‘beyond’ this paradigm, ‘beyond’ the physical and so on. Atua I believe are best described as non-physical entities, not of a divine nature but of an abstract representation of understanding our natural world. The divinity of Maaori and knowledge of that belief I have already mentioned as the whatumanawa, and Io is the guardian.

Of all the atua, Tane remains the most prominent in Maaori tribal histories. Tane and related histories are well recorded by all tribes of Aotearoa, but to a lesser degree to Island tribes of Hawaiiki-nui (The South Pacific). The role of Tane has always been significant in Maaori cosmogony as he is the procreator of human-kind and most of earth’s species. As already discussed another of his most well known tasks was that where he was imparted all knowledge by Io. This history among many tribes is symbolised by Tane receiving three kits or baskets of knowledge that contained all celestial, terrestrial, and abstract knowledge. The aforementioned oriori by Ngai Tara toohunga Tuhotoariki names the three baskets also known by many other tribes as Te Kete-tuauri, Te Kete-tuaatea, and Te Kete-aronui which symbolise the curriculum of knowledge inherited by the likes of Tuhotoariki.124

It is appropriate to discuss Tane further here beyond genealogy. Above all other atua He was the personification of attainment not only of knowledge but of many levels of achievement. Attempting however to rationalise some of the histories as they have been retold over the centuries requires a large degree of contemplation. In summary however I would propose that his many names are abstract representations of the mutual genome of all life. At a physical

123 Willis, R.(ed).(1993). World Mythology. p.290. 124 Ngata, A.T. and Jones, P.T.H, (1970). Nga Moteatea: The Songs, Part II. pp.257-265.

level the puumaumaharatanga of Te Kura is personified by Tane (ta translates as origin, and ne as genome),125 as previously mentioned that is the ‘cellular memory’ as posed by Kura-i- awaawa. Cellular memory is a recent Western science, while within the ancient teachings of Te Kura cellular memory is carried within our Deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA), biologically transmitted from generation to generation. Activating these memories is intertwined with the knowledge and practice of the whatumanawa.126 With regard to the representation of all other biological life Tane is the progenitor - the physical link.

Other atua from within Te Kura include: the aformentioned Rongomaitahanui and Rongomaitaharangi as abstract representations of the brain; Haemata who held knowledge of pressure points; Rongomaraeroa who maintained the philosophy of hand-to-hand combat; Tukapua who is responsible for deciphering prophecies and intuition and instinct; and Uenuku and Tama-i-reia who represent knowledge of the sacred waananga of metaphysics. Greater understanding regarding metaphysics from Te Kura however seems to have been maintained in the histories of the female atua.

Nga Atua Waahine - The Female Atua Within Kura-i-Awaawa the Hine are the female atua.127 Not all Hine of tribal genealogies however are part of this family. Well known atua and tipuna (ancestor) Hineteiwaiwa for example is a descendant of Tane and Hinetitama and therefore not one of the primary 70. The Hine I refer to in this section are the Hine of Rangi and Papa, sisters to the acclaimed Tuumatauenga, Tangaroa, Tane, Ruaumoko and many others. Paraone Tai Tin mentions Papa as being the first Hine.128

Within Te Kura, female atua appear representative of a metaphysical composition not shared by their male siblings. Here is another unique element of epistemology from Te Kura in comparison to other recorded histories. While limited discussions can be found, within Te Kura the Hine are as prominent (if not more so) as their brothers.

125 ‘ne’ is reference to the inherent genome of human. 126 Waananga with Hohepa Delamere, Whitianga Bay, January 2004. 127 Ibid. 128 Waananga with Paraone Tai Tin, Auckland, September 2007.

Hine have a biochemistry as suggested within the name, that according to Te Kura, descends from female to female only.129 One of the Hine atua well-known to most tribes is Hinemoana, who represents the ocean in its scientific entirety. The misconception over the years is that her brother Tangaroa is the atua of the sea and all things of the sea, which in this version is an exaggeration. There is no doubting that Tangaroa is the progenitor of denizens of the sea, while his name is given to certain tides and peculiarities of the sea; Tangaroa-whakamau-tai is a common term that suggests Tangaroa controls the tide, and Te-parata-a-Tangaroa refers to a whirlpool. Nonetheless Hinemoana is truly the maiden atua of the ocean. Moana is in reference to the ‘continual motion’ of the water. Hinemarama, who is an abstract personification of the moon, is also discussed concurrently in the waananga of Hinemoana. Rona-whakamau-tai is also a part of this relationship and is the daughter of Tangaroa. The relationship between the moon and sea was an observation of ancient study, hence the close relationship of these Hine in this particular waananga. Hine-marama was also integral to the waananga of the whatuamanwa.130 All these entities regardless of how they are classified are but personifications of knowledge pertaining to the understanding of our environment.

Further Hine entities from Te Kura include: Hinetuaoro, who could be considered Tane’s abstract equivalent that is, the waananga of the metaphysical potential that exists within human. Hinetuaoro proposes the divine element of our humanness, and Tane the physical. In short perhaps, she is the essence of enlightenment; Tumatauenga is generally known as the atua of war and the art of war. His equivalent female counterpart from Te Kura is Hinekeira. This poses a contrariwise to modern thought as now there is reference to a female atua of war and therefore female art and psychology of war. Certainly the female race of the ancient Amazons would look favourably on this notion. The vein of thought from Hinekeira, similar to Hinetuaoro, is about understanding the knowledge of metaphysics. Included within this institution are arts of war that are unique to the schooling of women in war and a fighting art known as maumaia, that is hand-to-hand combat.

For this section the last Hine to be discussed is Hine-te-waiuruuru, the female atua of understanding epistemology, while her brother Tama-i-reia is the atua representative of the potential attained through this understanding. This may appear as a complex composition and

129 This is the inherited intellect of human known as the mitochondrial genome. 130 Unfortunately I cannot explain this relationship further, only to say that Hohepa Delamere referred to the moons bio-rhythms as ancient beyond that of the earth.

in some regards it is. There are often common strands of fabric overlapping and interweaving between atua, however there is a distinct classification of atua represented once complexities are exposed in their simplest form. In this example Tama-i-reia appears as the rainbow and Hine-te-waiuruuru is the rain that causes the rainbow to appear. In its more complex state arises the understanding of light and how light travels, particularly with the colour violet as in ultra-violet light. Purple is also considered a sacred colour to Maaori, and harnessing the properties of this light according to Te Kura means understanding the frequencies and vibrations associated with this colour and their function in the aid of spiritual purification and the like. Sometimes I just prefer to think of her as the drizzle that causes the rainbow. Uenuku and Hine-tapa-i-reia were also atua of the waananga. A list of the Hine atua that I have again extracted from the whatumanawa takutaku can be viewed in Appendix 4. The depth and breadth of Te Kura-i-Awaawa is immense, and this information really is only the beginning of exploration into this arena.

5.3 PEDAGOGY OF TE KURA-I-AWAAWA Hohepa Delamere was also an exponent of many other Whare, but they all seemed to come under the auspicies of Te Kura. As to philosophies and methods of learning and teaching within Te Kura, I can relate only a few stories of his upbringing, that unfortunately, I doubt will suffice to describe his educational experience.

Hohepa’s education began when he was conceived, as his parents and whanau anticipated his role that he would play for his time. The most amazing consideration when contemplating epistemology is the fact that the entirety of Hohepa’s education within Te Kura was completed by the age of 14, after which he attended state secondary school. Hohepa humbly confessed even at that early age he knew as much as and often more than many. He spoke of journeys (of the metaphorical kind), but never really inferred the surroundings where these may have occurred. There was certainly no mention of a physical edifice to which he was taken for instruction.

During times when a lot of learning was taking place, food was prohibited for days or weeks, and in one instance he spoke of up to a month.131 While the practice of this sort of methodology might seem out of the question today, the principle of the practice must be noted,

131 Waananga with Hohepa Delamere, Whitianga Bay, January2004.

even if the concept is beyond current comprehension. Needless to say there exists a composition of which food has no part to play. Weherua Rutene of the Te Aitanga-a-Mahaki tribe in the Poverty Bay region mentions some students from the Gisborne schools dying during their mental examinations of the Whare-waananga132, I assume as a result of malnourishment, although other reasons could not be dismissed.

The teaching and learning of his education seemed to occur in various environments depending on the topic. Cosmology would be taught at night, fishing and the art of fishing would be taught while fishing, mamau would occassionally be taught in the bush and on other occasions in the surf, while histories, ideologies, theories and genealogies would be taught at no fixed abode.

The next chapter moves into the histories of the most popular of tribal Whare of higher learning that being the Whare-waananga. Aside Kura it is the Whare-waananga that carries the esoteric lore of Maaori. These Whare were therefore prevelant and held in high esteem in traditional Maaori society.

132 Waananga with Weherua Rutene, Gisborne, October 2007.

CHAPTER 6: THE WHARE-WAANANGA - OF PHILOSOPHICAL EDUCATION

This Whare is by far the most noted and prominent of whare among all tribes. In some areas the Whare-waananga is only engaged in topics of Te Kauwaerunga (celestial knowledge), that is knowledge of genealogies, histories, forms of karakia, and cosmology. Some however, like the acclaimed Te Rawheoro of Uawa, also taught Te Kauwaeraro (terrestrial knowledge)133 such as the arts of taa moko and whakairo (carving).134 Knowledge of Te Kauwaerunga also intertwined on occasion with Te Kauwaeraro. The art of taa moko for example required knowledge of karakia and genealogies of the toohunga for this practice, the same would also have applied to raranga (weaving), and whakairo (carving). Knowledge of star and planetary movements, and lunar and solar phases would have been pertinent to those involved with planting of crops, although the toohunga would have undoubtedly been consulted.

Not all tribes referred to their schools of higher learning as Whare-waananga. Whare-takiura is referred to by Tuhoe as a superior school of learning where the lore pertaining to Io was imparted, such as Kahuponia near Ruatahuna. The terms Whare-maire, Whare-puri, and Whare-kaha stated by Te Hue Rangi of Tuhoe were also employed in reference to higher schools of learning. The term Whare-kura is mentioned by Best as akin to Whare-waananga but with less tapu attached to it,135 while Whare-porukuruku seems to have been applied to a solitary teaching environment such as that of a father to son in imparting tribal lore and so forth. Te Matorohanga however states that the Whare-porukuruku was where ‘the cult of the evil gods’ was taught.136 The term Whare-kau-po is stated by Best as being a Whare where ‘lectures of racial lore, tribal traditions, the wars of old and other matters took place.’137 It seems that these lectures occurred in the same vicinity of the Whare-waananga but from ‘noon to sunset.’138 This could have been acceptable in some areas. Noon to sunset is referred to by Papa Anaru Kupenga of Ngati Porou as Taheke-roa, the ‘pathway of the declining sun’ and hence a less receptive time for optimum learning of students of the Whare-waananga.139 In summary, less tapu seemed to be applied to this time of the day, probably because it was

133 Further definitions of these terms can be found in Best, The Maaori School of Learning,(1923), and Smith, Te Kauwaerunga and Te Kauwaeraro (1913). 134 Waananga with Mark Kopua, Mangatuna, September 2007. 135 Best, E. (1923). The Maori School of Learning. p.11. 136 Ibid. p.103. 137 Ibid, p.13. 138 Ibid. 139 Waananga with Anaru Kupenga, Ruatorea, September 2007.

dedicated to the labours of food gathering or growing, or play. Taheke-roa is also referred to as the eternal descent of Whiro-te-tipua to Rarohenga.140 Ngai Tahu refers to their houses of learning as Whare-mauri, and Whare-purakau where the arts or fighting were taught. The final term Whare-pukenga seems to have been employed by the Te Arawa people.141

Information of each Whare-waananga exposes invaluable histories of this institution in its entirety, in pertaining to the Hawaiiki traditions and eventual tribal traditions of Aotearoa. Each version contains genealogies, place names, some names of presiding atua and their purposes, and the various toohunga and functions of these Whare as retained by individuals or recorded in publications, journals and manuscripts. It is partly these ideologies and pedagogies of old Maaori education that will contribute to a modern re-construction of a modern hypothesis.

The following are desriptions of Whare-waananga in Aotearoa only. The largest cross-section of Whare-waananga histories is taken from the Tairawhiti region that is largely from Turanga- nui-a-Kiwa (Gisborne) to Wharekahika (Hicks Bay). This history highlights links to the most ancient Whare-waananga trails and some of the most acclaimed teachings of the nineteenth century from the Te Rawheoro Whare-waananga. The other major body of research on Whare- waananga has come from my own tribe that is the Tuhoe Whare-maire and the Tupapakurau of the Mataatua people.

6.1 WHARE-MAIRE OF TUHOE, AND TUPAPAKURAU Tupapaku-rau This whare was situated near the Wairaka Heads in Whakatane, at Opihiwhanaungakore, and Toroa was the toohunga. The late Te Hue Rangi of Tuhoe says this name was given in commemoration of the corpses (tuupaapaku)142 that were carried aboard the Mataatua to their landing place at Kakahoroa in Whakatane. Opihiwhanaungakore was where these corpses were buried and this sacred site continued to be used a cemetery as late as last century by the Ngati Hokopu of Ngati-Awa. This land is considered extremely tapu. Te Hue suggests that Irakewa and his son Taneatua to his first wife Kiwa from Hawaiiki were returning to Aotearoa, while Toroa whose father was also Irakewa but to his second wife Weka-nui, was from Aotearoa. Te

140 Ibid, p.134. 141 Waananga with Wetini Mitai, Rotorua. June 2007. 142 Te Hue mentions that perhaps the koiwi (bones) of the deceased were carried aboard the Mataatua. Mataatua was considered an extremely tapu waka.

Hue says many land-marks prior to the arrival of Mataatua, were named or as a consequence of the exploits of Irakewa and Taneatua within Tuhoe. Taneatua therefore, was returning as the toohunga of the Mataatua,143 employing the atua Rongo-mai-te-ihu as a guide, then establishing his tuahu (sacred altar) at Matata,144 at Te Marae-ki-Whakatane, Oniao. Te Hue states there were three kawa145 of Tupapaku-rau brought by Irakewa; Hangaroa-i-te-kaunauna, Hangaroa-i-te-turiroa, and Tiki. The essence of each kawa was ancient karakia and will be discussed further under Mairerangi.

Te Kawa-a-Maui Hori Uatuku from Ruatoki says that this whare was situated at Ruatoki146, while Best mentions that this whare was at Hanamahihi, near Marumaru.147 Te Hue affirms Hori’s statement as the correct one noting Te Pukenui Kereru of Ngati Rongo, who was a graduate of Mairerangi, returned to Ruatoki establishing Te Kawa-a-Maui possibly at Te Purenga in Ruatoki.

