The Gulf Monarchies Beyond the Arab Spring. Changes and Challenges
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A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The
BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution By Min Jung Kim, B.A. Washington, DC May 1, 2009 I owe my most sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor Kevin Doak, Ph.D. for his guidance and support and to Aviel Roshwald, Ph.D. and Tristan Mabry, Ph.D. for detailed and constructive comments. Min Jung Kim ii BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY Min Jung Kim, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Kevin M. Doak, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The purpose of this research is to understand the dynamic processes of modern national unification cases in Vietnam (1976), Yemen (1990) and Germany (1990) in a qualitative manner within the framework of Amitai Etizoni’s political integration theory. There has been little use of this theory in cases of inter-state unification despite its apparent applicability. This study assesses different factors (military force, utilitarian and identitive factors) that influence unification in order to understand which were most supportive of unification and which resulted in a consolidation unification in the early to intermediate stages. In order to answer the above questions, the thesis uses the level of integration as a dependent variable and the various methods of unification as independent variables. The dependent variables are measured as follows: whether unified states were able to protect its territory from potential violence and secessions and to what extent alienation emerged amongst its members. -
The Two Yemens
1390_A24-A34 11/4/08 5:14 PM Page 543 330-383/B428-S/40005 The Two Yemens 171. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen1 Washington, February 27, 1969, 1710Z. 30762. Subj: US–PRSY Relations. 1. PRSY UN Perm Rep Nu’man,2 who currently in Washington as PRSYG observer at INTELSAT Conference, had frank but cordial talk with ARP Country Director Brewer February 26. 2. In analyzing causes existing coolness in USG–PRSYG relations, Ambassador Nu’man claimed USG failure offer substantial aid at time of independence and subsequent seizure of American arms with clasped hands insignia3 in possession of anti-PRSYG dissidents had led Aden to “natural” conclusion that USG distrusts PRSYG. He specu- lated this due to close US relationship with Saudis whom Nu’man al- leged, somewhat vaguely, had privately conveyed threats to overthrow NLF regime, claiming USG support. Nu’man asserted PRSYG desired good relations with USG and hoped USG would reciprocate. 3. Recalling history of USG attempts to develop good relations with PRSYG, Brewer underlined our feeling it was PRSYG which had not re- ciprocated. He reviewed our position re non-interference PRSY internal affairs, regretting publicity anti-USG charges (e.g. re arms) without first seeking our explanation. Brewer noted USG seeks maintain friendly relations with Saudi Arabia as well as PRSYG but we not responsible for foreign policy of either. 4. Nu’man reiterated SAG responsible poor state Saudi-PRSY con- tacts. Brewer demurred, noting SAG had good reasons be concerned over hostile attitude PRSYG leaders. -
KING ABDULLAH's GAME: AUTOCRATS and GLOBALIZED INTERESTS a Thesis Submitted to the Kent State University Honors College In
KING ABDULLAH’S GAME: AUTOCRATS AND GLOBALIZED INTERESTS A thesis submitted to the Kent State University Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for University Honors by Sarah Jane Krisanda May, 2013 Thesis written by Sarah Jane Krisanda Approved by ________________________________________________________________, Advisor ________________________________________, Chair, Department of Political Science Accepted by _____________________________________________________, Dean, Honors College ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………………iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………………….v CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………...1 II. CONTEXT……………………………………………………………….14 III. INTEREST COALITION MODEL……………………………………...32 IV. ISLAMIC INTEREST COALITION NETWORK……………………...40 V. STATUS QUO INTEREST COALITION NETWORK………………...50 VI. REFORM INTEREST COALITION NETWORK……………………...56 VII. