The War of 1812 Magazine Issue 21 January 2014

The Armed Merchant Schooner Raven An Operational History

by Gary M. Gibson

The Armed Merchant Schooner Raven An Operational History ...... 1 Origin ...... 2 Arming and Fitting ...... 5 Manning ...... 6 Operational History 1813 ...... 8 Operational History 1814 ...... 11 Post-War ...... 12 Commanding Officers ...... 13 Reference Abbreviations ...... 13

The War of 1812 Magazine Issue 21 January 2014

Origin

The United States Navy’s Armed Merchant Schooner Raven began life as the British merchant schooner Mary Hatt. When and where she was built is not known, but she was in service by the spring of 1810.1 The Mary Hatt was probably named after the mother of the brothers Richard and Samuel Hatt, or of Richard’s wife, or both. The Hatt brothers owned a farm, a store, a mill, a distillery and a potash works in Canada near the head of Lake Ontario. In 1803, they sent as many as 1,500 barrels of flour across the lake and down the St. Lawrence River to Quebec.2 Before the war, the Mary Hatt operated much as a tramp steamer would in a later century, going from place to place around Lake Ontario, wherever there was a cargo to be found. As she was a British-owned vessel, most voyages were probably between Kingston, York and Niagara. This was known, at the time, as the forwarding trade. As United States law at the time prohibited trade with Canada, the Mary Hatt’s visits to American lake ports would be few and likely unrecorded. Canadian lighthouse duty records refer to the Mary Hatt as just the Mary. There was another, smaller, Mary (35 or 36 tons as opposed to the Mary Hatt’s 51 ton entries) that complicates the situation. What is known about the Mary Hatt’s pre-war activity is shown in the following table.3

Date Arrived At Master Notes April to June 1810 Kingston Benjamin Monger Three arrivals July to September 1810 Kingston Benjamin Monger Three arrivals 20 July 1810 Niagara 17 August 1810 Niagara 20 September 1810 Niagara April to June 1811 Kingston George Miller One arrival July to September 1811 Kingston George Miller Two arrivals 9 July 1811 Queenston 25 August 1811 Queenston July to September 1812 Kingston George Miller

Crew size was small, usually only a master, a mate and four or five hands. Just enough men to be able to safely navigate the schooner in all weather conditions. In the fall of 1812, her master was George Miller.4 The Mary Hatt was about average size for a Lake Ontario merchant schooner. According to the United States Navy, she could carry about 50 tons of cargo.5 This was a “tons burthen” measurement, an artificial calculation based on the beam and keel length of a merchant ship and not a measurement of the weight of the water displaced by the vessel as was common in the latter part of the nineteenth century.6 Dimensional

1 According to British lighthouse records, the Mary Hatt arrived at Kingston (recorded as just Mary) three times in the second quarter of 1810, each time with Benjamin Monger as master. The author thanks Walter Lewis for this information. 2 White, Patrick, Lord Selkirk’s Diary, pp.300-301. The Hatt family’s operations were quite extensive, the mill alone costing about £7,500 and they had “all the latest improvements of mechanism;” also the entry for Hatt, Richard, in Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online (www.biographi.ca). 3 The author is indebted to Walter Lewis for this information. 4 Isaac Chauncey to John D. Vincent, 16 November 1812, CLB 3. 5 A Return of Vessels of War belonging to the United States upon Lake Ontario exhibiting their force in Guns and Men, 10 June 1813, AF, roll 76 frames 201-203. 6 Now often referred to as “Builder’s Old Measurement” or BOM, the calculation multiplied the keel length “for tonnage” by the square of the vessel’s beam (both in feet) and the product divided by 190 (188 in British service). This calculation was also used

Page 2 The Armed Merchant Schooner Raven – An Operational History The War of 1812 Magazine Issue 21 January 2014 information, with length, keel and beam based on other merchant schooners of similar tonnage, is shown in Table 1 Length on deck about 56 feet Beam about 18 feet Probable Tonnage 50 tons Table 1 – Estimated Dimensional Information for the Raven

It is not known whether the Mary Hatt was a topsail schooner (square top and sometimes topgallant sails on the fore and often the main masts) or if she had a “pure” schooner rig. The latter allowed for a smaller crew size as all sails could be worked from the deck. Most of the schooners purchased by the navy in 1812 that did not have square topsails (e.g. Collector) had them added when they were converted to armed merchant schooners. it is not known if this was done for the Mary Hatt or if she was so-rigged when she was purchased. Shortly after the outbreak of war in June 1812, the naval officer commanding on Lake Ontario, Lieutenant Melancthon Taylor Woolsey, informed Secretary of the Navy Paul Hamilton that he had received word that the British government had taken over the Mary Hatt and had armed her with four small cannon.7 There is no evidence that supports this claim, and it is doubtful the Mary Hatt had any armament on board while she was in merchant service. If she was ever armed, all guns had been removed by November 1812.8 On Saturday, 7 November 1812, Commodore Isaac Chauncey’s flagship, the 18-gun brig Oneida, and six armed merchant schooners sailed from Sackets Harbor. Chauncey’s object was to intercept the British Provincial Marine warships which, he understood, “have gone up the lake with troops to reinforce Fort George.”9

at the time for warships, although such vessels carried no cargo. For warships, it was of value only as a means to compare their relative sizes. 7 Melancthon T. Woolsey to Paul Hamilton, 10 July 1812, NAUS, RG 45, SNLRO, 1813 vol 3 item 16, roll 12. 8 The Mary Hatt was unarmed when she was captured by the Americans in November 1812. 9 Isaac Chauncey to Paul Hamilton, 6 November 1812, SNLRC, 1812 vol 3 item 167 roll 25; Isaac Chauncey to Daniel D. Tompkins, 7 November 1812, CLB 3.