Te Toki-a-Tangaroa Hori Uatuku says that Te Toki-a-Tangaroa was at Whaitiripapaa in Ruatoki. Te Toki-a- Tangaroa was the name of the adze that carved the Mataatua canoe, and brought aboard Mataatua to Aotearoa. Te Hue suggests that chief Te Whanake and others were of this Whare- waananga. The late Te Kani Te Ua, noted historian, orator and leader of the Aitanga-a-Mahaki was possibly a student of or Te Kawa-a-Maui or of this whare:

From 1912 to 1915 he (Te Kani) studied at the ancient whare wananga at Ruatoki, where he was taught Maori religion, genealogies and customs. He also developed a formidable skill in whaikorero, the art of oratory.148

Mairerangi This Whare was situated at Te Honoi between Ruatoki and Ruatahuna in the Urewera ranges of the Tuhoe people.Te Hue states that Whare-ki-waananga was the toohunga of this Whare. Similarly Best notes Whaarei (or Whaare) whose full name was Whaare-ki-waananga was the

143 Tama-ki-Hikurangi was also a toohunga of the Mataatua canoe. 144 A small settlement some 20 kms west of Whakatane where the Te Arawa canoe became beached on sand-bar. Toroa subsequently freed the Te Arawa, hence the name matata, that is ‘the freeing’ of the Te Arawa canoe. 145 A reference to the curriculum 146 Waananga with Te Hue Ranga and Hori Uatuku, Ruatoki, January 2007. 147 Ibid. 148 (1990). Nga Tangata Taumata Rau, 1900-1930. Allen & Unwin NZ Ltd.

toohunga of this Whare, but should not be confused with Whaarei of whom the boundary of the Mataatua peoples is referred ‘mai i Nga kuri a Whaarei ki Tihirau.’ This whare was situated just above Te Karaka on the Mana-o-Taane ridge, bordering Hana-mahihi and Marumaru.149 Whaare was one of the original occupants of the Mataatua canoe and is a descendant of Taneatua, toohunga of the Mataatua canoe and half-brother to Toroa.150

While Taneatua’s exploits are numerous, Sissons, author of Te Waimana, notes that he came aboard the Mataatua,151 where Te Hue mentions that Taneatua returned on the Mataatua, having arrived in an earlier expedition aboard the Nukutere. Te Hue states that some kawa and tikanga from Tupaapakurau were continued at Mairerangi, particularly the kawa of Tiki, the use of weaponry or para whakawai, but also the Hangaroa kawa that contained the many karakia of Mataatua. Te Whatupe, Taokaki, and Tauaiti were the last toohunga schooled in Mairerangi.152 Tumanawapohatu was also a toohunga from this era. Other prominent rangatira of Mairerangi included Te Ngahuru, Tamatengahae, Pahikohiko, Kau, Te Kaunga, and Kokouri. Interestingly Kokouri was versed in the art of whakairo (carving).153

Kahuponia This whare was situated in Ruatahuna and Hinemaunga was the kaitiaki (caretaker, spiritual guide) of this Whare.154 Te Hue states this was a Whare of the Tamakaimoana hapuu. Best refers to this Whare as a Whare-takiura of whom his main informant Tutakangahau was a graduant.155 Piripi Te Heuheu was the last known toohunga schooled in Kahuponia.156 It was Piripi Te Heuheu who raised the Tuhoe war-party that assisted Rewi Maniapoto in the Waikato Land Wars at Orakau where Piripi subsequently died. Te Hue states Maungaharuru and Te Aukihingarae as other graduates. The late John Rangihau, scholar and Tuhoe leader was acknowledged as a student of this Whare. As mentioned earlier, the Whare-takiura was where the lore of Io was imparted within Tuhoe.

149 Best, E. (1925), Tuhoe: The Children of the Mist. p.711. 150 Best, E. (1925), Tuhoe, Volume II. Na Taneatua ko Tane-moko-pekenga-rau, nana ko Tairini, nana ko Whaare-ki-waananga (genealogical table no.11). 151 Sissons, J. (1991). Te Waimana: The Spring of Mana. University of Otago Press. Dunedin. p.35. 152 This was mentioned by Te Hue and also discussed by Hirini Melbourne in his abstract of Te Ngahuru, a chief of the Ngati Koura and student of Mairerangi. 153 Waananga with Te Hue Ranga and Hori Uatuku, Ruatoki, January 2007. 154 Best, E. (1925), Tuhoe: Children of the Mist, p.1096. 155 Ibid, p.933. 156 Ibid, p.1066.

6.2 WHARE-WAANANGA OF TE TAIRAWHITI: NGATI POROU Puangiangi According to composer and local historian Robert Ruha, of Te Whanau-a-Tuwhakairiora and Te Whanau-a-Apanui, this was situated in Onepoto (Horse-shoe Bay), Wharekahika (Hicks Bay) where the current educational center Te Puna Manaaki-a Ruataupare now stands.157 The last toohunga of this Whare included Te Matorohanga, Te Pohuhu and Te Whatahoro. According to Robert of Wharekahika, these toohunga last called in here to discuss strategies before departing to the last Apanui-Porourangi battle, Toka-a-kuku in the mid 1800’s.158 They also called in on their return. Robert knows of no other contemporary toohunga of this Whare- waananga

Tapere-nui-a-Whatonga A well known Whare-waananga situated in Rangitukia, 10km nor-west of Ruatoria. Papa Anaru Kupenga notes that this whare belonged to Te Whironui, father of Huturangi who married Paikea.159 Te Whironui was one of many who arrived in Aotearoa aboard the Nukutere canoe. Irakewa, father of Taneatua and Toroa of the Mataatua canoe was another. Part of Papa Anaru’s history states that shortly after Paikea came upon Te Whironui and Huturangi at Mangawhero, he was led to the kuumara gardens where toohunga were performing their incantations. Upon Paikea’s arrival they relinquished their roles and Paikea completed the ceremony .160 Mark Kopua states a similar story pertaining to Paikea and this acknowledgement. Whatonga was a grandson of Toi. Tapere translates as ‘district’ so the name could pertain to the ‘great district of Whatonga’. The late Pita Kapiti and Mohi Turei were the last contemporaries of this Whare.

Te Aho-o-Matariki I am indebted to Papa Anaru Kupenga for the history of this Whare-waananga-maatauranga161 and information regarding some of the following Whare of Te Tairawhiti (East Coast).

The full name of this whare was Te Whare-waananga-maatauranga-o-Te Aho-o-Matariki of whom Maui-tikitiki-a-Taranga (Maaui) was the amorangi, and according to Papa Anaru was

157 Waananga with Robert Ruha, Hicks Bay, October 2006. 158 Whether Te Whatahoro was present is not known. 159 Waananga with Papa Anaru Kupenga, Ruatorea, September 2007. 160 Ngata, W. (1992).Unpublished M.A. Thesis, p.213. Raroa Korero.

161 Papa Anaru mentions this name was applied to all Whare-waananga, September 2007.

the very first Whare-waananga of Aotearoa and the Pacific. It was situated at Raparapaririki on the eastern face of the sacred mountain Hikurangi that stands just south of Ruatoria. This area was first inhabited by Maui and his people. The history of Maui is maintained by his many descendants of the region but particularly of Te Ewe-o-Te-Aowera of whom Papa Anaru is a descendant.

The name Raparapaririki (exploration by children) - where Te Aho-o-Matariki was situated - implied that younger children were taught here before progressing to more specific and higher learning of the Whare-waananga. Papa Anaru further suggests that this was the first curriculum created for teaching of esoteric studies for children.162

Te Aho-o-Matariki was named thus by Maui in reference to the star cluster known as Pleiades. Te aho is a reference to a direct ‘link’ from sky to earth, while Matariki is the youngest star of the cluster Pleiades.163 From this site on Hikurangi a clear view can be seen of Matariki in its heliacal rise that occurs around June, and signals the start of the Maaori new-year.164 There are many signs projected by Matariki according to the Maui people. One such sign includes the appearance of the stars in determining the outcome of crops and other food supplies. Papa Anaru says that if the stars Tupuanuku and Tupuarangi are particularly bright then crops will be abundant that year. Adversely, if Waiti and Waita are dull then all foods for the year will be poor.165

Matariki is also the ‘doorway’ through which the spirits of the departed enter into the beyond.166 Papa Anaru speaks of another plateau of Hikurangi called Aaria, that is where the spirits of the deceased congregate before boarding the canoe of Maui, Te Aaio-o- Nukutaimemeha. This canoe is moored at the lake of Hine-i-takawhiti-ki-te-Uru near Aaria, and is the starting point of departing spirits from Te Aoturoa before travelling to Te Rerenga Wairua in the North, then eventually on to Matariki, hence the spiritual significance and sacredness of Hikurangi to its people.167 Hikurangi was the first mountain of Te Aoturoa that

162 Waananga with Anaru Kupenga, Ruatorea, September 2007. 163 The Pleiades cluster contains seven stars in total. To the Maaui people they are called Tupuanuku, Tupuarangi, Waiti, Waita, Waipunarangi, Ururangi and finally Matariki. 164 This is the popular version observed by many tribes. Other tribes do however recognise the rise of Puanga (Regal) as the start of the Maaori new-year. 165 Best (1925) also discusses similar observations of Matariki according to Tuhoe traditions. Tuhoe also knew Matariki as Hoko-kumara., p.812. 166 Waananga with Weherua Rutene, Gisborne, October 2007. 167 Waananga with Anaru Kupenga, Ruatorea, September 2007.

pierced the surface of Wainuiaatea or Hinemoana, as it was the mountain projected by Maui (te hikutanga o tana ika ki te rangi), and is also where Maui is buried.168

Hemo-o-Tawake This is another Whare-waananga-maatauranga established by Maui on the mountain of Aorangi that stands aside the Northern face of mount Hikurangi. Papa Anaru states that Hemo- o-Tawake was where graduands from Te Aho-o-Matariki entered. Hemo-o-Tawake is a reference to higher learning. When Te Aho-o-Matariki and Hemo-o-Tawake were deemed by the people of Te Aowera to be too sacred for continued use, toohunga of the time removed the tapu. They chanted countless karakia for an unknown time to whakanoa (sanctify) the sites, such was their sacredness and reverence by which they were held. It was then decided that Te Aowera would be the site to continue the teachings imparted since the time of Maui-tikitiki-a- Taranga. Papa Anaru is a contemporary of this Whare-waananga-maatauranga.

Te Aho Matariki (II) Wayne Ngata notes that when Paikea had established himself in Whangaraa he sent word back to Rarotonga of his whereabouts. His son Rongomaituaho arrived soon after aboard Tereanini and established the Te Aho Matariki Whare-waananga.169 Anaru Kupenga states that Te Aho Matariki Whare-waananga was situated in Anaura Bay and was named after the first Te Aho-o- Matariki of Maaui on mount Hikurangi.170

Te Uhi-a-Mataora This is the Whare-waananga of Rongomaituaho, son of Paikea, established also at Raparapaririki on Hikurangi.171 It was later that he renamed this whare Te Aho Matariki, which I am assuming is the same one at Anaura Bay, and connects to the version of Mark Kopua and Wayne Ngata of Te Aho Matariki belonging to Paikea and Rongomaituaho. Te Uhi-a-Mataora is in reference to taa moko and nga ngiira a Uetonga (the ‘needles of Uetonga’). Uetonga was the teacher of Mataora regarding this art.

168 Ibid. 169 Waananga with Wayna Ngata, Tolaga Bay, October 2007. 170 Waananga with Anaru Kupenga, Ruatorea, September 2007. 171 Kupenga, A (2004). Te Hao kai a te Iwi Maui.Unpublished M.A. Thesis.

Kaiawha This was situated in Tokomaru Bay and stated by Papa Anaru as a Wharekura. Papa Anaru stumbled upon this information while fencing for Bill Te Wehi of Tokomaru Bay, who willingly parted with this information when challenged by a much younger Papa Anaru who sought to question his mana whenua or ‘inherent authority of the land’ and vested knowledge therein. Papa Anaru was grateful for the response he received and duly acknowledged the mana held by Mr. Te Wehi.

6.3 WHARE-WAANANGA OF TE TAIRAWHITI: TE AITANGA-A-HAUITI Ruakaakaa Wayne Ngata says this Whare-waananga is not as well-known as the acclaimed Te Rawheoro or Matatuahu, but is a branch of the Te Rawheoro Whare-waananga. It was established at Wairoro on the northern bank of the Uawa River in Tolaga Bay. This was the Whare of Kahukuranui, son of eponymous ancestor Hauiti, the teachings of which were consequently inherited by Karauria Pahura, the younger brother of the great Ngati Porou chief Te Kani-a- Takirau.

Te Rahauhau Mark Kopua mentions that at the time of the wars between the sons of the 15th century high chief and toohunga Hingangaroa, he was moved away from the prospect of ensuing battles north of Uawa to Mangatuna. Here he established Te Rahauhau and continued the teaching of Te Rawheoro and the Paikea waananga. It was also here that the arts of carving of the Tairawhiti region were imparted to Apanui, Iwirakau, and Tukaki, and possibly that of the Ponga School now predominant in the Gisborne area.172

Te Rawheoro Te Rawheoro is descended from the Paikea Whare-waananga. Wayne Ngata provides the following history part of which I have translated here. [The original Te Rawheoro stood at Mangakuku, Mangaheia, inland from the present day Tolaga Bay. Mangakuku is on a mountain, and Kuratau is at its base where the families of Mangaheia resided. It was here the majority of people lived prior to the arrival of Pakeha. As the people migrated, the waananga consequently followed to Takuahiroa (further east). After flooding (there) it (the waananga)

172 Waananga with Mark Kopua, Mangatuna, March 2007.

63 moved to Waimaunu, and then to Ruapekapeka on the northern side of the Uawa River close to where the school is now, and finally to its current site. At the time the waananga was at Ruapekapeka, people of Ngati-Ira also took part. Tokipuanga was one of the toohunga involved, and eventually it became difficult to discern between the two teachings. Regardless, it is the Rawheoro waananga that is remembered].173

Rangiuia was the last toohunga fully schooled in the traditional ways of this whare. Wayne Ngata provides the following note made by statesman and tribal leader Apirana Ngata:

Ko te whare wananga whaimana tenei o te pito whakararo o Te Tairawhiti, a, ki te titiro iho ki nga korero a nga tohunga o Wairarapa, kua tuhia nei a ratau korero e Te Whatahoro, ko te whare whaimana tera o Te Tairawhiti katoa. 174

translation - This was a revered whare wananga in the upper region of the east coast, and if one were to consider the scriptures of the sage Te Whatahoro from Wairarapa, it could be said that it was revered throughout the whole eastern seaboard.

Apirana continues to state that the curriculum of Te Rawheoro was brought to Uawa by Hingangaroa.175 Hingangaroa maintained all knowledge of the art of wood-carving inherited from Paikea, being also a descendant of Tangaroa and his son Ruaitepupuke who introduced the art of carving to the Paikea people. Apirana mentions that Hingangaroa, by request of his wife, migrated to the region of her brother’s people Kahungungu to teach the art of haumi, a method of lashing individually fashioned parts of a hull to create one hull. It was in this vicinity at Kaimaitai in Te Wairoa that their son Mahaki-ewe-karoro was born.176

One version of the name of Te Rawheoro is offerred by Wayne Ngata that I have again translated here. [When the great birds of Ruakapanga (a chief from Hawaiiki), Tiungarangi and Harongarangi were returning to Aotearoa, the sun’s rays caused a resonating vibration (wheoro) on Mount Hikurangi. These were the signs the birds used to navigate to land. The ancestor Ruakapanga has a direct link to Uawa, hence the name of the meeting house at Hauiti marae (Ruakapanga) in commemoration of this. According to the descendants of Rangiuia, the

173 Ngata, W. (1993).Te Waiata Tangi a Rangiuia. Unpublished Master’s thesis. Ngata, 1930, p.26. 174 Ibid, p.25. 175 Ibid. 176 Ibid.

mana of Te Rawheoro Whare-waananga was in fact inherited by Ruakapanga.177 The current Te Rawheoro now in Uawa is of a different strain].

There are many more individuals and many more stories noted by Wayne Ngata pertaining to Te Rawheoro that portrays its stature and respect from within and outside of the Tairawhiti district. Weherua Rutene of Te Aitanga-a-Mahaki says relationships between Taihamuti at Puhanui (east of Gisborne) and Te Rawheoro existed, and that Taihamuti and other Whare of the lower Tairawhiti were in fact part of the Te Rawheoro waananga. It is well known that Tuhoe toohunga Tauaiti, Te Whatupe, Taokaki and others attended the Te Rawheoro Whare- waananga during the course of their education.178 Present day students include Wayne Ngata, Victor Walker, Mark Kopua and others.