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………..71 REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………..74 iii LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1………………………………………………………………………………..37 FIGURE 2………………………………………………………………………………..41 FIGURE 3………………………………………………………………………………..56 iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis is a product of two years of laughter, tears, triumph, pain, and a whole lot of helpful people. I want to thank Virginia, David, and John Krisanda for their unconditional love and support. Thanks to my entire family for all your prayers and encouragement. Thank you, Hamish Wallace and all my brothers from Alpha Phi Omega for everything. Thank you Jamie Johnson, Melisa Michael, and Victoria Sack for bringing me tea every time I pulled an all-nighter. I could not ask for better friends. Many thanks go to Jeanne Smith and Gina DeNardi. I appreciate all of the guidance you have given me about writing and life. You kept me sane, and you forever changed the way I think about learning. Thank you for always believing in me. I appreciate the scholars of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Special thanks go to Dr. -
Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North the Role of the Arab States Africa Programme
Briefing Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North The Role of the Arab States Africa Programme Yossi Mekelberg Summary and Greg Shapland • The positions of several Arab states towards Israel have evolved greatly in the past 50 years. Four of these states in particular – Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and (to a lesser extent) Jordan – could be influential in shaping the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. • In addition to Egypt and Jordan (which have signed peace treaties with Israel), Saudi Arabia and the UAE, among other Gulf states, now have extensive – albeit discreet – dealings with Israel. • This evolution has created a new situation in the region, with these Arab states now having considerable potential influence over the Israelis and Palestinians. It also has implications for US positions and policy. So far, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Jordan have chosen not to test what this influence could achieve. • One reason for the inactivity to date may be disenchantment with the Palestinians and their cause, including the inability of Palestinian leaders to unite to promote it. However, ignoring Palestinian concerns will not bring about a resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which will continue to add to instability in the region. If Arab leaders see regional stability as being in their countries’ interests, they should be trying to shape any eventual peace plan advanced by the administration of US President Donald Trump in such a way that it forms a framework for negotiations that both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships can accept. Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking: The Role of the Arab States Introduction This briefing forms part of the Chatham House project, ‘Israel–Palestine: Beyond the Stalemate’. -
Arab Uprisings: an Update
Arab uprisings: an update Standard Note: SNIA/6400 Last updated: 2 August 2012 Author: Ben Smith Section International Affairs and Defence Section A brief survey of developments in the Arab world since the uprisings that began in 2011 (background and earlier developments can be found in a collection of briefings – see the last section: further reading). Two of the three countries that have had elections since the uprisings – Tunisia and Egypt – have seen mainstream and more radical Islamists dominating. In Libya, the third of the three, a pragmatic and relatively secular politician who had been former Prime Minister during the rebellion did well. It is still early to know what these new governments will do but, as with many of the countries in the region, pressing economic problems may be the most important thing. Meanwhile, after a dramatic few weeks, many are now convinced that the Assad regime in Syria cannot survive. Contents 1 Egypt 3 1.1 Elections 3 1.2 Formation of a government 4 1.3 Outlook 4 2 Tunisia 5 2.1 Election to the constituent assembly 6 Women 6 2.2 Interim government 7 2.3 Outlook 7 3 Libya 7 3.1 Electoral system 8 Women 8 This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. It should not be relied upon as being up to date; the law or policies may have changed since it was last updated; and it should not be relied upon as legal or professional advice or as a substitute for it. -
How Can We Explain the Arab Spring? by Satoshi Ikeuchi Author Satoshi Ikeuchi