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Map of Northeastern Lake Ontario On 10 November 1812, the squadron chased the Provincial Marine corvette Royal George into Kingston Harbor and that afternoon fired on the British vessel but without result. That night, while the rest of the squadron anchored off Four Mile Point, intending to resume the attack in the morning, the armed merchant schooners Growler and Julia patrolled the Lower Gap as guard boats. About 11 p.m. a vessel was seen in the moonlight to windward about three kilometers away. As only the whereabouts of the Royal George was known, this could have been the 14-gun Earl of Moira. After clearing for action and firing an alarm gun to warn Chauncey, the Growler approached the strange vessel. She turned out to be the Mary Hatt, which was heading for Kingston, quite unaware of the American squadron’s presence. The Growler came alongside the Mary Hatt and captured the schooner without resistance. Her master, George Miller, and her crew were taken on board and replaced with men from the Growler. About daybreak the wind freshened and it became impossible to make any progress to windward. The Mary Hatt was drifting further and further downwind, back towards Kingston. At this point, Commodore Chauncey ordered the Growler to convoy the Mary Hatt through the Kingston Channel, around the foot of Long Island (now Wolfe Island), then down past Gravelly Point and back into the lake. There, the Mary Hatt would be ordered to make it to Sackets Harbor the best way she could while the Growler sailed west to rejoin the rest of Chauncey’s squadron near the Ducks Islands. After a delay of most of a day near the foot of Long Island caused by atrocious weather, the Growler reentered the lake and, about 8 p.m., sent the Mary Hatt on her way to Sackets Harbor. The Mary Hatt arrived safely and spent the remainder of the year at anchor in Sackets Harbor. Shortly after he returned to Sackets Harbor, Commodore Chauncey wrote his brother-in-law, James Heard, in

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New York City, and appointed him prize agent.10 Two weeks later, Chauncey asked shipwright Henry Eckford to examine the Mary Hatt and report his opinion of her value.11 On 29 December 1812, the case of the Mary Hatt was brought into the U. S. District Court at New York City to be libeled, condemned and sold.12 In early February 1813, Chauncey informed Secretary of the Navy William Jones that he planned to purchase the Mary Hatt for the navy, provided the cost was no greater than the value determined by Eckford, and he ordered Naval Storekeeper Samuel T. Anderson to effect the purchase.13 On 10 February 1813, the Mary Hatt was sold at Sackets Harbor to the United States Navy for $2,512.14 After deducting court costs amounting to $142.35, one-half of the balance ($1,184.82) was paid to prize agent James Heard for distribution to the officers and men of the squadron.15 Commodore Chauncey received 5% of that amount, or $59.24. Now a member of the United States Navy, the Mary Hatt was renamed Raven and taken in hand to be fitted for service.16 Arming and Fitting

After the Mary Hatt’s purchase, the Navy made the minimum changes necessary to fit her for service as an armed merchant schooner. She was armed with one 18-pound cannon on a pivot mount, almost certainly located on the centerline between her two masts. Those cannon was almost certainly one of the six “heavy 18 pdrs” dispatched to Sackets Harbor from the New York Navy Yard by Commodore Chauncey on 18 September 1812. 18-pound cannons were the usual gun deck armament of a heavy frigate, so the Raven packed a punch. The Raven’s total armament weight on deck was about 2.5 tons.17 Her cargo capacity was many times that amount but that cargo would be stored in the hold, not on deck. Although not excessive compared with some of the armed merchant schooners, such as the Scourge, this weight so high up would render the Raven less stable as an armed merchant schooner than she was in merchant service. Of more concern was the fact that the small size of the Raven, like all the armed merchant schooners, made her an unstable gun platform, especially in any kind of heavy weather. Compared with Chauncey’s larger vessels, such as the Madison or General Pike, the Raven would pitch and roll much more heavily in

10 Isaac Chauncey to James Heard, 18 November 1812, CLB 3. The prize agent was responsible for receiving the amount of prize money awarded the captors by the court and distributing the funds to those eligible to receive them. This was a lengthy and time- consuming job as by the time court proceedings were over (months and sometimes years), many officers and men had moved to different duty stations or died and some seamen’s enlistments had expired. They, or their heirs, all had to be found. A prize agent received a commission for his efforts, usually one percent of the prize amount awarded by the court. 11 Isaac Chauncey to Henry Eckford, 1 December 1812, CLB 3. 12 United States vs. Schooner Mary Hatt, 29 December 1812, ACF, 1812 roll 16. 13 Isaac Chauncey to William Jones, 4 February 1813, SNLRC, 1813 vol 1 item 47 roll 26; Isaac Chauncey to James T. Leonard and to Samuel T. Anderson, 4 February 1813, CLB 3. 14 Affidavit of United States Marshal Peter Curtenius, 12 April 1813, United States vs. Schooner Mary Hatt, ACF 1812 roll 16; Isaac Chauncey to William Jones, 6 April 1813, SNLRC, 1813 vol 2 item 135 roll 27; List of vessels purchased, 3 March 1813, NAUS, RG 45, AF, roll 76 frames 59-60; Isaac Chauncey to John Bullus, 17 March 1813, CLB 3. Chauncey’s letters show a purchase price of $2,500 not $2,512 as stated by the court. As the marshal’s 1.5% commission was based on the $2,512 amount, that is believed to be correct. Schedule of Court Costs, 24 April 1813, United States vs. Schooner Mary Hatt, PRR, roll 3 case 37a. 15 Court costs tax statement, United States vs. Schooner Mary Hatt, 24 April 1813, PRR, case 37a roll 3; Court order in the case of the United States vs. Schooner Mary Hatt, 16 June 1813, MRA, roll 4 target 1 p.238. The other half of the net proceeds was paid into the Seaman’s Pension Fund. 16 Isaac Chauncey to William Jones, 6 April 1813, SNLRC, 1813 vol 2 item 135 roll 27. 17 Tucker, Spencer, Arming the Fleet (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 1989) p.125.