6.4 WHARE-WAANANGA OF TE TAIRAWHITI: NGATI KONOHI, AITANGA-A-MAHAKI AND RONGOWHAKAATA Te Ao Marama and Whitireia Mark Kopua notes that these Whare-waananga belonged to the revered ancestor, ariki and toohunga of the East Coast tribes, Paikea.179 Whitireia is a prominent marae and is known world-wide from the Whale Rider feature movie. Derek Lardelli, an international taa moko artist and composer of the modern All-Black haka ‘Te Kapa-oo-pango’, is descended from this marae. Wayne Ngata, tribal historian from Te Aitanga-a-Hauiti and Ngati Porou, and teacher, notes the following history of Whitireia of that I have loosely translated. [The original site (of Whitireia) was on a small island off Whangaraa called Tokarangi. Whangaraa was a traditional meeting place of sea-voyaging travellers and maintains the mauri of the rengarenga and Te Puna-a-Tinirau. The rengarenga is a flower from Hawaiiki that grows on Pukehapopo mountain, and Te Puna-a-Tinirau is ‘the pool of Tinirau’, reference to the mauri tohora, the ‘whale essence’. Whitireia was Paikea’s final home].

The history of Paikea outside of the bigscreen is far more dramatic and colourful and is well known by all the eastern board tribes. Paikea, according to both Wayne Ngata and Mark Kopua, was the individual who brought a large amount of Whare-waananga knowledge to the

177 Ngata, W. (1993). Unpublished M.A.Thesis. Makere Nikora 1989 korero, p.34. 178 Waananga with Wayna Ngata, Tolaga Bay, October 2007. 179 Waananga with Mark Kopua, Mangatuna, March 2007.

Tairawhiti region.180 While there are conflicting versions concerning his apparent arrival upon the back of a whale, and the circumstances surrounding his arrival, variations are firmly solidified within respective tribal areas as the correct one, even including the people of the Mauke Island of Rarotonga who claim that Paikea was born and raised there. While their version of his departure has far less fanfare and mystery then those of Aotearoa, there is some consistency with the Aotearoa version. One thing that is agreed upon accross the divisions is that Paikea was indeed a learned toohunga.

Wharekorero (Te Tuahu) This whare established by Uenuku-whakarongo overlooked Wainui Beach near Gisborne. Uenuku-whakarongo, who was in fact a passenger of the Mataatua waka, died here and his remains with other sacred artefacts are in the Kohurau cave also in Wainui.181 Chapman-Taylor locates Wharekorero “...at the estuary of the Waimata-Taraheru rivers and at the Southern end of Wainui beach on a site now covered by sandhills....They may have been seasonal sites.”182 Wayne Ngata mentions that Uenuku-whakarongo landed at Parinuitera in Whangaraa where he came ashore with Matuatonga, Matuaiti and others. He then established his Whare-waananga at Wainui-a-Huata where the current day cemetery is. Wayne mentions that Te Rakau-a- Uenuku-whakarongo was also the name of this area.183

Puhi-kaiti Papa Anaru mentions that this was the Whare-waananga of Maia-Poroaki situated on the water-front near the Kaiti suburb of Gisborne city. The name is taken from the name of one of the kura (ceremonial feathers) that projected from the bow of his canoe Te Ikaroa-a-Rauru. Maia was said to have been an occupant of the Mataatua canoe along with his sister Hinehakitai.184 The chief Uenuku-whakarongo, father of Ruatapu and Paikea came aboard the Horouta canoe that first landed at Ohiwa and married Hinehakitai. Another account offered by Papa Anaru states Te Rangatoro was Maia’s sister and also the wife of Uenuku pertaining to this incident. Maia at this stage had completed the construction of his own canoe named Te Ikaroa-a-Rauru, and hastily fled on it to escape Uenuku who intended to use him as a sacrifice for his newly built house. Maia was a somewhat selfish individual and Uenuku thought his loss

180 Waananga with Mark Kopua and Wayne Ngata respectively, 2007. 181 Ibid, p.32. 182 Chapman-Taylor, (1995), p.3. 183 Ngata, W (1993). Unpublished Master’s thesis. Lardelli korero, 1992, p.31. 184 Horouta (1999), p.30.

would not be overly noticed. Maia landed in Onepoto (Schnapper Bay) at the Eastern end of Kaiti Beach. Here he built his house where the Captain Cook statue stands today. While there is no mention of this house as a Whare-waananga in the book Horouta: manuscripts of Rongowhakaata Halbert, Puhi-kaiti is noted as the Pa of Maia. Wayne Ngata affirms that Maia came aboard Te Ika-roa-a-Rauru on which he brought the hue seed (tubular convulvus) from Hawaiiki, while his senior siblings arrived aboard the Takitimu. He then constructed his house Puhikaiti and his paepae (latrine) Parahamuti. The land was named Titirangi and the waters were known as Murimuri-mai-Hawaiiki.185

Tokitokiwhakaonge This was at Repongaere, Patutahi, a small township south-west of Gisborne. The following account of this Whare-waananga is again from Wayne Ngata. [Tokitoki was established in the Gisborne district by toohunga of the Takitimu waka Ruawharo and Tupai-whakarongo- wananga. Their education, by revered sage Timuwhakairihia in Hawaiiki, was taught in a somewhat peculiar manner, possibly because they were accepted at a late stage of their lives as opposed to the traditional early entry. This peculiarity in short was that Tupai was not permitted to enter the whare, while Ruawharo was. At some length Ruawharo was then asked to repeat the karakia being taught by Timuwhakairihia. When Ruawharo could not do this Timuwhakairihia addressed Tupai to do so from outside the whare. Tupai was able to successfully recite the said karakia and thence was permitted entry].186 In due course the Takitimu waka, comanded by Ruawharo and Tupai, landed at Nukutaurua, Te Mahia, where their people settled and the mauri tohora was instilled.187 Mitchell mentions the erection of tuahu (shrines) by Ruawharo, and the following regarding the Whare-waanaga:

In due course the party arrived at Nukutaurua at a place called Te Papa near the present Oraka.... Here Ruawharo, the priest decided to settle...Cruising round the penninsula, Waikawa…was visited. Here a shrine was made. Later a whare wananga was built on the spot named Ngaheru- mai-tawhiti. This institution was the origin of the mauri...which controlled the whole of the East Coast.188

185 Private collection. Ruru, H. and Halbert, R. (1930). Manuscript, p.3 186 Ngata, W. (1992). Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Tamawhaikai. 1877. pp161-163. 187 This is a well known history among the Ngai Tahu-Matawhaiti and Rongomaiwahine people of Mahia. Mauri tohora refers to the ‘whale spirit’. 188 Ngata, W. (1992). Unpublished M.A. Thesis. Mitchell, 1944, p.60.

Wayne Ngata comments that while reference is made to where the Whare-waananga was, Mitchell does not offer the name of the Whare-waananga and refers to a similar statement made by the late Te Kani Te Ua, that is it was not until after Ruawharo, that Whare-waananga were established at the sites of the original shrines. Te Kani does however mention Tokitoki, to which he applies the following saying, ‘Tokitoki whakaonge tangata, whakaonge atua’.189 Wayne Ngata says that this is in reference to the speed by which to ‘fell’ atua, and ‘fell’ people (in reference to black magic). Consequently people steered well clear of this whare. With the encroaching influence of Christianity one of the last toohunga of Tokitoki, Tupai-whakarongo- tara-a-whare lifted the shrine and replanted it in the Maraehinahina Whare-waananga at Waerenga-a-Hika (irirangi) near Gisborne. Other toohunga schooled here were Hotoma, Henare TeKotiti, and Tiwhanga.190

Maraehina(hina) This was the Whare-waananga of the ariki Hinehakirirangi, sister to Paoa, captain of the Horouta canoe. Hinehakirirangi was the kaitiaki and ruahine of the kumara and knowledge pertaining to planting, growing and harvesting, not to mention related genealogy, mooteatea and karakia. The oriori ‘Po, po’ composed by her descendant Enoka Te Pakaru tells the history pertaining to planting, growing, and cultivating the kuumara. Enoka Te Pakaru was the last toohunga of this whare.191 This area is situated near the Waerenga-a-hikairirangi cemetery, just west of Gisborne, off the Makaraka-Opotiki highway.

Taihamuti Weherua Rutene states that this Whare-waananga was situated at the end of the road where the Tapuihikitia marae is now, south of Puhanui, about 20kms east of Gisborne. Taihamuti is of the Turanga district from the Ruapani waananga,192 but also has links to Te Rawheoro. One of the earliest amorangi of this area was Whirikoka whose histories are well known among the Ruapani, Nga Ariki, and Aitanga-a-Mahaki people. Two contemporaries of this Whare included the late Te Kani Tuhoe Te Ua, a well known and respected orator of his era, and a graduate of teaching from this Whare. The late Irirangi Tiakiawa was a whangai (adopted son) of his. Weteni Mitai Ngatai who currently resides in Rotorua was a student of Irirangi. Another

189 Ibid, p.42. 190 Ruru, H. and Halbert, R. (1930). Manuscript (from the personal collection of Peter Gordon), Gisborne. p.18. 191 Ibid. 192 Ruapani was the eponymous ancestor of Ngati Ruapani whose descendants still occupy the Turanga and Waikaremoana districts. He was a great chief with huge influence over people, lands and sea who lived around 15-25 generations ago in Turanga.

graduate of this Whare is well known healer and author Hohepa Kereopa who resides in Waimana. There are also whaanau residing witin this area who are descendants of toohunga from this Whare. Taurikura was another name for this Whare.

Hamokorau (terangi) This Whare-waananga was built by Ranginui, son of Tamateapokaiwhenua and Tamateamoa of the Toi, Te Whironui and Nga Ariki progeny193, around 300 years ago. It was situated at Tuupaapakuorau (sic) (part of the Hangaroa and Tahora blocks) at Manutuke and was still in use when Reverend William Williams arrived in Poverty Bay.194 Toohunga of this Whare when Williams arrived included Rongowhakaata chief Te Waaka Perohuka as the principal toohunga and the acclaimed carver Raharuhi Rukupo.195

Perohuka’s most noted work is the finely ornamented rauawa, tauihu and taurapa of the Te Toki-a-Tapiri war canoe now proudly displayed in the Auckland Museum, while his carved poutokomanawa figure carved can be viewed in the Napier Museum. It was carved after his death by Rongowhakaata carver and student Timoti Tohe, intended for the house of Kahungunu chief Te Hapuku, but was kept back by Te Otene Pitau196, also of Rongowhakaata and related to Te Waaka. Rukupo is renowned particularly for designing and carving the ornate carved meeting house Te Hau-ki-Turanga, a center-piece of the Wellington Museum. Head researcher of the Tairawhiti Museum Jodi Wyllie maintains that Te Waaka Perohuka tutored Rukupo and many others of that era and probably influenced which ancestors would be carved as poupou (interior wall carvngs) for the Te Hau-ki-Turanga whare. The markings on Perohuka’s and Rukupo’s taa moko on their carved statues suggest that all the arts of Te Kauwaerunga and Te Kauwaeraro, like Rawheoro, were taught here. Hamokorau was later offered as a church sometime after the death of Perohuka of whom it was said ‘resisted the Pakeha ways’.197 This whare is generally known as Hamokorau, the full name Hamokorauterangi was offerred by Wayne Ngata.198

193 Halbert, R. (1999). Horouta: The History of the Horouta Canoe, Gisborne and East Coast. Eds: Haronga, H., Gordon, P., and Halbert whanau., p.61. 194 Nga Tangata Taumata Rau 1769-1869, (1990), Allen & Unwin NZ Ltd. Reprinted 1996, Auckland University Press with Bridget Williams Books, Auckland. Perohuka, pp.111-112. 195 pers. com. with Jody Wyllie, of Rongowhakaata and Ngai Tamanuhiri, curator of the Tairawhiti Museum, 2007. 196Nga Tangata Taumata Rau 1769-1869, (1990), pp.111-112. 197 Personal collection. 198 Ngata, W. (1992). Unpublished M.A. Thesis.

This completes the chapter on the investigation of Whare-waananga. Chapter seven looks at education designed for children. From the conception of a child through to adolescence, educational structures were a purposeful and deliberate engagement, and an integral part of the educational approach of traditional Maaori society. In realising and understanding these structures, the advent of a traditional seamless education starts to provide starting points for any adaptation in a modern society.

CHAPTER 7: TRADITIONAL MAAORI EDUCATION FOR CHILDREN

These traditional educational institutions for children will reveal a seamless and purposeful progression of traditional Maaori education that was far from incidental. A large portion of the information regarding these Whare, such as the Whare-taikorera, is from oral histories shared by Paraone Tai Tin.

7.1 TE WHARE-TANGATA AND WHARE-PAKU - Of Pre-natal Education: The Whare-tangata is the womb of the pregnant mother. Here is another example of how the term Whare is not specific to a physical edifice. The obvious difference of this Whare compared to previous Whare is the metaphoric reference of a human anatomy as a Whare. As mentioned within Te Kura it is here that the taakuira is fused with the embryo at conception.199 Best records conception as “…the implanting of the soul and dawn of intelligence”,200 no doubt a concept he would have acquired from the learned sage Tutakangahau of the Kahuponia Whare-takiura in Ruatahuna.

In regard to pedagogy this Whare must be noted as the most important. Other than the obvious task performed by women in child birth and the importance of the womb in this respect, the Whare-tangata was the waananga that was the pre-natal receptor of reo (such as haka, ngeri, pao, moteatea, waiata, karakia, or takutaku), particularly oriori, or rhythmic lullaby. The ebb and flow of chanting contains many vibrations and energies designed to stimulate the child’s inner sensors, encouraging their multiple receptors of listening, sensing, and feeling in preparation for their life in Te Aoturoa.201 Without being exposed to the pre-natal bio-rhythms that exist within oriori and other forms of reo the child will never be able to achieve their ultimate destiny (or destination). This science is referred to by Paraone Tai Tin as the ‘pumaumaharatanga’ or ‘cellular memory’.202 Paraone has been mentioned previously as a student of Hohepa Delamere’s. Paraone is a healer and educator, and has shared the knowledge pertaining to these educational Whare pertaining to children. The taakuira (soul) is the eternal link to the past and future, and within Te Kura this link is maintained by the fusion of the soul

199 Waananga with Hohepa Delamere, Whitianga Bay, January 2004. 200 Best, E. (1929) The Whare Kohanga and its Lore, p.12. 201 Reference to the many pathways in the physical world. 202 This is a relativity new science currently being researched by leadng scientists in this field. In short puumaumaharatanga is in reference to your DNA as carriers of past memories.

with the heart, and the heart becomes the Whare of the taakuira. This is the source of the memories maintained within the ‘ne’ (of tane or hine) or DNA cells of human.

A large part of the curriculum of the Whare-koohanga is oriori. These waiata (chants) are numerous among many tribes. From the constant vibrations of oriori and other languages directed at the womb, learning after birth then became a matter of not receiving new knowledge but re-visiting knowledge already imparted. Modern examples include Hohepa Delamere who was shrouded entirely in takutaku throughout his mother’s pregnancy. According to Te Kura the implanting of this knowledge provided the foundation to retain proceeding knowledge, the entirety which Hohepa had acquired before he had even started secondary school. Other names given to the womb were Whare-takakau, inferred of a woman who had not yet conceived, and Whare-noa, a woman whose menstrual cycle had ended.203

I have decided to briefly discuss the Whare-paku here which is in reference to the genitalia of the male. Paraone Tai Tin states that paku refers to the ‘lack’ of presence of mitochondrial DNA within the male genome, and the ‘small’ part played by man in terms of the biological pre-natal nurture of the child, that is instead housed within the Whare-tangata and has so since Hine-i-ahu-mai-i-te-one. This term is now generally used as a name for the toilet (small house). The traditional name for toilet was pae hamuti or turuma.