SPECIAL ANALYSIS How Can We Explain theArab Spring? By Satoshi Ikeuchi Author Satoshi Ikeuchi The Intellectual Challenge of the Arab Spring opposition parties and civil society movements due to severe restrictions imposed on them; the skillful tactics of the rulers, The Arab Spring shook the social consciousness, values and alternating between oppression and co-optation; the firm grip that political regimes of the Arab countries and vastly altered their hopes those regimes had over the massive and multifaceted military and for the future. At the same time, the existing framework for security forces; the economic rent pouring in to the oil-producing understanding the Arab world received a serious jolt. Experts on countries that made it possible to govern without regard to public Arab politics are now going through a period of fundamental soul- opinion; the existence of the United States and other outside searching. As a scholar of Arab politics, the author’s aim is to supporters of these regimes; the ability of the regimes to exploit provide a new conceptual framework that will help explain the existing regional and sectarian conflicts to claim and justify the present and anticipate the future, albeit broadly. need for a police state, effectively stultifying dissent — the list Does the term Arab Spring make sense in the first place? What goes on. caused the chain of rapid changes in society? What were the The views of political scientists in the Arab world had been a little immediate outcomes in those countries? How did the individual Arab more nuanced. They made a more detailed analysis of the regimes respond to widespread social protest? And what were the undemocratic governance of the Arab regimes, subjected them to reasons for the different responses? What were the factors that led political and ethical criticism and value judgments, and argued for to different outcomes in individual countries? Where did the critical the indispensability and inevitability of change. -
International Spectator
This article was downloaded by:[UVA Universiteitsbibliotheek SZ] On: 9 December 2007 Access Details: [subscription number 769895062] Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK International Spectator Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t768481834 Saudi Arabia Walks the Tightrope Paul Aarts Online Publication Date: 01 December 2007 To cite this Article: Aarts, Paul (2007) 'Saudi Arabia Walks the Tightrope', International Spectator, 42:4, 545 - 550 To link to this article: DOI: 10.1080/03932720701780413 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932720701780413 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article maybe used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. Saudi Arabia Walks the Tightrope Paul Aarts These are times of ascendency for Saudi foreign policy. -
Rising to Iran's Challenge
RISING TO IRAN’S CHALLENGE GCC Military Capability and U.S. Security Cooperation Michael Knights Policy Focus 127 | June 2013 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY RISING TO IRAN’S CHALLENGE GCC Military Capability and U.S. Security Cooperation Michael Knights Policy Focus 127 | June 2013 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2013 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2013 in the United States of America by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Cover photo: UAE, Italian, Bahraini, and U.S. armed forces sight in on a mock target while performing a Visit, Board, Search, and Seizure demonstration at the Port of Zayed area in Abu Dhabi, UAE, as part of Exercise Leading Edge 13, January 2013. Leading Edge 13 military-to-military engagements are intended to sharpen capabilities among nations in an effort to foster relationships and build regional security. (USMC photo/MSgt. Salvatore Cardella) CONTENTS The Author v Acknowledgments vii Executive Summary ix 1 | Introduction 1 2 | SWOT Analysis of the Gulf Militaries 7 3 | Key Missions for GCC Allies 23 4 | Implications for U.S. Security Cooperation 37 THE AUTHOR MICHAEL KNIGHTS is a Lafer fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, specializing in the military and security affairs of Iraq, Iran, Libya, Yemen, and the Gulf states. -
Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance
SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. SSR Papers is a flagship DCAF publication series intended to contribute innovative thinking on important themes and approaches relating to security sector reform (SSR) in the broader context of security sector governance (SSG). Papers provide original and provocative analysis on topics that are directly linked to the challenges of a governance‐driven security sector reform agenda. SSR Papers are intended for researchers, policy‐makers and practitioners involved in this field. ISBN 978‐92‐9222‐180‐5 © 2011 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces EDITORS Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi PRODUCTION Yury Korobovsky COPY EDITOR Cherry Ekins COVER IMAGE © Suhaib Salem/Reuters The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not in any way reflect the views of the institutions referred to or -