The Armed Merchant Schooner Raven – An Operational History Page 5 The War of 1812 Magazine Issue 21 January 2014 any weather. With only a single gun on board, hitting any target beyond a few hundred meters would depend more on luck than the skill of the gun crew. In addition to the gun on deck and its carriage, the Raven had a gunpowder magazine and ammunition storage facilities added below deck. The shot alone added about a ton of weight but as these were stored low down in the hull they did not reduce the vessel’s stability and actually improved it by increasing the vessel’s metacentric height.18 In June 1813, an official U. S. Navy report listed the Raven’s current armament as one 18-pound cannon.19 This is consistent with the number of guns given by the newspaper reports in the summer of 1813 (see Table 2 below). It is not known why the Alexandria Gazette reported the Raven as mounting two guns as there is no official evidence for more than one gun being on board at any time.

Date Location Newspaper Armament 6 August 1813 Boston MA The Yankee One long 18 24 August 1813 Alexandria VA Alexandria Gazette Two long guns 27 August 1813 New York NY The Columbian 1 Gun 4 September 1813 Baltimore MD The Weekly Register One long 18 7 September 1813 Kingston UC Kingston Gazette One long 18 Table 2 –Raven's Armament According to the Newspapers.

On 17 March 1814, Commodore Chauncey’s accounts recorded the purchase of the prize Mary Hatt’s (now Raven’s) cabin stove for $12.00 from United States Marshal Peter Curtenius.20 As the day and month of that expense (17 March) was the same as that of the vessel’s purchase from the prize court in 1813, it appears that Commodore Chauncey mis-recorded the year of the transaction. It is also unknown why the stove was not considered to be part of the Mary Hatt’s “furnishings” and included in the sale price as was the usual procedure. In addition, none of the records yet discovered make any mention of payments for actual cabin furniture such as tables, chairs, shelves and beds for the officers. It is likely that whatever was in the stern cabin was considered to be a part of the vessel’s “furniture” and included in the purchase from the prize court. Any additional wooden furniture could have been manufactured at Sackets Harbor in the spring of 1813 by the Navy’s carpenters out of unneeded pieces of shipbuilding timber. Manning

After her purchase at Sackets Harbor in March 1813, the Raven was placed under the command of Sailing Master Thomas C. Almy. Almy received his warrant in June 1812 at New York City and in August 1812 he was ordered to Newport, Rhode Island to command Gunboat No. 56. On 25 February 1813, Almy was ordered to Sackets Harbor along with Master Commandant Oliver Hazard Perry and men from his gunboat flotilla. Once at Sackets Harbor, Chauncey ordered Almy to command the Raven.21 Almy remained in command during the 27 April 1813 attack on York and the 27 May 1813 attack on Fort

18 Metacentric height is the difference between a vessel’s center of buoyancy and her center of gravity. The greater the metacentric height, the better a vessel is able to recover from a roll. A lot of weight on deck will lower the center of buoyancy while raising the center of gravity, reducing the metacentric height. If the metacentric height value goes negative (center of gravity above the center of buoyancy) the vessel will capsize very easily. This is why it is not a good idea to stand up in a canoe. 19 A Return of Vessels of War belonging to the United States upon Lake Ontario exhibiting their force in Guns and Men, 10 June 1813, AF, roll 76 frames 201-203. 20 Settled Accounts, entry 811, Chauncey. 21 Isaac Chauncey to Commanders of Vessels, 25 April 1813, CLB 4.