7.2 TE WHARE-KOOHANGA - Of Infant Education The Whare-koohanga was the maternity dwelling, a temporary edifice always erected away from the main dwellings where food was eaten or people slept, on account of the act of birth being considered tapu (sacred). Not all women in traditional Maaori communities received the same degree of treatment when in labour or preceding labour. The level of treatment was determined by your standing within the community, where in brief, if you were of a senior whaanau or whaanau of significance in terms of the hapuu, then preferential treatment was afforded.

This treatment included a well-constructed hut that was the Whare-koohanga, an entourage of taapuhi (ladies-in-waiting), a rauhi (nurse) at hand and most importantly a toohunga to recite the sacred karakia of the maioha (welcome), the pure (cleansing), and the tohi (dedication).

203 Waananga with Paraone Tai Tin, Auckland, September 2007.

Other names for this house recorded by Best include Whare-puhi used by the Takitimu people, Whare-kahu by the Tuhoe, and Whare-oohanga by tribes of the North.204 There is no instance of any Whare-koohanga to my knowledge that was ever given a name such as Whare- waananga received. Despite the tapu nature of birth, the fact that the structure was temporary may have contributed to this anomaly.205 In all instances following the birth and separation period used by the mother to settle her child, the hut was then burned. The practical aspect of this act insured no possible infections would spread or be carried beyond the area used. Some of the Hine and other female atua employed during this period were: Hinteiwaiwa, Hine-kotea, Hine-korito, Hine-makehu, Hine-rauwharangi, and Hine-titama.206

Again the level of importance regarding the pedagogy of this Whare was extremely important to the intellectual development of the child and the progression of fulfilling ones destiny. Of the more senior whaanau the birth of the mother attended by the toohunga ensured the continuation of the bio-rhythms of pregnancy during birth as the child emerged into Te Aoturoa. This Whare, as the first physical abode of the child, was steeped with ceremony mentioned as the maioha, the pure and the tohi. The maioha was the strain of karakia or takutaku of metaphorical verse welcoming the child into the realm of the living world, coupled with historical references to the ancestors and the attainment of knowledge. The pure was a cleansing or purifying ceremony that called on the aid of cosmic energies to dispel any undesirable energy (unfortunately this is the best description I can offer regarding this incredible ceremony). And finally the tohi that can be best translated as a ‘baptism’. It was indeed the ceremony that dedicated the child to the undertakings of their life required to fulfil their destiny not to a divinity, but in some respects to prepare the child for a divine purpose.

7.3 TE WHARE-MAUOKOROA: Identifying Children’s Talents I do not know whether this or other Whare were Whare similarly coigned by all tribes or whether they were specific to Te Whaanau-a-Apanui. However, it was from within this Whare that childrens talents and skills were identified and decisions made to determine into which other Whare of specific instruction they would progress. Mauokoroa is an interesting analogy that refers to the Oko-nui-atea, the vessel that contained infinite knowledge received by Taane

204 (1929). The Whare Kohanga and its Lore, A.R.Shearer, Government Printer, Wellington. Reprinted 1975. 205 There are many instances however pertaining to the falling of the iho or pito (umbilical cord) that were then placed in rocks or hollows of trees and named accordingly. This practice was often used to define boundaries between whaanau and hapuu. 206 Best, E. (1923). The Maori School of Learning, pp.15-16.

from Io. Mau can be interpreted as ‘to grasp’ or ‘take hold of’, while roa in this context can mean ‘enduring’, or ‘infinite’. The overall term implies taking grasp of the general curriculum of all Whare that is, the vast knowledge of the oko that includes the mootoi.

Paraone states the Whare-tipuna or Whare-whakairo as the edifice where the process of education and selection occurred. The student would physically enter the Whare and instruction of tribal lore would begin, initially conducted on the left hand-side, this area referred to as the tara-whaiti. Here I guess the child’s level of attention, inquisitiveness, or understanding would be gauged in order to help determine their natural tendencies. I have no doubt that those intended for more physical than intellectual vocations would be guided to such Whare as the Whare-taikorera, and eventually Whare-ahuru (school of hand-to-hand combat), or Whare-aitu (school of weaponry), while others may well have continued to remain in the Whare-mauokoroa, before being progressively ushered toward the Whare-waananga, Whare- pora and such.

Judging by Paraone’s explanation, a unique feature of the Whare-mauokoroa was that is was an institution engaged concurrently with all other Whare. An individual’s progress would be marked by the position taken up within the Whare, starting from the left where you enter as a manuhiri (a guest), then eventually completing your education by exiting from the right side of the Whare, that is the tara-whanui, as a tangata-whenua (of the land). Another unique feature was that this Whare was attended by all members of the hapuu. Paraone states that there was no strict timeframe as to what age you graduated from here207, if you graduated at all, knowledgable in the histories of your people.

I am assuming that teaching here would have occurred at night, or on winter-like days when planting, harvesting or food-gathering was not possible, attended by all members of the hapuu; young and old alike. Pregnant mothers may well have attended as part of the education of their unborn child, exposing their child to the linguistic bio-rhythms of the toohunga imparting knowledge of the deeds of their ancestors, their songs, and their genealogies. New mother’s would be in attendance with their child or children, along with teenagers and fathers, even grandparents, listening to the intricate web of histories about their peoples customs and origins in an informal environment.

207 Waananga with Paraone Tai Tin, Auckland, September 2007.

7.4 TE WHARE-TAIKORERA, WHARE-ANOANO AND WHARE-NOA: Of Education for Children and Adolescents Te Whare-taikorera was an institution with a general curriculum designed for children with a combined pedagogy of play, exploration, and discovery. The myriad of games that were such a favourite pastime of traditional Maaori societies all served a purpose of challenging the intellectual, physical, emotional, and metaphysical attributes of children. The well known hand games such as hei tama tu tama, whakaropiropi, hei pare, and hipitoi required a focus of mental perception and multiplicity as a child attempted to mirror their opponents hand actions in the same instance as their own and win by shouting ‘ra’. This was the beginning of developing eye-hand co-ordination (arotahe), strategising, anticipation, extra-perception, and intellectual multiplicity, skills that would be required for so many other pathways refined in other Whare that would contribute to the function of the hapuu. Therefore the games that were engaged in this Whare were numerous.

Best provides a whole host of games he has published in Games and Pastimes of the Maaori208 (in fact most were games of the Tuhoe people) and there were many more that are remembered and played still by various tribal groups throughout Aotearoa. From individual engagements such as whai (string-games), whakarere-manu-aute (kite-flying), whakahekeheke ngaru (surfing), taakaro koohatu (games using stones) or pootaka (spinning tops) to group activities such as whakatere waka (canoe racing), kii-oo-Rahi (full-contact ball game), wii (tag), or taakaro raakau (stick throwing games), these games were used as part of the educational curriculum of the Whare-taikorera. The atua of this Whare from Te Kura are Hineraumata and Rehia. Among the Tuhoe tribe these atua are Takataka-putea and Marere-o-tonga,209 and mentioned by Best as “…contemporaries of Rongomaraeroa.” Best also mentions “...the Ngati Porou... allude to all amusements as ‘Nga mahi a Ruhanui’.”210 Women famous in Maaori history for these arts were Hine-te-iwaiwa, Raukatauri, Raukatamea, Hine-awhi-rangi, and Ruhiruhi.211

These games also developed emotional discipline as winning and losing was expected to be accepted graciously. Progression into the next Whare would not be permitted were children adequately skilled, yet emotionally inept. From the histories of Kura-i-awaawa, children

208 (1925), Games and Pastimes of the Maori, A.R.Shearer, Governement Printer, Wellington. Reprinted 1976. 209 Best, E. (1925). Games and Pastimes of the Maori. p.11. 210 Ibid. Best also mentions that ‘...the arts of Ruhanui were practised after the crops were gathered’ 211 Ibid.

advanced through various stages. Within the playful beginnings of the Whare-taikorera, excessive physical contact for the purpose of developing a warrior was not permitted, although children being children, this was sometimes not adhered to. Those children showing the necessary agility and ability, as well as mental and emotional composure were advanced to Te Whare-anoano. The name here suggests that this training was extremely repetitive as ‘ano’ means ‘again’, while ‘anoano’ would suggest a structure of ‘repeating’ everything a lot of times. Again once all the required physical, mental and emotional abilities had been proven within Te Whare-anoano, there was yet another progression to Te Whare-noa.

Training starts to become more re-fined here. The term noa is easiest explained by describing it as the opposite of tapu. Where tapu applies restriction, noa releases one from restriction. Te Whare-noa in this instance pertains to exploring and understanding the original customs, traditions and practices, with lesser restricition. Again these whare were not physical structures, but metaphors for housing philosophies and identifying stages of educational progression for children and adolescents.

I cannot help but draw a connection of the ethos of this curriculum to the Kete Puututu of the Tuhoe education model.212 It is here focus on reo whakatuupato is imparted, that is language regarding customs, protocols and deeper understanding of tapu pertaining to the individual, community, environment and cosmos. Within Tuhoe the Whare-maire is an education for all ages with a philosophy of life-long-learning that begins in the Whare-koohanga. The language taught here and in primary schools is categorised as reo kaauta (‘language of the kitchen’) that is an every-day language incorporating slangs, and does not include the language you would hear spoken in formal environments, but nonetheless contains a large part of ancient grammar and can still in its own right be quite eloquent. Basic language structures herein are taught and consolidated. Upon reaching education at intermediate school further kete are introduced that represent the philosophies of the curriculum. The kete introduced at this stage is referred to as Te Kete Whaowhaorangi-a-Hinepukohurangi, a metaphorical term regarding the development from te reo kaauta to more formal constructs of grammar and language. Whaowhao is the act of carving, and the comparison to language is regarding carving language of a tapu nature. Such language is spoken in whaikoorero on marae. Here children are taught to differentiate

212 Waananga with Te Hue Rangi and Hori Uatuku, Ruatoki, January 2007. The Kete Puututu is one of three metaphorical kete regarding education from a Tuhoe worldview.

from te reo kaauta and formal language, and is the beginning of learning abstract constructs of te reo.213

When reaching secondary school further kete are introduced. The first kete is Te Kete Puukirikiri that was traditionally the kete used to carry the kumara from harvest to the rua (storehouse). This kete had many handles therefore in this representation many teachers are expected to contribute to teaching te reo tapu. The second kete is referred to as Te Kete Nehinehi. Nehinehi pertains to the action of chewing solids before being fed to infants. This kete was known as a kopa, a function that involved extracting juices from berries and in this instance, berries of the titoki tree, that when twisted within the kete excreted juices, a traditional delicacy of the rangatira. Therefore the type of language herein pertains to the language in contexts where a child will find themselves representing their peoples interests such as on the marae, or in political arenas. The third and final kete of this curriculum is called Te Kete Puututu. Here the flowers of the kaakaho and the poisonous berries from the tutu are inserted. When twisted the flowers absorb the poison of the tutu to leave a pallatable juice. Therefore the teachings from within this kete pertain to te reo whakatuupato, that is of cautionary tikanga (custom), and reo manaaki. As an example, the language of the kitchen where food is prepared should not be the same language of the marae tapu when welcoming visitors, nor should the customs. This is to ensure that the language and many contexts in which it is used are correct and appropriate in honouring the people whom you are addressing for example.

Within this Whare there is no room for error pertaining to the use and purpose of language. Upon graduating to the Whare-maire the language taught therein is referred to as te reo toohunga, that is the language that allows you to communicate beyond verbal communication with elements of the universe. An example is the language and use of karakia inherited from the original curriculum of Hangaroa and Tiki of the sacred teachings of Te Tapu-o-te-rangi brought from Hawaiiki on board the Mataatua canoe.214

The ethos of the Whare-noa is no different to this as described in relation to Te Whare- taikorera. The term noa is used to denote a state of neutrality, of being free to partake and participate in all aspects of life without restricition. The term tapu is one that is widely

213 Ibid. 214 Ibid.

discussed and debated in many circles, but is often suggested as being in a state of restricted participation based on circumstance.215 The tradition of tapu is maintained in the myriad of stories, fables, and legends enough to provide guidance to the community at large. Such examples are maintained in the traditions that we strictly adhere to on the marae; tapu pertaining to the marae-atea or courtyard, tapu pertaining to te marae-a-Tu, a-Rongo or the space where the speakers talk; tapu pertaining to Te Whare-mate where the deceased and whaanau-pani are housed during mourning; tapu pertaining to Te Whare-puni where people meet in-doors to chat in a less formal context than on the courtyard, and so much more.

Tapu as I understand it is a safeguard for maintaining the original design (ta is the design and pu is the origin), where traditionally there was also a spiritual energy attached. Toohunga in these instances were employed to provide a spiritual veil employing cosmic energies to offer protection, to help maintain the blueprint as it was imparted by the original caretaker, Io. So there were a combination of spiritually envoked measures and other physical impositions in order to protect the original nature of that tradition. With the loss of so much traditional and ancient knowledge and practices with the onslaught of imperialism, the nature of tapu has changed dramatically in almost all daily engagements. At a community level it is extremely difficult to enforce traditional customs let alone on the marae. Tapu is only one of many measures developed by traditional Maaori to maintain social order. In the context of Te Whare- noa though, the ability to explore tapu requires a state of noa, of unrestricted or uninhibited exploration, that allows investigation without incurring sacred energies associated with tapu. With this knowledge secured, children are now ready to start specialising in arts suited to their abilities.

I have decided to mention a curriculum that has implications for a modern construct, that was created by Paraone Tai Tin, called Mauri Toa, or the ‘essence of the warrior’. While the curriculum is modern, some of the games have a traditional influence and are consistent with philosophies of this Whare. The main game here is called tauparepare-tautaataa (to evade and strike).

There are numerous stances by which the individual starts with an opposing partner. Are-o-Tu is a stance where the palms of the hands face the body, with one in front of the waist and the

215 These circumstances range from heirachical status to any amount of multifarious restrictions.

other in front of the chest. From this position the command ‘hau’ (begin) is shouted. The object now is to try to quickly, but gently, tap the back of the hand of your opponent, while the opponent attemptes to evade your strike by moving the hands up or down. Some other starting stances include aro-o-Rongo, te Kaupeka-o-Whanui, and takurua, each one different and each having a different purpose in terms of developing ones skills. The idea is that as the student becomes competent with each stance they progress to the next, until parts of the body such as the shoulders, hips and ankles then become targets. At this stage individuals are using a full range of evasive movements including ducking, retreating, advancing, jumping, shuffling, while all the time looking to tap the pre-determined targets, while maintaining total control. The game then extends from using the hands to include the legs and feet. This is a fun curriculum that covers basic mental agility, eye and hand co-ordination, a sense of self control and awareness, a broad exposure to societal endeavours, creativity, problem solving strategies, and a sense of whatumanawa.

Chapter eight investigates other Whare of higher learning. These were generally the Whare for those who had determined a vocation for themselves outside of the Whare-waananga, although students of the Whare-waananga were also educated here. These Whare include the Whare- pora, where the arts and esoteric knowledge pertaining to the arts was taught by women, to the Whare-whakairo or the school of carving, taught by men, although there were exceptions

CHAPTER 8: FURTHER TRADITIONAL MAAORI INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION

The following examples include: the Whare-porahau, that is an educational environmental for women; the Whare-ahuru where hand-to-hand combat was taught; the Whare-aitu where the art of weapons use was taught; the Whare-whakairo where the art of carving was taught; and finally a brief gloss of several other Whare.