The Regional Geopolitics of Saudi-Yemeni Relations
1 MORE THAN JUST A BOUNDARY DISPUTE: THE REGIONAL GEOPOLITICS OF SAUDI-YEMENI RELATIONS Fadhl Al-Maghafi Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD 2012 Faculty of Law and Social Science School of Oriental and African Studies University of London Figures (Vol. 2/3) 1 Table of Figures 2 Table of Figures Figures ........................................................................................................ ............................................ Table of Figures ......................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Congratulating President Saleh on his return from Jeddah .......................................................... 5 1.1.1. Taḥrir Square, Sana’a ............................................................................................................ 6 .............................................................................................................................................................. 6 1.1.2. The General Public Party Area (GPC) .................................................................................... 7 1.1.3. Chamber of Commerce Area, Sana’a .................................................................................. 8 1.2. A map showing the position of the Arabian Peninsula in the global network of trade routes in the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries .................................................................................................... 9 1.3. Arabia in Early Maps -
UNESCO Condemns Killing of Journalists Assassinated Journalists in Yemen
UNESCO Condemns Killing of Journalists Assassinated Journalists in Yemen Omar Ezzi Mohammad Radio engineer Ali Aish Mohammad Youssef Jamaie Abdullah Musib Security guards (Yemeni) Employees of radio station Al-Maraweah Killed on 16 September 2018 UNESCO Statement Ahmed al-Hamzi (Yemeni) Journalist Killed on 30 August 2018 in Yemen UNESCO Statement Anwar al-Rakan (Yemenit) Journalist Killed in Yemen on 2 June 2018 [UNESCO Statement] Abdullah Al Qadry (Yemenit) News photographer and camera operator Killed on 13 April 2018 [UNESCO Statement] Mohammad al-Qasadi (Yemenit) Photographer Killed on 22 January 2018 [UNESCO Statement] Sa’ad Al-Nadhari (Yemeni) Photojournalist Killed on 26 May 2017 in Yemen [UNESCO Statement] Wael Al-Absi (Yemeni) Photojournalist Killed on 26 May 2017 in Yemen [UNESCO Statement] 1 UNESCO Condemns Killing of Journalists Assassinated Journalists in Yemen Taqi Al-Din Al-Huthaifi (Yemeni) Photojournalist Killed on 26 May 2017 in Yemen [UNESCO Statement] Mohammed al-Absi (Yemeni) Led investigative reports in Yemen for several news outlets Killed on 20 December 2016 in Yemen [UNESCO Statement] Awab Al-Zubairi (Yemeni) Photographer for Taiz News Network Killed on 18 November 2016 in Yemen [UNESCO Statement] Mubarak Al-Abadi (Yemeni) Contributor to Al Jazeera television and Suhail TV Killed on 5 August 2016 in Yemen [UNESCO Statement] Abdulkarim Al-Jerbani (Yemeni) Photographer and reporter for several media in Yemen Killed on 22 July 2016 in Yemen [UNESCO Statement] Abdullah Azizan (Yemeni) Correspondent for the online -
Nowhere Safe for Yemen's Children
NOWHERE SAFE FOR YEMEN’S CHILDREN The deadly impact of explosive weapons in Yemen 2 Saudi Arabia Oman SA’ADA HADRAMAUT Sa’ada AL MAHARAH AL JAWF AMRAN HAJJAH YEMEN Amran AL MAHWIT MARIB Sana’a SANA’A Arabian Sea AL HODIDAH Hodeida SHABWAH R AYMAH DHAMAR AL BAYDA IBB AL DHALE’E ABYAN Taizz Al Mokha TAIZZ LAHJ Red Sea ADEN Aden Gulf of Aden INTRODUCTION The daily, intensive use of explosive weapons deaths and injuries during the second quarter of 2015 in populated areas in Yemen is killing and were caused by air strikes by the Saudi-led coalition, maiming children and putting the futures and 18% of child deaths and 17% of child injuries were of children at ever-increasing risk. These attributed to Houthi forces.3 weapons are destroying the hospitals needed to treat children, preventing medical supplies, food, fuel and other essential supplies “I was playing in our garden when the missile hit my from reaching affected populations and house. My mum, brother and sister were inside. hampering the day-to-day operations of “I ran to my mother but the missile hit the building as humanitarian agencies. she was trying to get out with my brother and sister. I saw my mum burning in front of me. Then I fell down, Before March 2015, life for children in Yemen was and later I found myself in the hospital and my body not without challenges: nearly half of young children was injured. I didn’t find my mum beside me as always. 1 suffered from stunting or chronic malnutrition.