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George. One day after the capture of Fort George, Almy was transferred from the Raven, then off Niagara, to the Lake Erie squadron where he commanded the schooner Somers during the Battle of Lake Erie.22 By December 1813, he was sick with pleurisy and he died of pneumonia shortly thereafter. His share of the Battle of Lake Erie prize money, $2,295, was paid to his father in June 1814.23 Almy’s replacement was Midshipman Jerathmel Bowers. Bowers received his midshipman’s warrant in December 1812, backdated for some reason to June 1812. Initially ordered to join Perry’s gunboat flotilla at Newport Rhode Island, Midshipman Bowers, like Thomas Almy, was ordered to Sackets Harbor on 25 February 1813. There is no record that Bowers served on anything other than a gunboat before he arrived on Lake Ontario. It is almost certain that Bowers was on board the Raven as second in command during the April attack on York and the May attack on Fort George. Following the departure of Sailing Master Almy, command of the Raven fell to Midshipman Bowers. An order from Chauncey confirms Bowers was commanding the Raven on 14 June 1813.24 Although there were many midshipmen available with more experience than Bowers, Chauncey apparently considered him to be able enough to command the Raven so long as she remained at Sackets Harbor. On 30 June, in preparation for the squadron’s sailing in July, Bowers was replaced as the Raven’s commander by Lieutenant Walter Winter. On 23 August, following the 10 August skirmish with the British on Lake Ontario, Bowers was transferred to the schooner Pert.25 In June 1814, Bowers resigned his warrant to avoid being court martialed.26 Lieutenant Walter Winter received his midshipman’s warrant in 1799 and served on board the ship sloop Maryland. In 1801, at the close of the Quasi-War with France, he was discharged from the navy under the terms of the “Peace Act.” In 1802 he was reinstated as a midshipman and served on board the frigates Adams and Chesapeake before becoming an acting lieutenant in 1806. Winter received his lieutenant’s commission in 1808 and served on board the brig Nautilus before being ordered to Sackets Harbor on 31 May 1813. Winter relieved Midshipman Bowers as commander of the Raven on 30 June 1813. On 14 July, apparently at his own request, Commodore Chauncey allowed him to leave the Raven to command the larger and more heavily armed schooner Hamilton. He was replaced by Sailing Master Francis Mallaby. This was not Winter’s wisest decision as he drowned on 8 August 1813 when the Hamilton sank in a violent squall on Lake Ontario.27

22-Year-old Francis Mallaby was appointed an acting sailing master by Commodore Isaac Chauncey at New York City in September 1812. Ordered first to the Genesee River, and then to Sackets Harbor, Mallaby was injured in November 1812 by a stone thrown by Seaman Thomas Campbell. In the spring of 1813, Mallaby was ordered to command the armed merchant schooner Conquest. He received his warrant in July 1813, and was ordered to replace Walter Winter in command of the Raven on 14 July. On 13 August, Mallaby left the Raven at Sackets Harbor to again command the Conquest. He later served on board the schooner Sylph and the brig Jones before leaving Sackets Harbor on furlough for a merchant voyage to the East Indies in March 1815. He returned to Sackets Harbor in March 1818 but left again less than a year later. He was back at Sackets Harbor in February 1831 where he remained until May 1839. In between, he served on board the ship-of- the-line Washington and the frigate Brandywine. Placed in the reserved list in 1855, Mallaby died on Long Island, New York in 1877 at age 87.

22 Isaac Chauncey to Thomas C. Almy and Stephen Champlin, 28 May 1813, CLB 4. 23 Service Records, p.28 (Almy). 24 Isaac Chauncey to Commanders of Vessels, 14 June 1813, CLB 4. 25 Isaac Chauncey to Jerathmel Bowers, 23 August 1813, CLB 4. 26 Service Records, p.37 (Bowers). 27 Service Records, p.179 (Winter).

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Rank Number Rank Number Boatswain’s Mate 1 Boatswain’s Mate 1 Master’s Mate 1 Boy 1 Midshipman 1 Master’s Mate (Peckham) 1 Ordinary Seamen 2 Midshipman (Bowers) 1 Purser’s Steward 1 Ordinary Seamen 2 Quarter Gunner 1 Purser’s Steward 1 Seamen 9 Quarter Gunner 1 Total 16 Seamen 9 Table 3 – Raven’s Crew as of 10 June 1813. A Total 17 Return of Vessels of War belonging to the United Table 4 – Raven’s Crew as of 30 June 1813. States upon Lake Ontario exhibiting their force in Data taken from Pay Roll, 30 June 1813, T829 roll Guns and Men, , AF, Roll 76 Frames 201-203. 18 p.263; Arrearage Abstract, 30 June1813, T829 The absence of the boy recorded on 30 June was roll 194 p.6; Muster Roll, 8 August 1813, T829 roll probably due to the return referenced having no 18 p.253 and Arrearage Abstract, 31 December category for ship’s boys. 1813, T829 roll 193 p.17

As shown by Tables 3 and 4, the Raven’s crew was small compared with that of the other armed merchant schooners. Although no crew records have yet been found for April and May, she had at least two more men on board during the attack on York. By June, however, the number of men on board was just sufficient to navigate the vessel and provide a gun crew for the 18-pound cannon. During the attack on York on 27 April 1813, the Raven had one man killed. Ordinary Seaman Israel Clark, a black man, lost his life during that engagement.28 Master’s Mate Caleb B. Walker died on board the Raven two days later.29 Although he is not listed as being wounded in the attack on York, his death so soon afterwards makes it possible he died of wounds received during that battle. The only other known death of a member of the Raven’s crew took place on 5 August 1813, when Master’s Mate William Peckham died at Sackets Harbor.30 There is no record of successful desertions by any member of the Raven’s crew at any time. Operational History 1813

On 9 April 1813, Commodore Chauncey ordered the commanders of his vessels at Sackets Harbor to have them “prepared in every respect as soon as possible for actual service against the enemy.”31 Absent from the list was the Raven. It appears that she had not yet finished being fitted as an armed merchant schooner and her first commander, Sailing Master Almy, was not yet on board. The Raven was ready for service two weeks later when Chauncey issued orders for the embarkation of the troops of Brigadier General Zebulon Pike’s brigade. The exact number of troops on board the Raven is not known, but Pilot Robert Hugunin, on board the armed merchant schooner Conquest, reported that “every vessel [was] crammed full.”32

28 A return of the killed and wounded on board the squadron under the command of Commodore Isaac Chauncey, in the attack upon York, on the 27th of April, 1813, 29 May 1813, printed in the Washington DC National Intelligencer, 10 June 1813. 29 Raven’s Arrearage Abstract, 30 June 1813, MRND, roll 194 p.6. 30 Raven’s Arrearage Abstract, 31 December 1813, MRND, roll 193 p.17. 31 Isaac Chauncey to Commanders of Vessels, 9 April 1813, CLB 4. 32 Robert Hugunin’s “Early Times on the Lakes,” printed in the Sandusky OH, Sandusky Register on 23, 24 and 27 January and 2 and 3 February 1854., General Order, 26 April 1813, CLB 4.