These Whare start to show just how diverse education was in traditional Maaori society. It shows how highly education was considered amongst Maaori, but more importantly it shows that education was multifarious. Education was not left to the whims of chance, but rather, was afforded great care and attention. This not only ensured the survival of hapuu, but also ensured that their artistic expression and spirituality were being catered for.

8.1 TE WHARE PORA (HAU) - Of Education pertaining to Women: This Whare was also known as Te Whareporahau, Whare-parapara or Whare-takutaku.216 This seems to have been the equivalent of the Whare-waananga but for women only. It appears that the old Maaori saw celestial and terrestrial education as engagements that needed to remain separate between the sexes, the logic of which I can only guess. In saying that however, there are instances where women have been students and ruahine within Whare-waananga, and a number of other Whare where the perception is of a male oriented only institution. One of Hohepa Delamere’s kuia was his mentor for mamau, the art of hand-to-hand combat, and one of Irirangi Tiakiawa’s kuia was also his first mentor of whakapapa and other celestial knowledges. Unfortunately, while I am sure each hapuu or iwi had there own type of Whare- pora, I have only been offered the name of one Whare that was known to Weherua Rutene of Te Aitanga-a-Mahaki called Kaitaratahi (or Kaiteratahi). This Whare was but a hollow in the ground and is still visible from the Kaiteratahi Bridge on the Gisborne-Opotiki highway. The third verse of the kaioraora of early nineteenth century composer Te Moatutahuna from Tuhoe, mentions the Whare-porahau of Hine-te-iwaiwa:

Kai mai koutou i te kai a Tiki He mea i na toku, kua pukawatia Naku rawa i maro iho, ki te rau kawakawa

216 Mead, H.M. (2003). Tikanga Maori: Living by Maori Values. Huia Publishers. Wellington, p.266.

Moe iho ai au i te moe korohiko Kei te Whare-porahau o Hineteiwaiwa217

Te Whare-porahau is another name for the Whare-pora referred to by Tuhoe, while Hine-te- iwaiwa is the ruahine or ‘female expert’ of the arts of women. Rua-i-te-hihiri is mentioned in an oriori as a deity of the art of raranga, with reference to Tangaroa and other Hine:

Ka hopu ra to ringaringa ki te turuturu Ka mau, whakaarahia i te putahi Tuaumutia ra, ka kai Rua-i-te-hihiri Ka kai Tangaroa me tana whanau wahine Hine-karekare me Hine-ahu-one.218

Of this Whare, whatu (tapestry), raranga (weaving), and such related arts were taught. This would have been the Whare in which the late Rangimarie Hetet, mother of Diggeress Te Kanawa, was tutored. There is such a lot to be discussed of these arts. I can only share a few aspects of the arts despite my mother being an exponent of whatu taniko, whatu kakahu, and whatu korowai.

Of what little I observed, and the few lessons I had, all I can say is that whatu is a very meticulous undertaking that involves intricate ties and methods to complete varying types of patterns, requiring great patience to complete. Similarly, raranga is just as intricate an art, but utilises larger fibres from the flax bush. The end products of many articles ranging from fishing nets to footware all had their own means of weave and varying patterns designed for individual purposes. This art was not exclusive to women. The late Len Tihore of Wharekahika (Hicks Bay) was one of the last known exponents of fish-net making and other food traps such as taruke and pouraka for catching crayfish.219

I believe esoteric education was also part of the Whare-pora. In my view (like Te Rawheoro, Hamokorau, and Mairerangi Whare-waananga where whakairo and taa moko were taught) it would be impossible to separate the practice of raranga of the Whare-pora from the karakia, whakapapa, and histories that were intertwined within the practices of this whare. Whether the

217 This is a well known waiata among the Tuhoe people. Te Moatutahuna married Tamahore of Tamakaimona. 218 Ngata, A.T. and Jones, P.T.H, (1970). Nga Moteatea: The Songs, Part II., p.204. 219 pers. com. with Nanny Rose Nikau, kuia of Te Whanau-a-Tiwhakairiora, Hicks Bay, 2009.

examples I have mentioned of Hohepa’s or Irirangi’s kuia220 were as a consequence of modern times, or a continuation of traditional education I can neither confirm nor negate. The fact is, as I have already alluded to, women were ruahine (female toohunga) of the Whare-tangata and the Whare-koohanga, and therefore kaitiaki (caretakers) of such related knowledge. The anomaly of a whole atua whakapapa (atua genealogy) of the atua wahine (female atua) disappearing from all recorded histories of Whare-waananga suggests a possibility that women were the ruahine of this knowledge.

Strengthening this possibility is the lack of history recorded by early historians known to Maaori women. I have not yet come across any publications where a Maaori woman was the main informant. There are examples however of women in certain communities having such knowledge. A kuia from Te Whanau a Hinerupe and Te Whanau a Kahuwhakatuakina in Te Araroa, Keeti Takapane Ngatai, was the main informant for land issues in the courts, frequently referred to especially when certain blocks were being contested,221 an indication that education beyond weaving and food-gathering was prevalent, at least at that time.

8.2 TE WHARE AHURU - Of Hand-to-hand Combat This is a vivacious environment designed for the physical, mental, and emotional development of young adults via learning techniques of hand-to-hand combat. For young men this was called mamau, and for young ladies it was called maumaia,222 losely translated as ‘grappling’, and similar to the art of wrestling. The name ‘ahuru’ implies a connection to the mother’s womb sometimes referred to as te ahuru-mowai, a somewhat contrary term as mowai also means ‘abandoned’. As a fighting art however this name reinforced the philosophy of this Whare. The atua of this Whare is Uru-te-ngangana who is the oldest of the children of Rangi and Papa, and Rongomaraeroa who personifies peace.223 The initial purpose of this art is for defence only. While this philosophy was stringently adhered to, the inevitability of battle for the old-time Maaori meant that this art would eventually be used for battle.

Investigating the body from a scientific or medical perspective was part of the function of this Whare and hence an extension of the concept of Te Whare-ahuru. Here the art of combat now

220 There are several other examples of stories I have been told regarding the celestial knowledge of many elderly Maaori women, particulalrly from the era when Maori men were heading off to the World Wars. 221 pers. com. with Kararaina Ngatai, Hicks Bay, 2009. 222 Maumaia was in fact taught within another whare that I cannot offer information on. 223 Waananga with Paraone Tai Tin, Auckland, Sepember 2007.

becomes an art of understanding the efficiency of subjecting pain with as little effort as possible. And by understanding how the body responds to pain, one understands how the body can be healed, a philosophy consistent with the atua Rongomaraeroa who personified peace. The art of applying pain to maintain peace seems contradictory (perhaps why the term ahuru- mowai was relevant to this Whare), nonetheless the healing abilities of the old Maaori were advanced for their time, and parts of that understanding stemmed from within this Whare. Many healing practices bear great relevance to some medical practices today, albeit in small pockets not recognised by Western medical organisations, but this is a greater body of knowledge not solely taught here. An example of healing and understanding the anatomy is found in the therapy of romiromi, the art of deep-massge, and the art of mamau and maumaia provided an insight into this practice.

At this stage I have nothing further to offer of Te Whare-ahuru, although the interconnectedness students of Te Whare-ahuru have with other Whare intertwines theories, philosophies, histories, and practices as a continuation and progression of this study. There are many, many movements that resemble the likes of judo, aikido, wrestling, karate, and street- fighting of Te Whare-ahuru, some of which was taught by Paraone.224 However each movement has a history and connection to the atua and cannot be treated as a fighting concept only, but must be regarded as a broader curriculum perhaps not too dis-similar to the art within the Chinese Shaolin Temple or the fighting art of Wushu where mind, body, and soul are an integral part of development.

8.3 TE WHARE-AITU - Of the Art of Warfare This Whare is more commonly referred to today as Whare-tutaua. Whare-aitu is a term known by Paraone Tai Tin that perhaps was the traditional name of this Whare. It was the course of every child’s destiny to learn the art of weaponry and some excelled to heights of immortality with their heroic acts being retold over the centuries by their descendants. This learning of weaponry was most revered by the old Maaori for obvious reasons. Warriors were held in high regard as protectors of the people, land and subsequent food stores. They uplifted and maintained the mana of the people in times of turmoil, and that was often. Of this Whare many a story can be told of the individuals of many different hapuu, and the many battles of those hapuu that determined the boundaries of the tribes as they are known today.

224 Waananga with Hohepa Delamere, Whitianga Bay, January 2004. Paraone was also present at theis waananga.

The art of war as already mentioned stems from the atua Tumataueanga and Hine-Keira. The taiaha (poorly translated as long-staff) was procured by Tumatauenga from Taane-mahuta in the war of the atua which was generally referred to as Te Paerangi.225 There are many weapons of the Maaori each having a specific function and purpose, the names of some which follow: - Two-handed weapons: taiaha, tewhatewha, pou whenua, koikoi, hoeroa, tokotoko, tao. - Single-handed weapons: kotiate, wahaika, patu, patu roa, patu paraoa, patu onewa, mere pounamu, toki-pou-tangata, tokotoko

Women were not exempt from learning this art and like all other children would have been identified by their whaanau as good prospects at an early age. Ruaputahanga was a famous female warrior of Taranaki who lived around 300 years ago, and the women of Taranaki still practice her art today.226 Kurawha, a Tuhoe woman who was the wife of toohunga Tutakangahau from Ruatahuna, accompanied Tuhoe war-parties in various fighting excursions.227

Fortunately of this art there are many contemporaries some who are well known taiaha exponents, all recipients from toohunga of the Whare-aitu. Papa Anaru Kupenga was a student of the late Master Carver Pine Taiapa, and ex-colonel of the Maaori Battalion Peta Awatere. He mentions that jumping, evading strikes from branches to his legs and the like was the first part of his education for many months before learning anything else of the taiaha.228 Mita Mohi has a well organised programme operating from Mokoia Island in Rotorua that is well attended and recognised. Pita Sharples, co-tutor of the Roopu Manutaki and now Maori Party co-leader has another well structured Whare-tutaua based in Auckland where levels of progression can be attained. Wetini Mitai Ngatai of Rotorua is another who continues the teachings of Irirangi Tiakiawa, tutoring the international kapa haka (cultural group) Te Matarae-i-o-Rehu, with displays of taiaha and patu as part of his self-owned and operated tourist show in Rotorua. Wetini mentions that Irirangi was one of the last known exponents of the hoeroa (long-paddle) that is shaped like a whale-bone rib.229

225 Smith, P. (1913). The Lore of the Whare-wananga. Te Kauwaerunga, p.134. 226 While attending the lare Ruka Broughton’s unveiling albeit in the 1980’s, women were wielding taiaha during the ceremony. 227 Best (1925), p.367. 228 Waananga wirh Anaru Kupenga, Ruatorea, September 2007. 229 Waananga with Weetini Mitai Ngatai, Rotorua, June 2007.

Some of a few traditional training grounds known to me are Te Kekepohatu and Whanakaimanuka in TeAraroa. Rob Ruha states that Whanakaimanuka (kicking manuka trees)230 involved warriors running through a gauntlet of manuka trees at speed, developing their ability to dodge and weave. Kirikiritatangi (crying gravel) was a training ground near Waipiro that like Te Kekepohatu (clicking stones) involved warriors being able to run or jump across these stony areas without making any noise.231 The successful completion of this task now meant you were ready to join the Whare-matanui.

Toreata was a part of the Tuhoe Whare-takiura of Kahuponia where the arts of warfare were taught to children. Whakauauataiaha was another training ground of the Nga Puhi in the far North according to Paraone Tai Tin, while Tuteamaitawhiti of the Te Arawa was also known as a fighting training ground.232 There remain many training methods of this Whare including physical tests for the purpose of graduating through the ranks. The traditional ranks as I know them were pi, aati-aa-toa, tore-kaihuruhuru, arero-whero, and tau-aa-whiro respectively. The pi was the freshman, while the Tau-a-Whiro was the equivalent rank of a modern-day Field- Marshall.233

Like any art, proper time and care to instruct on the history, purpose, and use of these movements is required. The Whare-aitu must be given the most serious consideration of either teaching or learning. The energies of this Whare are different than the others and in some respects ‘darker’ because of the bloodied history carried therein. It must be noted here that the art of weaponry is of the Whare of Tumatauenga, the atua of war, therefore is designed to teach people to take life; to kill. This Whare must not be taken lightly (nor should any Whare in that matter). The combined history and physical requirements of this Whare was why so much emphasis was placed on the development and stages of progression from the Whare- taikorera and ensuing Whare before being taught the deadly arts of the Whare-aitu.

8.4 TE WHARE-WHAKAIRO - Of the Art of Carving This is the fully carved meeting house that stems from the first Whare-whakairo of the atua cosmogony known as Huiteananui, of whom Tane and Tangaroa were the atua. This house was entirely adorned with whakairo (traditional wood-carvings). Tangaroa however is the atua who

230 The name Whanakaimanuka was also applied to a platoon of fighting warriors from the Te Araroa region. 231 Waananga with Robert Ruha, Hicks Bay, October 2006. 232 Waananga with Wetini Mitai, June 2007. 233 pers. com with Mark Kopua, 1990’s.

is regarded as the progenitor of this wood carving art and history. Direct descendant and inheritor of this knowledge was the learned Hingangaroa of the Rawheoro Whare-waananga in Uawa, Tolaga Bay. Ponga was another southern branch of whakairo from Te Rawheoro.234

Hamokorau Whare-waananga of Turanga (Gisborne) was also renowned for the art of whakairo with toohunga Raharuhi Rukupo and Te Waaka Perohuka as contemporaries. Taporapora Whare-waananga of Ngati Whatua235 was also renowned for the arts, the northern tribes having yet another distinct style. While there are no records of a Taranaki Whare- whakairo, Mark Kopua suggests that examples that he has seen regarding the Taranaki style is incredibly intricate making their style yet again very distinct.236 Another famous carving school is that of Taraawhai of the Rotoiti district of the Te Arawa people. The famous Whakarewarewa School of Carving in Rotorua includes remnants of this style of carving. The Bay of Plenty tribes including the Ngati Awa of Whakatane and Tuhoe of the Urewera have a similar style to Taraawhai, not as refined perhaps, but similarities are prevalent. Carved artefacts have been found across the country indicating that at one stage in tribal evolution carving was a widely practiced art-form.237 The art of carving should not be compared to Western arts, but can be compared to hyrogliphs of other indigenous tribes around the world. The reason being that each decoration carries a meaning of the ancestor it is carved on, telling their story of their deeds and history.

Returning to the Whare-whakairo as an educational institution, certainly carving is an ancient practice and traditionally these houses would have been entirely adorned in this fashion. The Whare-waananga Miringa-te-kakara however had no carvings of any sort but did have etchings engraved into the posts. The Te Rawheoro and Hamokorau Whare-waananga were steeped in the tradition of carving knowledge and were adorned entirely with whakairo.238 The area where carving was taught was generally in a clearing away form the main pa, and was extremely tapu. For anyone to enter into this area would draw dire consequences for the individual concerned, not to mention the wrath of the toohunga whakairo.

234 Waananga with Mark Kopua, Mangatuna, March 2007. 235 pers. com. with Jo Pihema of Ngati whatua, Auckland, 2007. 236 Waananga with Mark Kopua, Mangatuna, March 2007. 237 Ibid. 238 pers.com. with Jody Wyllie and waananga with Wayne Ngata respectively, 2007.

Histories maintained in whakairo are known by the carver, and with this knowledge he is able to interpret the meaning of carvings by fellow carvers. The Whare itself however, was as I understand it, utilised for the purpose of Te Whare-mauokoroa, where tribal histories were taught, or as a Whare-waananga, but not for general sleeping quarters. This concept makes sense to me as the sacred nature of carving and the depth of history and meaning carried in this art would only have been reserved for the most auspicious of environments for teaching and learning, and not be exposed to the toil of day-to-day living. Whare-whakairo were used as part of the waananga for this purpose, the carvings providing the visual cues and displays to assist in retaining tribal stories of who the people descended from, where they came from, what deeds were achieved and what purpose they held in the greater global spectrum.

The toohunga whakairo, as facilitator of this education, required a vast range of knowledge: knowledge of wood density for specific purposes either for waka, whare, weapons or other utensils; an understanding of working with grain, milling and adzing; skill of shaping and sharpening adzes and chisels for carving; not to mention the countless observations of tapu and related incantations required for each occasion. There are many toohunga whakairo today who have a great understanding of the art, although Mark Kopua confesses the theoretical knowledge of one of his mentors far exceeded what knowledge he maintains of this wonderful art. There are several publications that one can access to discover more of whakairo, however as a teaching institution (aside the art itself) the purpose of Whare-whakairo seemed to function as the waananga for maintaining tribal histories.

8.5 OTHER WHARE This concludes the review of the various Whare that were an integral part of the educational continuum of traditional Maaori. Some Whare I have not mentioned here include the Whare- maire. This is not the Whare-maire as referred to by the Tuhoe for the teaching of their sacred knowledge but the Whare-maire commonly known by most tribes where the black arts were taught. This was a Whare dedicated to the art of maakutu, for want of a better term ‘black sorcery’, and descended from the Whare of the atua Whiro, Taiwhetuki. Infusions and knowledge were taught here to render the life-force of living things lifeless, and other such infusions to manipulate the natural course of living entities. Oral histories of many tribes tell of stories where maakutu was employed. While a vey integral part of traditional Maaori society this Whare will, for this part, not be discussed further.

Whare-tapere where youth congreagated to learn social etiquitte, Whare-tipuna (ancestral houses), Whare-paataka (food store-houses), Whare-apakura where the deceased were mourned, Whare-tuahi where according to Te Matorohanga taa moko was taught and various other Whare all which have invaluable histories and education contained therein, have also not been reviewed, but in many ways their esoteric aspects have been covered within the Whare- waananga. As for the teaching of some practices such as fishing, hunting, building, and other such manual labours, I am convinced that there would have been traditional institutions where they were maintained that have been forgotten, or if not forgotten, are retained by people who continue to impart this knowledge in a traditional manner safe in the knowledge of their own customs.

Other Whare mentioned in The Maori as He Was239 that I can offer no further information on are: whare-hui - an assembly house; whare-manuhiri - a guest-house; whare-manuka - a simple eath dwelling; whare-ngakau - a house built for discussion of some wrong offence committed by another tribe; whare-rangi - a storehouse erected on one post; whare-rahui - a house built for a sick person; whare-umu - a cooking shed; whare-wahakanoho - a superior house with carefully adzed timbers.

Further Whare that I have extracted from an ancient takutaku from Hohepa Delamere of the Te Kura, that I have little knowledge of and have not discussed are the:

Whare-pukairoa Whare-uia-i-a-Rehua Whare-takiao Whare-tapurongo Whare-angaanga Whare-aronui Whare-kapokapo Whare-rongoata Whare-mataohiohi Whare-toitoi Whare-kahikahika Whare-aurongo Whare-nekenekeao Whare-umutahi Whare-hinahia Whare-ohuohu Whare-pikiora Whare-tautaea Whare-kawaetangata Whare-reaukaha Whare-takureia

Most of these Whare as I have interpreted are metaphorical representations of types of knowledge taught separately for purposes typical of the philosophy of Whare-waananga and typical to Te Kura. Whare-aurongo for instance refers to the the various au or ‘sounds

239 Best, E. (1924). The Maori As He Was.

(vibrations or frequencies)’ to source the matarua, that is the anatomy of the whatumanawa. Therefore takutaku will play a part in this education, and the study of understanding this phenomenon would be the major component of the curriculum of this Whare. As for the rest, they remain elusive for now, perhaps with countless other Whare and their purposes yet to be re-discovered. I believe there is enough evidence to show that traditional education was a purposeful engagement, and part of a rigorous infrastructure designed to maintain knowledge yet promote discovery within the realm of the Maaori belief system, Maaori cultural principles and customs of a people who traditionally were insync with their environment.

The final chapter, chapter 9, attempts to correlate the diverse nature of traditional Maaori education from the previous chapters, its pedagogy and epistemology included, to pose a modern hypothesis that could be seen as a credible tool for consideration in contemporary educational institutions and curriculum therein. A brief summary is first offered to recap the first eight chapters. Implications will be made on how this hypothesis could benefit the whole education of a child, their school and wider community, for Maaori and non-Maaori alike. This hypothesis is embodied under the title of Te Whare-oohia suggested in the opening stanza of the whatumanawa takutaku in chapter one, as the repository for the education of Io.

CHAPTER 9: TE WHARE-OOHIA - A HYPOTHESIS FOR A CONTEMPORARY EDUCATION

This final chapter will first briefly summarise the findings regarding traditional Maaori education, and its pedagogy and epistemology, before setting out to discuss its relevance in a modern society. These findings will then be bundled into a hypothesis to show how traditional knowledge and practices could be engaged by those who would see it as beneficial today. The re-introduction of Maaori concepts first started with the Koohanga Reo Movement of the late 1970’s, and then later with the advent of Kura Kaupapa Maaori, Wharekura and then Whare Waananga. These sites were about the rejuvenation of Te Reo Maaori and not necessarily that of upholding ancient ideologies and practices. Now, with these establishments having firmly planted themselves in our educational system, perhaps it is time to start reclaiming our hereditary knowledge and implanting it within our educational institutes so the benefits can be enjoyed by all as they were traditionally.

9.1 SUMMARY A conglomeration of tribal epistemologies and pedagogies from varying traditional Maaori institutions of learning have been discovered and retold as a means to offer clues and cues to traditional Maaori education. Traditional systems of education can be said to have been complex, while the knowledge that was taught within these was considered sacred, as it contributed to maintaining education as it was originally determined.

The initial histories reveal Maaori education to be a highly systemised structure that was an intrinsic part of the social infrastructure. The institutions had a theoretical basis embodied in cosmological histories and genealogies, with complex physical and meta-physical curricula. This is not entirely a new revelation as there are texts that already allude to the fact of well organised educational institutions, namely Whare-waananga. The continuity of education from pre-natal education to higher education has however, been revealed, showing that even playing and games in traditional Maaori society, all served educational purposes.

As a starting point to all education was that of the Whare-tangata, the womb. It is within the womb that initial vibrations and frequencies of reo and rongo are implanted, necessary for helping the child’s cognitive and sensory development. Further reinforcement would extend to the Whare-koohanga and the environment of the child among their extended whaanau. As the

90 child grows talents are identified and skills refined in order to assist with the child’s development into a vocation that fitted their personality or character and intellectual, physical or spiritual quotient. This identification process would occur within the Whare-mauokoroa, with a general education offered within the Whare-taikorera, then to the Whare-anoano that consisted of repetitive methodologies, then to the Whare-noa that expanded on the origins of histories, customs and traditions pertaining to those practices. Eventually progression into a seclusive institution of learning only for those engaged in that arena would eventuate; Whare- waananga and variations thereof, Whare-maire, Whare-aitu, Whare-ahuru, Whare-porahau, Whare-tapere, Whare-whakairo and Kura were some of the main examples that were a prevalent part of ancient ‘houses’. There was however so much more to those educational arenas, as is the instance with Kura-i-awaawa, as well as other Whare that I only briefly alluded to.

9.2 IMPLICATIONS OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE FOR MODERN EDUCATION Kura Kaupapa Maori was forged from a deep desire by a generation of Maaori to revive their language and culture. This generation was largely those who had lived life within a culturally rich Maaori environment, then through the decline of this culture, and consequent loss of cultural identity of their children and grand-children. The renaissane of Maaori language hoped to rekindle answers to present challenges and provide future directions by also reviving lost identity through the kaupapa of this new education. The philosophy was sound, however the practice continues to be designed and refined within Kura as charters are created by whaanau with varying degrees of knowledge and perspectives, while further anomolies arise as the pedagogy is implemented by teachers who are largely second language Maaori speakers trained in mainstream teacher education institutions. Within the last decade Maaori immersion, bilingual, and Kura Kaupapa teacher education institutions have emerged in an attempt to bridge the chasm of ideology and outcomes. The following proposed concept of maatauranga is no different to the progression of the movement to revive cultural identity and if anything, is an extension of the Kura Kauupapa Maaori concept.

This hypothesis is intended to embody the consequent findings of this research of the traditions of ancient Whare, as a modern day composition of Maaori education. To propose this as a concept for an alternate education in Te Reo Maaori is probably more accurate than presenting it as a model. A model would suggest that perhaps the current model is flawed, yet it is not, and imply rigidity that is not intended. Therefore the hypothesis of a concept allows for a

greater degree of interpretation if desired. It should be viewed as a Maaori centered approach in its entirety, based on traditional pedagogies and epistemologies. M. Durie has commented on developments that have ‘accelerated the move towards a Maori centered approach’ in relation to Maaori Departments seeking greater autonomy within universities that have relevance to this hypothesis. One in particular is that:

Maori world views and Maori understandings of knowledges were themselves distinctive. The holisitic approach, while not exclusive to Maori, was certainly favoured by Maori.... Its (Maori studies) distinctive strength lies in the richness and uniqueness of Maori modes of expression: styles of thinking, speaking, relating, recalling, researching, recording, and within a developing intellectual framework that rests on Maori philosophies.240

Whare already provide an established philosophy, pedagogy, and epistemology that maintains the maauri koorero, maauri whakapapa, maauri taatai, and maauri hiringa241 of maatauranga, nonetheless the interpretation would remain contemporary yet evolutionary; evolutionary in that unlike the decline of Maaori language, dialects, and depth of language grammar, particularly of te reo kaauta (everyday language), the pedagogy of tuku koorero (inherited history) remains largely unspoiled, as it has descended generation to generation, from parent to child, grandparent to grandchild, or toohunga to tauira since Io. Te Whare- oohia is an ancient metaphor of this pedagogy. Ohi is the act of receiving and imparting knowledge, aspirations, and desires. The oohinga is all that is shared, discussed, or imparted whether it was from yesterday or a thousand years ago. The Whare-oohia is therefore the Whare that guides pedagogy that is, ngaa korero tuku iho (ohi). Te Whare-oohia is mentioned in the opening verse of the takutaku to emphasise its purpose and relevance within the design of imparting knowledge, and while I have employed its meaning to house a contemporary concept, its history is ancient.

Before discussing curriculum or philosophy, tribal histories and kawa must be considered. Too often have tribal practices and histories been recorded as being Maaori. To imply the practices of the Tuhoe Whare-maire or the teachings of Te Matorohanga from the Wairarapa as those of all Maaori is incorrect. Tuhoe are Tuhoe, as Taranaki are Taranaki, and while the structure of language conventions allows each to comprehend the other, dialects are different, words for the

240 He Pukenga Korero, (1996). Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume 1, Number 2, pp.23-24. 241 This refers to the original essence in which the spirit of the history is imparted.

same things are different, and many customs are different as they have evolved since the close genealogical ties from the wave of Pacific peoples returning to their ancestors homeland some 750-2000 years ago.242

The purpose of discussing tribalism here is to highlight the differences that exist from Whare to Whare, and the translation of those to a modern hypothesis for education. While Maaori could probably consider the cosmological histories as common to Maaori, tribal variations still exist. These disparities widen as there is a definitive progress to terrestrial histories. Therefore, whatever the hypothesis holds, like the unique make-up of school boards and the communities they represent, tribes will undoubtedly develop their own versions based on their uniqueness. The hypothesis therefore is to offer a basis for contemplation, consideration, and consultation among those tribes, sub-tribes and communities who see benefits of such a concept. The Tuhoe Education Authority have already started down this pathway within schools, to the point where their model is now being proposed for traditional Whare-maire education as a means of maintaining and rejuvenating Tuhoe histories according to Tuhoe kawa (customs).

In traditional contexts there was no question of the roles played by whaanau and hapuu as kaitiaki of koorero tuku iho (inherited knowledge). Traditionally the toohunga or ruahine was the kaumaatua or matua of the student, in as far as Maaori kin relationships went. Examples of inter-tribal education to my limited knowledge did occur, moreso regarding Whare-waananga and occassionally with Whare-aitu. Today’s educational environment is obviously different, particularly as the focus of the Kura Kaupapa Maaori movement was about rejuvenating Maaori language and not Maaori education. Therefore defining the concept of what tuku iho is will fall to the whaanau.

Schools like the Ruatoki Bilingual School have, since 1978, been immersed in the Maaori language in school, while traditional Maaori education is continued within the community. This is changing gradually as there are fewer native speakers, including the lack of teachers as speakers of Tuhoe dialect or even native speakers at the school, and greater outside pressures. The knowledge base therefore, were it to be entirely from koorero tuku iho, would determine the curriculum of each institution.

242 Examples of these close genealogical ties can be found between the Tuhoe of the Bay of Plenty and Nga Puhi of the far North, or the Ngati Porou of the Eastern Board of the North Island and the Ngai Tahu of the South Island. All the eponymic ancestors of these tribes were brothers.

An issue of this curriculum for many whaanau will be that not all (communities) will have an understanding and confidence in the depth and breadth of their knowledge base. Therefore the pedagogy of Te Whare-oohia would be highly inadequate. Alternately a developmental approach to Maaori education could be integrated while education in Maaori language continued within the modern curriculum that today’s teachers and whaanau are familiar with. The traditional knowledge base would then become a focus for development, until such a stage that Maaori education superceded education in Maaori language. The first exciting prospect of this approach would be the rediscovery of traditional knowledge. The second exciting aspect would include all the benefits to individuals and society from a cultural, spiritual, emotional, and intellectual renaissance. A return to the marae as a central communal point, including a return to traditional environments and practices of medicine and healing, food hunting and gathering, arts and crafts, health and physical education, science and metaphysics, and revisiting the many Whare that contained the ancient curriculum of Maaori, holds exciting prospects. Here I allude to Samuel Robinson’s vision of everybody reaching their own ‘tohunga status’ that I again would suggest as a consequence of fulfilling this concept.

The degree to which whaanau perceive this rennaissance as beneficial in a modern society will vary. But the benefits as I can best describe them are a return to centralising cultural principles, values, and morals of an ancient design. With increasing capitalistic New Right ideology affecting so many facets of global economic, environmental, humanistic, and spiritual regression, ancient philosophies borne of a naturalistic peoples could serve amends. It must be noted that some traditional Maaori practices are far removed from the serene state I am posing. When agression, ego, greed or other self-serving purposes of a traditional society were not being enacted however it would appear that peace, wisdom, knowledge, and enlightenment were the central pursuits of the commune. As discussed in the koorero of the Te Rawheoro Whare-waananga, the instance of Hingangaroa being removed from the war path of his feuding sons, in order that education within Te Rawheoro remained unperturbed, is such a dichotomy.