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The commodore recognized that this was the first time his entire squadron, some 13 vessels, would be sailing together.33 He issued orders describing a number of formations which were to be used, depending on the circumstances, during the voyage from Sackets Harbor to their destination, Upper Canada’s provincial capital at York (now Toronto). One of these formations is diagrammed below:34

Like most of the other vessels, the Raven had a number of flat-bottomed “large scow boats” in tow to be used to land the troops. These early examples of landing craft were awkward to manage and Chauncey ordered that “every precaution must be used to preserve them and their tow. Ropes ought to be examined frequently.” Chauncey’s concern was magnified by the fact that not all of the signal books on board his squadron contained night signals. Chauncey had to improvise a simple set to be used when necessary.35 On 23 April, despite unfavorable weather, the army commander, Major General Henry Dearborn, urged Chauncey to sail immediately. Chauncey reluctantly agreed, and the squadron put to sea with General Pike’s brigade on board. Almost immediately the Raven and the other small vessels begin to have problems. Squalls, heavy rain and “thick weather” took their toll, both on the troops (many of whom had to remain on deck, there being no room below) and on the vessels themselves. Chauncey’s flagship, the corvette Madison, damaged her main topsail yard and the armed merchant schooner Hamilton lost her fore gaff. Chauncey returned to Sackets Harbor, convinced That if we had kept the lake we should have lost some of our small vessels, with perhaps their crews, at any rate the fleet would have been separated which might have been attended with disastrous consequences.36 By the evening of 25 April the weather had moderated and the squadron again sailed from Sackets Harbor bound for York. This time the weather was fine and the Raven arrived safely before daylight two days later. The squadron then began to land the troops on board, using the boats belonging to the vessels themselves plus those towed from Sackets Harbor. The Raven was the sixth vessel to disembark her troops.37 It took about two hours to land everyone, after which the Raven steered closer inshore where she opened fire on the British defenders, in support of the army which was advancing towards the town. Suddenly the British gunpowder magazine exploded, throwing huge numbers of large stones high in the air. The blast was tremendous, but it was just a prelude to the rain of rocks that followed, as Pilot Robert Hugunin on board the Conquest described it:

33 The merchant schooner Gold Hunter was also along and served as a transport. This was the first time in the history of the United States Navy that a squadron of warships of this size sailed together. 34 Isaac Chauncey to Commanders of Vessels, 25 April 1813, CLB 4. 35 Isaac Chauncey to Commanders of Vessels, 25 April 1813, CLB 4; Robert Hugunin’s “Early Times on the Lakes,” printed in the Sandusky OH, Sandusky Register on 23, 24 and 27 January and 2 and 3 February 1854. 36 Isaac Chauncey to William Jones #11, 24 April 1813, SNLRC, 1813 vol 3 item 51, M125 roll 28. 37 General Order, 26 April 1813, CLB 4.

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As the smoke from explosion rolled off upon the water, it looked as solid as a mountain, and as if it would crush everything before it, and when within fifty feet of us looked like a black wall. A moment before the smoke struck us the stones began to fall … It seemed as if the shower lasted a minute. The largest stones came last, the small stones rattled about our deck and I could hear the large ones as they struck the water all around us.38 During the attack, African-American Ordinary Seaman Israel Clark lost his life, although whether by British fire or as the result of the magazine explosion is not known.39 Commodore Chauncey expected to be able to re-embark the troops on 29 April and proceed directly to Niagara to attack Fort George.40 Once again, as Chauncey reported to Navy Secretary William Jones, “the winds and weather have been against us.” Eight days later Chauncey’s squadron was still at York. A strong easterly gale had prevented the entire squadron from sailing.41 Fortunately, the wind soon changed and the weather moderated. On 8 May the Raven sailed from York to Niagara with the rest of the squadron. The next day, with the troops now ashore at Four Mile Creek (just east of Fort Niagara), Chauncey left to return to Sackets Harbor along with the Raven, where they arrived on 11 May.42 On 16 May, Commodore Chauncey ordered Lieutenant Melancthon Taylor Woolsey, commanding the brig Oneida, to take his vessel, along with the Raven, Asp and Ontario, and transport troops belonging to Brigadier General John Chandler’s brigade to Four Mile Creek at Niagara. After disembarking the troops, the Raven was to remain at Niagara until Chauncey himself arrived in the Madison. On 27 May 1813, with Chandler’s brigade now all at Niagara, the Americans attacked and captured Fort George. Although the Raven was present, she took no part in the action.43 On 31 May, after Chauncey learned of the British attack on Sackets Harbor, he sailed for Sackets Harbor with his squadron, including the Raven, where they arrived about 4 p.m. on 1 June 1813. The Raven remained at anchor off Sackets Harbor until Wednesday, 21 July 1813 when all of Chauncey’s squadron except the General Pike sailed for the Ducks Islands. The Pike, delayed by the need to finish fitting her guns, sailed the following day. While at sea on Lake Ontario, the squadron encountered the Lady of the Lake which had 20 British prisoners of war on board, taken at Fort George. As those men had to be transported to Sackets Harbor, and Commodore Chauncey had better uses for the dispatch schooner Lady of the Lake, he elected to transfer the British prisoners to the Raven, along with a guard of 15 “light infantry” soldiers.44 He ordered Sailing Master Francis Mallaby to: Proceed with all possible dispatch to Sackets Harbor, deliver the prisoners to the order of Major General Lewis and then prepare the Raven for service with 4 weeks provisions on board and remain at the Harbor until further orders from me.45