The relevance of traditional epistemology in a modern society will be another consideration for whaanau. Unfortunately whaanau who have not had a great deal of exposure or experience in traditional Maaori education or are removed from Maaori tikanga will struggle to see a contemporary relevance or benefit. Benefits regarding central principles are intangibles and often the period for fruition is far from immediate. To attempt to justify traditional practices would be, for starters, a lengthy exercise, as there are so many facets of traditional cultural

philosophy and ideology embodied in those practices. But more to the point the position of justifying a contemporary relevance is a counter-productive exercise as self-realisation is the only means to conscienisation. Aroha Mead discusses the ‘pro-creative narrative’ of Maaori, that is, the Rangi and Papa story that ‘promotes concepts of integrity and inter-dependency of living things with the natural environment’. She further states:

To my mind, the Maori explanation of creation and evolution teaches me all I need to know to understand my role in life and attitude towards nature.... It provides me with a proven framework from which I can analyse and identify risks and benefits to the well-being of all those areas that form my cultural heritage.... The purpose of any people’s evolutionary framework is and always will be the social, cultural, and ethical values that are promoted amongst one’s members.243

Educational philosphies and methodologies are already being enacted in many Koohanga Reo, Puna Reo, Kura Kaupapa and Whare Waananga, and graduants are participating and contributing members of a modern society. Councils pursuing resource consent are engaging with local hapuu and Maaori advisors regarding lands and waterways being considered for development, where traditional tikanga is the guiding ethos, similarly with District Health Boards and Health education providers. Maaori businesses with Maaori styled produce are also making a niche for themselves within a local and global market. Educational movements such as Te Koohanga Reo and more recently Whare Waananga and Puna Reo are further arenas where Maaori are participating in shaping education and engaging individuals, whaanau, hapuu, iwi, and wider communities at an intellectual level. The launch of Maaori Television is another arena and the wider network of broadcasting means Maaori language and images are being projected into hundreds of thousands of households at an unprecedented rate. Within New Zealand corridors of power Maaori issues from a cultural basis are being championed by The Maori Party, a movement borne from a prime-ministerial snide against inherent Maaori rights and culture, then consequent land-grabbing legislation.244 Even within non-Maaori environments there are Maaori engaged at many levels of a society that technology is drawing closer together. Nonetheless, one cannot ignore that there are far more facets of society that are void of Maaori culture, or where Maaori cultural values are not accepted, and possibly never will be. The encouraging signs are that Maaori are increasingly participating at all levels of society, and trends only suggest that Maaori and Maaori culutre are commodities that will

243 Mead, A. (1998). Sacred Balance. He Pukenga Korero, Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume 3, Number 2, (p.24)., pp.22-27. 244 That is The Foreshore and Seabed legislation.

continue to contribute to a national and global economic, intellectual, artistic, and spiritual (r)evolution.

The curriculum of Te Whare-oohia could be guided by an interpretation of the structures and ethos therein of the various Whare, with consideration given to modern influences. Suffice to say the entirety of a traditional society evolved over centuries, if not millennia to an intrinsic state probably far beyond the findings I have made. Trying to replicate the progressional stages of traditional education taking in all tapu observations can only function if the community subscribes to it in its entirety, a prospect even I would conclude is nigh impossible. But lesser versions of this structure would offer a replica suited to today’s society.

9.3 DIAGRAM OF CURRICULUM BASED ON MAAORI PEDAGOY - TE WHARE OOHIA

Whare-maatauranga: Whare-koohanga Whare-anoano Whare-waananga Whare-tapere Whare-ahuru Whare-pora Whare -tangata Whare-taikorera Whare-noa Whare-aitu…

Whare-mauokoroa Pre-natal – 7 years 7 years – 14 years 14 years – 21+years

This diagram captures the progressive levels of education known to Te Kura-i-awaawa, notwithstanding the Whare-tangata, Whare-koohanga and other Whare at the final level of education in this model. The Whare-mauokoroa can be seen spanning the whole cycle of progression as a lifelong infrastructure to operate concurrently with the main structure. This ensures that hapuu or tribal education remains a consistent part of every child’s education but does not exclude adult involvement. Finally, enshrining the whole model is the metaphorical korowai (cloak) of the whatumanawa. The whatumanawa is suggested to be the overriding ethos that is engaged by educator, students, whaanau, hapuu, iwi and community alike. The obvious reasons are to attempt to emulate the nature of whatumanawa as it was known and practised by the late Hohepa Delamere; an ethos that is based on selfless love that resided in Te

Whare-o-te-rau-aroha, with Io as the kaitiaki (caretaker) and ultimately educator and gateway to the whatumanawa. The following are descriptions of the hypothesis.

Te Whare-mauokoroa The Whare-mauokoroa is the part of the hypothesis that represents life-long engagement. In some respects this interpretation has not changed from the original function and purpose of the traditional Whare-mauokoroa. I propose that this institution be the Whare-tipuna, or the Whare-whakairo on marae. The marae still remains integral in many regions to the imparting of tribal and hapuu lore, although in a very informal context. Formalising this concept as a part of childhood education will mean the marae will once again become an integral part of daily community activity. Within the Whare-nui there already exists the symbols for education that is the whakairo (carvings), tukutuku and kowhaiwhai panels. The educator of Te Whare-oohia in this instance can also be the facilitator for those who desire to attend, or those who are naturally inclined to learn and understand the histories of their people. This should not exclude modern histories, or world histories in relation to the hapuu.

In learning this history, old-time philosophies, morals, laws, customs, protocol, principles and values are revealed and reinforced. Those who choose not to be a part of Te Whare-mauokoroa would obviously be engaged in the education offered by other Whare. As already mentioned, the pregnant mother, the new parent, children, adolescents, adults and the elderly could be present as students. The elderly themselves could even be contributors as lecturers, encouraging community reticulation of education. The practice of seamless participation within education is something that reminds me of the interaction I recall with my grandparents, and with many elders of my own tribe. The segregated-type Western structures have always felt foreign to me.

Te Whare-tangata The first stage in the diagram is regarding pre-natal education and could only be successful with the co-operation of parents intending to dedicate their child to this curriculum. If a child is to achieve their highest potential according to Maaori ideology, then pre-natal education is a neccessity. The Whare-tangata is the waananga that is the pre-natal receptor of reo. Modern research, although not yet mainstream, has highlighted links between advanced learning occurring with infants exposed to pre-natal courses of education. Offering children a head-start in reaching their destination is highlighted in no greater example than Hohepa Delamere,

whose accomplishments were extensive. The content of oriori coupled with Te Whare- mauokoroa is the currculum here. If there is a common theme to oriori it is undoubtedly the genealogies and related histories for whom they are composed. Nau mai e tama by Tuhotoariki: Po Po by Enoka Te Pakaru, Kia tapu hoki koe by Hinekitawhiti, Te Ua-o-te-rangi by Ripeka Paiatehau, E tama e\ by Te Maperetahi, and so many others that all have these references. Nau mai e tama contains references to the atua genealogy and therefore starts to introduce the science of the natural world, an order of systemising evolution, and the many theories of origin of practices continued by Maaori over the millennia. Pei Te Hurinui mentions this regarding oriori:

The old-time Maori was prone to use compositions of this nature as a means of awakening the interest of the young in the mythology and traditions of his people. From hearing the songs sung repeatedly at an impressionable age and later joining in the singing, the young people would in time begin questioning their elders for the meaning and story behind the words.245

As already noted it is at conception that the taakuira (soul) from Te Whare-o-te-rauroha is implanted, and therefore an eternal connectedness established.

The only formal tuition during this stage is by those who chose to participate within the construct of Te Whare-mauokoroa. If hui arise at marae or waananga of different sorts, then attendance should be encouraged. Further exposure to Maaori language and the environments that those languages are spoken will also be encouraged. Reo-kaauta (everyday language) in an everday context and reo-toohunga (esoteric language) spoken at various hui on marae are equally as important in terms of receptical development. An excellent initiative established outside of the marae in Gisborne called Te Whare-taakaro (the ‘house-of-play’), receives funding to operate from a premise where parents opt to bring their pre-school children to play and converse in Maaori language, and was where my wife and youngest child attended in 2000-2001.

Media such as tape, compact discs (cd’s), and television can also be utilised if there is no human resource. These however are no replacement for the human voice. There are frequencies and vibrations of the voice that contribute to receptive learning and cannot be substituted by

245 (1961). Nga Moteatea, Part II, Songs collected by A.T.Ngata and translated by P.T.Jones. A.W. & A.H.Reed, Wellington. Introduction. (p.xiv).

simply pressing the button on a mechanical device. The general curriculum of this stage of pre- natal education is, in short, to expose your un-born child to the environments you choose to have them raised in, as if they were already intelligent entities capable of receiving infinite information.

Te Whare-koohanga The curriculum of post-natal to pre-school care is next. This traditionally would have been the Whare-koohanga. Again Te Whare-mauokoroa is prevalent here, supported by an all important practice of physically introducing the infant to the natural elements. The act of baptising infants in water served many spiritual purposes but also promoted the physical connection of the child with their environment. When individuals find themselves off-centre, out of kilter or off-balance, many toohunga that I know have administered a trip to the river, the sea, or traversed the odd mountain range with their patients in order to ‘heal’ the inner-being before dealing with other physical trauma. There is much to be said and learnt of the human relationship to the environment. Today’s concrete jungles are probably a reflection of how far removed humanity is from mother-nature, particularly in a technologically dominated society.

Traditionally this practice (of physical contact) was continued with the back-pack style method used by mothers to carry their infant. Breast-feeding was another obvious yet vital act of promoting mother-child bonds. Romiromi is also encouraged here although it is a practice that requires an intense understanding before being administered. The benefits of romiromi at an early age are many and include: a greater chance of recovery from ailments at a later age; stronger development of limbs; improved internal energy flows; and promotes bonding between mother and child. With the emergence of the child into Te Ao-tu-roa and Te Tai-a- ao246, an intimate physical prescription with continuing aural exposure is the curriculum necessary to promote the physical, spiritual, mental, and intellectual development of the child at this stage. The word Koohanga (ko-o-hanga) highlights the reference to the ‘physicalness’ (hanga referes to ‘appearance’, ‘shape’, or ‘build’), while ‘o’ emphasises the various ‘elements’ or ‘components’ that contribute to the being that is ‘implanted’ and ‘instilled’ (‘ko’ means to ‘embed’). Koohanga is also reference to a bird’s nest where the same concept is applicable to mother-bird nurturing her young.

246 These terms are metaphors for attaining knowledge.

Te Whare-taikorera The term Koohanga Reo is a contemporary name applied to pre-school education of Maaori. This traditionally was the Whare-taikorera according to the education of Kura-i-awaawa. The Whare-taikorera and the many games therein were designed to promote the intellectual, emotional, and physical abilities of children. Many of the old Maaori games had a history and some had a genealogy that meant games were encouraged in specific contexts for a designed purpose. One contemporary example has a history from Io and the atua Maaori. Kuirau, that is ‘puzzles’ or ‘brain teasers’ were posed by Rehia247 in order to distract his brothers from constant quarrelling and occassional warfare, hence the curriculum for the Whare-taikorera, that had developed to its current state, albeit theroretical. It is here that the mother and father, brother and sister, and toohunga or friends are equally engaged in the holistic educational experiences of the child’s learning. Te Kete Pukirikiri from the education model of Tuhoe springs to mind here, a kete with many handles representing the many teachers expected to contribute to this stage of education. In this instance that is the whole community.

This stage of development is where the child begins to respond intelligently and acquires speech. Therefore a curriculum for challenging and developing language conventions and motor-skills must be implemented here. The current day educational curriculum in schools has a very strong focus on literacy and numercay. The focus traditionally, however, was on oral development, and I recommend a shift for education in kaupapa Maaori to a stronger oral programme, with greater exposure to oral contexts. Reading and writing ought to be continued but the focus for young children to transfer reo torohuu (internalised language) to written text form requires a great deal of refined motor-skill. Most children at the ages of five and six can barely catch and throw a ball, so requiring them to perform this skill according to current guidelines while not impossible, is perhaps not vital in developing a rich language base. Recent Western research regarding sensory motor integration and cognition has revealed that:

Through sensory movement activities, connections are made that provide the framework for cognition and more advanced brain development. Brain research also indicates that when a child’s motor skills are highly developed, the level of self-esteem increases dramatically. Children become more confident movers and learners.248

247 A reminder that Rehia is the atua of taakaro. 248 Excerpt form overview on Sensory Motor Integration and Cognition hosted by Nicki Geigert received 29 April, 2007. Nicki Giegert (M.S.Ed.) is an Education Consultant, and was the Conference Director for the Association for Childhood Education International (ACEI), 2002.

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There are also so many other genre that can contribute to language development aside from reading and writing; static images, moving images, language experiences outside the classroom, electronic devices that encourage language interaction, are all waiting to be explored. Language experiences, especially in the shape of traditional waananga-based learning, have been a particular approach employed by some Kura Kaupapa Maaori, and an engagement that is being explored to develop and enhance oral language programmes. Of traditional concepts such as weaving with flax (raaranga harakeke), making eel-traps (hiinaki) and craypots (taruke) with supplejack (pirita), carving with bone and wood (whakairo kooiwi and raakau), fishing (hii ika), waka ama, Maaori medicine (rongoa), tapestry (whatu taaniko), Nga Mahi-a-Reehia (traditional games) and cloak making (whatu kaakahu) all have a rich language vocabulary. At the same time children are engaged in learning the skills, histories and customs pertaining to each genre. Accompanying Maaori incantations (karakia and takutaku), poetry (rotarota), and range of traditional and contemporary songs (mooteatea and waiata) contribute again to the extension of language structures and genre. Each kura will have environments unique to their community where language can be experienced. Unfortunately my experiences of current models have seen too many children entering school with poor oral skills, as Koohanga Reo struggle to employ experienced or qualified early-childhood staff to develop robust language programmes.

Another approach to language experience is multiplicity, a strategy that is such an integral part of so many traditional games. The simple game of spinning tops (potakataka) in their various forms required an explorative approach, as best designs were experimented with in order to improve speed or balance while being whipped with strands of flayed flax. Balance and center of gravity was discovered by trial and error and an understanding of physics was developed. Density of different woods and sizes meant different responses, as did different surfaces and so science came into the equation. As tops were then employed in the various racing, jumping, whirling, and bumping games, strategising entered the fray, while the nature of competition meant children learnt the humility of losing or the emotional restraint of winning. The geometry and basic number equations of mathematics were found in many games such as whai (string games of which Maaori had developed into an incredibly intricate art), taatai whetu (astronomy), and more advanced examples with construction of paa (fortified villages), waka (single and double-hulled canoes), raakau riri (weapons), cooking and hunting implements, various whare (edifices for living and storage purposes), whakairo and raranga (carving and weaving), whatu kaakahu (tapestry for traditional clothing) and so much more. Attitudes and

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values as part of a modern curriculum are addressed via tikanga and kawa that act as measures for respect required for these tasks, that is accorded to the task at hand, and the environment from where resources are acquired. The need to work collectively in games or as a party in construction addresses elements of team-work, co-operation, leadership and community. All the while oral language is being reinforced in a vast range of contexts. Multiplicity itself is a vital mathematical concept, and that is exactly what these activities promote. The physical nature of the activities in all games also meant that dexterity was promoted via the constant engagement of motor-skills.

These are but a few examples of how traditional activities can be employed and implemented in order to provide at the least, a rich language environment for this facet of education as a start to rejuvenating the vibrant nature that once was, and thus allow Maaori to contribute beyond current conventions to a modern society. Further consideration outside of Kaupapa Maaori within Mainstream or bilingual schools or units while remote, is certainly a possibility, especially when considering an indigenous theory of child development. Again, this education is concurrent with Te Whare-mauokoroa.

- Te Whare-anoano By the age of 7 a child’s motor-skills and intellectual capacity have matured in the supportive multifarious environment of Te Whare-taikorera and Te Whare-maukoroa. Now comes a time where the talent or natural tendency of the child identified in Te Whare-mauokoroa is catered to, under the tutelage of a more skill-specific group of educators. As mentioned anoano implies a curriculum of high repetition of whatever the identified skill is. Children with a talent for recall will be fed a greater body of oral histories, language genre such as moteatea, haka, takutaku, karakia and so on; those with a talent for problem solving will enter into a world of engineering, construction and design; others with exceptional physical skills will be ushered into a training schedule of physical education or engagements relevant to this stage of development. The principle here is whatever the latent talent or skill of the child, broader and deeper development is undertaken and repeated until the acqusition of that skill is undeniably intrinsic or instinctive.

- Te Whare-noa Te Whare-noa as already stated pertains to exploring and understanding the original customs, traditions and practices of yesteryear beyond rhetoric, by allowing one to do so free from

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constraint or restriction of tapu. It delves into the depths of linguistic nuances beyond the syntax of language genre and conventions; into the intricacies of anatomy beyond grappling holds; into the philosophies of taiaha beyond the physical elements of being able to parry or strike; into the science of metaphysics beyond just being able to recite incantations or philosophise cosmogony; into the lore of universal paradigms beyond maintaining knowledge of your own tribal histories; or into the hieroglyphics of whakairo beyond being able to carve their design. Te Whare-noa is in essence, investigating the source of knowledge according to Maaori tradition in preparation for the individual’s destined vocation within the Whare- waananga or Whare-aitu, or any one of the many Whare where they would eventually graduate as a toohunga. Beyond the repetitive engagement of Te Whare-anoano and skill-acquisition is the understanding of the histories, comprising philosophies and epistemologies that is the curriculum of Te Whare-noa.

Nga Whare-maatauranga I have opted to employ this name as a modern reference to encompass all traditional Whare of higher learning. Maatauranga translates as ‘of clear understanding’ (maatau) in ones field or vocation, a term widely used today as a translation for ‘education’ or in reference to someone learned (he tangata maatauranga). Whare-maatauranga therefore is the institution that offers education that is exclusive to graduants of Te Whare-noa. Individuals who have acquired basic skills and general knowledge of martial arts for example now enter into a realm of knowledge that is strictly exclusive, taught only to those who have been educated within that environment since time known. I assume that this was how Maaori maintained the most tapu of lore pertaining to their respective art and could possibly lend to understanding the void of aspects of knowledge between the general populous and toohunga or ruahine. As mentioned earlier however Te Kura seems to have been the only institution with an all encompassing curriculum. The tutors of this Whare would be considered the most learned of whatever field of education that is being offerred. An equivalent comparison could be made with university lecturers who would have been exposed to an array of experiences that would have helped shape their knowledge and delivery of knowledge. In a traditional context these would be toohunga, not necessarily kaumaatua, but certainly conferred by the hapuu or iwi, and some would have been kaumaatua. There are as already explained modern day toohunga or ruahine that communities, hapuu and iwi have access to and would undoubtedly be considered for inclusion in this educational context by whaanau. A relevant element of this process is the obvious reticulation of knowledge of the hapuu and iwi. The modern brain-drain phenomenon highlights a no-

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obligation construct where students can choose not to return to the institutions or communities that contributed to their knowledge base. Reticulation among Maaori communities however is still a relatively strong practice, and I envisage that the employment of noted experts will consequently maintain or lead to further growth of this practice.

This degree of expertise of full time providers or teachers would be determined by whaanau (that is the Board of Trustees) according to the availabilty and access of human resources available. The format or structure of tuition and progression to a graduant level would also be determined, as would the curriculum. The guideline of 21 years as a traditional guideline is just that, and in a modern context may well work within existing structures of Whare-waananga or tertiary educational institutions with their own tribal based philosophies. The structure I believe of equivalent traditional-based milestones or assessments would easily be placed among modern degree structures. Being accepted by the wider academic fraternity would ultimately be validated by society as graduates start to assert themselves as valuable contributors to all aspects of society, assuming all components of the educational continuum of this structure were successful. There are many contemporaries of traditional Maaori knowledge who have created their respective careers based on their home-grown knowledge. Regardless of levels of progression in whatever vocation, traditional purposes of Whare (that is as institutions with specific curriculum and stages of progression to identify levels of attainment and knowledge), and recognition of knowledge attained can be reconstructed in a modern context based on traditional applications such as those highlighted in the above examples. Under Whare- maatauranga is all higher education and related philosophies that prepare the student to tackle challenges to develop or maintain economical, spiritual, emotional, cultural, political or metaphysical paradigms of society.

9.4 ASSESSING LEARNING OF TE WHARE-OOHIA Two major challenges exist here for whanau in implementing this curriculum. The first is defining the curriculum and planning its multifarious nature. My recommendation would be to look at waananga-based approaches that will start to expose best practices, that is, praxis, where practice lends to developing theories for creating better practices. The second challenge is that of monitoring learning for assessment and purposes of reporting. This will be a whole new field in this context. Aligning approaches with the current National Maori Assessment initiative for Maaori assessment could be a pathway to development. The Tuhoe Education Authority has already developed cultural-friendly approaches that could just as easily be

104 described as children and teacher friendly; easy to use, easy to administer, and easy to identify learning points for progressive planning.249 Traditional assessment methods have been discussed within some Whare, the underlying principle obviously being milestones as measures of learning and subsequent progression. There are some stories of current day assessments that have been undertaken by people I know of aligned to traditional methods of assessment. Some are of a metaphysical nature, while others are far more practical tasks of completed arts, physical tests, reciting of incantation, genealogy, or moteatea, oral tests of whaikoorero, karanga and so on. While possibly not as stringent as it may have been traditionally, the maauri and tapu is maintained. I see no reason why these should not be a continued part of Te Whare-oohia, while intergrating more modern constructs of assessment tools. Te Wananga-o-Raukawa employs a marae-based approach to assessment for oral language papers and I believe in essence, is an excellent model. The continued application by graduates of this methodology will undoubtedly see them represented in wider arenas of society.

CONCLUSION Tribal Whare-waananga and curriculum therein have offerred vignettes of traditional knowledge providing a multi-view for whaanau to contemplate, probably not so much by iwi with models already in motion, but moreso for others with consideration to enhancing a philosophical base for Maaori education such as that of Te Aho Matua for Kura Kauupapa Maaori. Of all educational environments, kura was an institution with an all-encompassing curriculum known by the Taranaki people as Te Kura-mai-i-Hawaiiki, referred to by Tuhoe as Te Kura Huna, and conveyed in full within Te Kura-i-awaawa by Hohepa Delamere from Te Whanau-a-Apanui. Te Kura engaged in meta-physics with a comprehensive understanding of the whatumanawa, and Io as the gateway to understanding whatumanawa.

The understanding of whatumanawa by Maaori is nigh forgotten, although the practice is occassionally glimpsed in individuals in varying arenas. The state of whatumanawa is attained when one is able to neutralise their state of mind, shut-down, so to speak, and listen to their subconscious without question or expectation. It is a state attained when one is void of self- interest, ego, anger, self-consciousness or absolution, but is instead abound with infinite possibility and love. In short one is in the pre-emptive moment of enlightenment. The

249 Seminar with Teina Boasa-Dean, Te Rewarewa Marae, Ruatoki, 18 January 2007.

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whatumanawa from within Kura-i-awaawa is practiced by those who were part of the education imparted by Hohepa Delamere before his untimely departure, continued within the realms of their respective vocations. For my comparatively small part it is here within education, where whatumanawa will be the guiding ethos of all education within Te Whare- oohia.

The philosophy of Te Whare-oohia is about unselfishly imparting knowledge. An understanding and subsequent practice of whatumanawa allows individuals to express themselves and more importantly be understood. When however, emotions that cloud the spiritual connection to the whatumanawa are dominant, the mind overrides the honourable intentions or chooses to ignore the wonder that is present. With most children it is almost a natural part of their being to frequently engage the whatumanawa. Adult conventions and paradigms however, that are comprised of too many suppressive boundaries rarely allow this phenomenon an opportunity to flourish. Whatumanawa must not be interpreted as allowing the child to conveniently do as they like. While Io-te-haumana initiates the pathway toward enlightenment, Io-te-puuranga is the primary state of organisation; Io-te-puuranga is the ‘infinite organiser’ for establishing the basis of attainment, and demands structure and focus. With whatumanawa as an ethos of Te Whare-oohia the intention is to provide guidance to allow whatumanawa to remain predominant, allowing children to attain their full potential and consequently reach their ultimate destination. Whatumanawa is a phenomenon that has remained discreet, but perhaps with the advent of a Green and Maaori political renaissance, whatumanawa will feel safe to once again become a natural occurrence in modern society. A natural environment for whatumanawa to flourish is where it is most readily accepted, that I suggest, is with children.

The wonder of Kura and Whare has long been maintained underground to the disadvantage of those excluded, children in particular. The renaissance of tempered yet unrestrained traditional Maaori education would at the least be exciting, but at the most, contribute to realising unbound potential.

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Ko Io te kaauupapa Ko Io ngaa take roa Ko Io te maurongo whai aahua Ko Io te mata-ao Ko Io te puutahi a te rongo Ko Io te awhenga ki te ao Ko Io te whare taitapu Ko Io te maurea papatahi Ko Io te riponga taurere Ko Io te manawaroa e manawa taea nei Ko Io te hahau a te tiitoki ki te ao nei Poupoua ki te Whare-oohia Ngaa keakea ki te whenua tauaarongo nei Titiaa ki ngaa ao tuamarau e tau nei Maakerekere ko ngaa ohiohingaa tuakere He tauroa te nukunuku he taurere te matarau Oohia ngaa kaponga kia kaua e maturuturu kei konei te pure hau Ka haramai taku noa ki te whare e kore te tauriki e rongo ki toona korekore He wairau te pounamu ki ngaa aparua kei hea te maaramatanga a te taepo tukutuku Hoki mai ki uta, noho mai kia tata kei te whei ao te heke ruarua Maa wai raa e tau rima eenei nukunuku Kei te whai ao ngaa maaramatanga ki te tuuaro Mauria ko te wai taahea ki te whare tuputupu aa Rangi Ka taea ki te hopu i ngaa rere puu iho Tau mai ki teenei taha ko te mariu Tau mai ki teenei taha ko ngaa taketake uruao Huri mai huri atu ka kore te ao e tuohu Haramai taku rea ki te ohuohu nei Naau e Io Matarangi ee….250

250 This completes the opening stanza in the introduction, which is the first verse of the takutaku whatumanawa.

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Appendix 1 (from p.17)

Names of Io from Te Matorohanga:

Io-nui Io-the-great-god-over-all Io-roa Io-the-enduring (or everlasting) Io-matua Io-the-all-parent (omniparent) Io-te-wananga Io-of-all-knowledge (omnierudite) Io-te-taketake Io-the-origin-of-all-things (the one true god) Io-tamaua-take Io-the-immutable Io-te-Toi-o-nga-rangi Io-the-summit-of-heavens Io-mata-putahi Io-the-god-of-one-command Io-mata-ngaro Io-the-hidden-face Io-mata-wai Io-god-of-love Io-mata-aho Io-only-in-a-flash-of-light Io-te-hau-e-rangi Io-presiding-in-all-heavens Io-tikitiki-o-rangi Io-the-exalted-of-heaven Io-matua-kore Io-the-parentless (self created)

These two names are from Pohuhu’s teaching: -

Io-te-waiora Io-the-life-giving Io-te-whiwhia Io-who-renders-not-to-man-that-which-he-witholds251

251 The Lore of the Whare-wananga, Te Kauwaerunga., pp.110-111.

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Appendix 2 (from p.23)

Whakapapa of creation pantheon according to Pei Te Hurinui Jones.

Io Te Whetu Te Ra Tau-ana-te-marama Ao-nui Te Po-nui Ao-roa Te Po-roa Ao-papa-kina Te-po-papa-kina Ao-ki-tua Te-po-ki-tua Ao-ki-roto Te-po-ki-roto Ao-ki-tawhiti Te-po-ki-tawhiti Ao-ruru Te-po-ruru Ao-aio Te-po-aio Ao-whero Te-po-whero Ao-ma Te-po-ma Ao-pango Te-po-pango Ao-whaka-rito Te-po-whaka-rito Ao-kumea Te-po-kumea Ao-i-runga Te-po-i-runga Ao-ki-raro Te-po-i-raro Ao-ki-katau Te-po-ki-katau Ao-ki-maui Te-po-ki-maui Rangi-nui-e-tu-iho-nei Papa-tu-a-nuku252

252 Jones, P.T.H.(1898-1976). Mareikura-Io. Microfilm of MS-Papers-5220, folders 86-94. MS-Copy-Micro- 0698-15. Alexander Turnball Library, Wellington.

109

Appendix 3 (from p.42)

Names of Io extracted from the whatumanawa takutaku, and other takutaku:

Io te korekore Io Purehurehu Io te puuranga Io Haupaea-uruuru Io nga matuhake Io a Tutekoherehere Io a Utematauhipaerangi Io Uaa Io Tau Io Tauherenui Io Matatauroa Io Puretake Io Ohuohurei Io Hapaitake Io Ngaatahi Io Mauroa-ahuahu Io Waaurunga Io Panukunuku Io Mamao-te-tawhito Io Kawetahi Io Matataiao Io Uetakeaa Io Matua kore Io te rongorongo Io te Utake Io Matarongorongo Io Matakohekohe Io Rauroha Matarau Io Purongo-te-mautahi Io te pukenga Io Matarangi Io Rangi Io Nui Io Roa Io te rumaha Io te puuhua Io te kaauupapa Io ngaa take roa Io te maurongo Io te mata-ao Io te puutahi a te rongo Io te awhenga ki te ao Io te whare taitapu Io te maurea papatahi Io te riponga taurere Io te manawaroa Io te hahau a te tiitoki Io te wairanga Io te ahuranga Io te nukunuku Io te ahurei Io te puutahi Io te puunahi Io te puurewa Io te puukaha Io Whakarea-onetanga253

253 Waananga with Hohepa Delamere, Whitianga Bay, Te Whanau-a-Apanui. January 2004.

110

Appendix 4

Names of atua Hine extracted from the whatumanwa takutaku:

Hine-turama Hine-moana Hine-kirikiri Hine-oho-mai-rangi Hine-te-wai-ora Hine-ko-wairangi Hinerau-a-moa Hine-rau-mata Hine-raumaha Hine-rautahi Hine-kua-raurau Hine-wai-rongorongo Hine-raumea Hine-puroa Hine-raukiri Hine-mauri Hine-tapa-i-reia Hine-te-ponu Hine-te-maumata Hine-keira Hine-tua-oro Hine-te-waiuruuru Hine-aro Hine-tua-whiti Hine-marama Hine-tairoa Hine-waikeri Hine-oneone Hine-pukohu(rangi) Hine-makohu(rangi)

111

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(2001). He Hinatore ki te Ao Maori: A glimpse into the Maori World, Maori Perspective on Justice. Ministry of Justice.

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1http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Empirical

Waananga:

Kopua, Mark. Ngati Porou, Aitanga-a-Hauiti, Ngati Ira. Mangatuna. 9 March 2007.

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Kupenga, Anaru. Ngati Porou, Ngati Maui. Ruatorea. 8 September 2007.

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Audio-Visual References:

Transplanting Memories, 2003. A television documentary produced by Natural History of New Zealand for DHC Ventures LLC.