38 Robert Hugunin’s “Early Times on the Lakes,” printed in the Sandusky OH, Sandusky Register on 23, 24 and 27 January and 2 and 3 February 1854. 39 A return of the killed and wounded on board the squadron under the command of Commodore Isaac Chauncey, in the attack upon York, on the 27th of April, 1813, 29 May 1813, printed in the Washington DC National Intelligencer, 10 June 1813. 40 Isaac Chauncey to William Jones #13, 28 April 1813, SNLRC, 1813 vol 3 item 63 roll 28. 41 Isaac Chauncey to William Jones #15, 7 May 1813, SNLRC, 1813 vol 3 item 101 roll 28. 42 Isaac Chauncey to William Jones #16, 11 May 1813, SNLRC, 1813 vol 3 item 136 roll 28. 43 Isaac Chauncey to William Jones #29, 28 May 1813, SNLRC, 1813 vol 3 item 190 roll 28. 44 Muster Roll of prisoners of war and supernumeraries, 25 and 26 July 1813, MRND, roll 18 p.254. 45 Isaac Chauncey to Francis Mallaby, 24 July 1814, CLB 4. In a letter to Major General Morgan Lewis, Chauncey asked that these prisoners of war not be returned to Kingston on parole as was common “as I conceive it of importance to keep the enemy ignorant of our actual force in guns,” Isaac Chauncey to Morgan Lewis, 24 July 1814, CLB 4.

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On 13 August, Commodore Chauncey returned to Sackets Harbor following the loss of the armed merchant schooners Hamilton and Scourge in a squall on 8 August and the Julia and Growler to the British two days later. Despite these losses, Chauncey did not consider the Raven to be a worthwhile reinforcement to his squadron. Instead, he ordered Sailing Master Mallaby to remain at Sackets Harbor with the crew of the Raven and to use those men to “rigg and fit the new schooner Sylph.” The Raven was then taken out of service as an armed merchant schooner, and, “If General [Morgan] Lewis should require the Raven for any purpose you [Mallaby] will let him have her.”46 The army did want to use the Raven, and she was loaned to the Army Transport Service. Later that fall, she moved a portion of Major General James Wilkinson’s army from Sackets Harbor to Grenadier Island. After disembarking the troops, Wilkinson left the Raven, along with the Growler and Asp, unprotected at Grenadier Island. Annoyed and “apprehensive that the enemy will send over men to take or destroy them,” Commodore Chauncey had to send men and boats to the island to recover the three schooners. The Raven and the other two schooners then joined his squadron in the St. Lawrence River off Wolfe Island.47 When Wilkinson’s army left French Creek to sail down the St. Lawrence River, Chauncey returned to Sackets Harbor with the Raven and the rest of his squadron. He was then asked to sail to Niagara and bring a brigade of troops from Major General William Henry Harrison’s army to Sackets Harbor. Although available, there is no record that the Raven was used as a transport during this operation and she apparently remained at Sackets Harbor.48 While returning to Sackets Harbor with Harrison’s men, Chauncey’s squadron encountered gale force winds that convinced him that further operations on the lake were too hazardous to contemplate. The war on Lake Ontario was over for 1813. With plans underway to build more warships for the 1814 season, the commodore would no longer need the armed merchant schooners in his battle line. Accordingly, in December 1813 Chauncey decommissioned the Raven and left her at Sackets Harbor.49 Operational History 1814

The 1814 sailing season on Lake Ontario began with the Raven out of service at Sackets Harbor. At most, only a few men remained on board to maintain the vessel. It is not known if the 18-pound cannon was removed at this time or if it remained on board. The full details of the activities of the Raven during 1814 are not yet known. The absence of any records to the contrary makes it likely that she spent much of the year at anchor at Sackets Harbor. By September 1814, she was a part of the Army Transport Service under the command of William Coffin.50 On 6 October 1813, the Raven had seven men on board, including William Coffin.51 On 9 October 1814, the Raven returned to Sackets Harbor from Oswego with provisions. Two days later, the service’s commander, Barzillai Pease, recorded her final activity for that year: Discharging cargo, unbent sails, laid up at Sackets Harbor.52 On 16 December, Pease’s Journal confirms that the Raven remained at Sackets Harbor.

46 Isaac Chauncey to Francis Mallaby, 13 August 1813, CLB 4. 47 Isaac Chauncey to William Jones #105, 4 November 1813, SNLRC, 1813 vol 7 item 76 roll 32. 48 Isaac Chauncey to William Jones #111, 21 November 1813, SNLRC, 1813 vol 7 item 114 roll 32. 49 Isaac Chauncey to William Jones #138, 24 December 1813, SNLRC, 1813 vol 8 item 101 roll 33. 50 Pease Papers, vol. IV, Journal 14, pp.46-49; vol. V, Journal 1. 51 Pease Papers, vol. V, Journal 1, entry for 6 October 1814. 52 Pease Papers, vol. V, Journal 1, entry for 11 October 1814.

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Post-War

When word of the Treaty of Ghent, ending the War of 1812, arrived at Sackets Harbor in February 1815, the Raven had been out of naval service for over a year. Nevertheless, Commodore Chauncey believed she still had value and “would sell very well now but if kept another year, would be nearly a total loss.”53 On 5 March, Chauncey wrote to Secretary of the Navy Benjamin W. Crowninshield informing him that he had received “several applications to know whether the government would sell the schooners belonging to the Navy Department on this Lake.”54 Secretary Crowninshield referred the matter to President Madison, who agreed that the schooners should be sold.55 On 18 April, Secretary of the Navy Benjamin W. Crowninshield wrote Chauncey ordering him to sell the former merchant schooners at auction at Sackets Harbor.56 Accordingly, the new commandant at Sackets Harbor, Melancthon Taylor Woolsey, placed advertisements in area newspapers announcing the auction. The Raven, however, was not included in the list of schooners offered for sale.57 Nevertheless, Commodore Chauncey reported to Navy Secretary Benjamin W. Crowninshield that the Raven was 58 sold on 15 May 1815 for $320. This was an error as Master Commandant Woolsey, who was present during the auction, Advertising schooners for sale omits any reference to the Raven in his report.59 Woolsey at Sackets Harbor. does record that the hull of the schooner York, ex-Duke of Gloucester, was sold that day for $320, the same amount Chauncey claimed was paid for the Raven. Chauncey, who was not present at the time the auction was conducted, confused the two vessels and the Raven was not sold in May 1815. Instead, it appears she remained at Sackets Harbor until July 1815. This is further confirmed by a letter from Chauncey to the auctioneer, Samuel F. Hooker, in early 1816 where he again refers to the sale of the Raven for $320, but with the notation “late Duke of Gloster.”60 Chauncey forgot that the Duke of Gloucester became the York, not the Raven. From the end of April 1815 until mid-July 1815, the Raven remained in use by the Army Transport Service.61 Her first use began on 25 April when she transported troops from Sackets Harbor to Niagara. After she arrived, the Raven encountered a period of bad weather that kept her in the Niagara River until

53 Isaac Chauncey to Benjamin W. Crowninshield #48, 26 March 1815, SNLRC, 1815 vol 2 item 114 roll 43. 54 Isaac Chauncey to Benjamin W. Crowninshield #36, 5 March 1815, SNLRC, 1815 vol 2 item 9 roll 43. 55 Benjamin W. Crowninshield to James Madison, 17 March 1815, SNLRM, 1815 vol 3 item 38 roll 70. A note on the letter states “The sale at Sackets Harbour suggested by Com Chauncey approved in the extent which the Secy of the Navy may judge expedient” and is initialed “J. M.” 56 Benjamin W. Crowninshield to Isaac Chauncey, 18 April 1815, SNLSO, vol 12 p.105 roll 12. 57 Albany NY, Albany Argus, 28 April 1815. 58 Isaac Chauncey to Benjamin W. Crowninshield, 30 June 1815, CLB 7, p.101. 59 Melancthon T. Woolsey to Benjamin W. Crowninshield, 13 June 1815, SNLRM, 1815 item 114 [2nd] roll 6; Benjamin W. Crowninshield to Melancthon T. Woolsey, 8 July 1815, SNLSO, vol 12 p.164 roll 12. 60 Isaac Chauncey to Samuel F. Hooker, 1 February 1816, CLB 7, p.195. 61 Pease Papers, Vol V, Journal 1.

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13 May. At the end of June, the Raven took 153 boxes of arms and 2,200 cartridge boxes along with 31 passengers from Sackets Harbor to Oswego, returning on 11 July.62 On 15 July 1815, the Raven was sold at Sackets Harbor for $1,070 to the former commander of the Army Transport Service, Barzillai Pease.63 Pease then renamed the Raven the George L and apparently sailed her as a merchant schooner until near the end of the 1815 sailing season.64 On 19 October 1815, Pease sold the George L to Thomas Tupper at Sackets Harbor for $1,650.65 In the spring of 1816, the schooner (now possibly renamed once again) was reportedly offered for sale at Sackets Harbor for $2,500.66 For some years afterwards, a schooner named Raven was reported as visiting various lake ports, such as at the Genesee River in October 1818 and Kingston, Upper Canada, in June 1819.67 It is not known if this schooner was the same vessel as the wartime Raven. The schooner’s further activities and her final fate remain unknown. In an unusual postscript, in 1821 the Navy Commissioners presented Secretary of the Navy Smith Thompson with a list of warships on the lake stations (Ontario, Erie and Champlain) that “were so far decayed that they are unworthy of repairs.” That list included the Raven, although she was long out of government service.68 Commanding Officers

Name and Rank Dates in Command Sailing Master Thomas C. Almy April 1813 to 28 May 1813. Midshipman Jerathmel Bowers 28 May 1813 to 30 June 1813 Lieutenant Walter Winter 30 June 1813 to 14 July 1813 Sailing Master Francis Mallaby 14 July 1813 to 20 August 1813

Reference Abbreviations

To shorten and simplify the source references that appear in the notes they use a set of abbreviations. These are: ACF Admiralty Case Files of the U. S. District Court for the Southern District of New York 1790-1842, NAUS, RG 21, microfilm publication M919. AF Area File of the Naval Records Collection, Area 7, NAUS, RG 45, microfilm publication M625.. APP Augustus Porter Papers, BECHS.

62 Pease Papers, vol. V, Journal 1, entry for 13 May 1815. 63 Pease Papers, vols. IV & V. Pease’s narrative in vol. IV states he bought the Raven on 15 August, his daily journal in vol. V says 15 July. The narrative claims he sold the vessel about three months later, which his daily journal has as 19 October. The 15 July sale date is taken as correct. 64 Pease Papers, vol V, daily journal entry for 20 July 1815. 65 Pease Papers, vols. IV & V. Pease’s narrative in vol IV claims he sold the George L. to Christian Holmes for $1,800 but his daily journal in vol V states it was sold to Thomas Tupper at Sackets Harbor for $1,650. The sale to Tupper is taken as correct. 66 Pease Papers, vol. IV narrative. 67 Rochester Telegraph, Rochester NY, 3 November 1818. On 31 October 1818, the Raven, McGee master, arrived from Sandy Creek. Kingston Gazette, Kingston UC, 4 June 1819. On 2 June 1819, the Raven, John Otis master, arrived from Oswego with a cargo of potatoes. 68 John Rodgers to Smith Thompson, 20 January 1821, MRND, roll 341 pp.497-503.

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Articles of War Rules and Regulations for the Government of the United States Navy, 23 April 1800. Copy in Valle, James E., Rocks and Shoals, (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 1980) Appendix B, p.285. ASP American State Papers, Class 6 - Naval Affairs, Volume 1. BECHS Buffalo and Erie County Historical Society, Buffalo, New York. CELSI Letters From the Office of the Chief of Engineers Relating to Internal Improvements, 1824-1830, NAUS, RG 77, microfilm publication M65. CELSM Miscellaneous Letters Sent by the Chief of Engineers, NAUS, RG 77, microfilm publication M1113. CLB Isaac Chauncey’s Letterbooks, Manuscript Department, New York Historical Society (#’s 1, 2, 5 & 6) & William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan (#’s 3, 4, & 7). Crisman Crisman, Kevin James, The Jefferson: The History and Archaeology of an American Brig from the War of 1812, Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1989. DHC Cruikshank, Ernest A., Documentary History of the Campaigns on the Niagara Frontier (Welland ON: Tribune Office). Dudley Journal kept on board the U. S. S. Superior by Lieut. James A. Dudley U.S. Navy, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Massachusetts. Lake Traffic Analysis Cain, Emily, Hamilton-Scourge Project research data from 1985-86 study, copies of government and private records and computer printouts of data analysis; Mills Library, McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada McKee McKee, Christopher, A Gentlemanly and Honorable Profession: The Creation of the U. S. Naval Officer Corps, 1794-1815 (Annapolis MD: Naval Institute Press 1991) Moore Moore, Jonathan, et. al., Hamilton and Scourge National Historic Site: A Condition Survey of Two War of 1812 Shipwrecks (AhGt-9) in Lake Ontario, UAS Report 2011-03 (Parks Canada, 2011) MRA Minutes and Rolls of Attorneys of the U. S. District Court for the Southern District of New York, NAUS, RG 21, microfilm publication M886. MRND Miscellaneous Records of the Navy Department, NAUS, RG 45, microfilm publication T829. NAC National Archives (Library and Archives Canada) NAUK National Archives (United Kingdom) NAUS National Archives (United States) NCLRC Navy Commissioners Letters Received from Commandants, NAUS, RG 45, entry 220. Ned Myers Cooper, James Fenimore editor, Ned Myers or, a Life Before the Mast (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 1989 reprint of 1843 edition). PJM-PS Papers of James Madison, Presidential Series, University of Virginia Press. PRR Prize and Related Records of the War of 1812, NAUS, RG 21, microfilm publication M928. PRC Parish-Rosseel Collection, Mss #5, Special Collections, Owen D. Young Library, St. Lawrence University, Canton, NY RAO Records of the Accounting Officers of the Department of the Treasury, NAUS, RG 217, entries 804, 806, 809 and 810. RG Record Group RGCM Records of General Courts Martial and Courts of Inquiry of the Navy Department, 1799-1867, NAUS, RG 45, microfilm publication M273.

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Service Records Gibson, Gary M., Service Records of U. S. Navy and Marine Corps Officers Stationed on Lake Ontario During the War of 1812, Second Edition (Sackets Harbor, 2012). Settled Accounts Records of the Accounting Officers of the Treasury, Fourth Auditor Settled Accounts, NAUS, RG 217, entries 811-Alphabetic and 812-Numeric. SNLRC Secretary of the Navy Letters Received From Captains (“Captain’s Letters”), NAUS, RG 45, microfilm publication M125. SNLRD Secretary of the Navy Letters Received from Commanders, NAUS, RG 45, microfilm publication M147. SNLRM Secretary of the Navy Letters Received From Miscellaneous, NAUS, RG 45, microfilm publication M124. SNLRO Secretary of the Navy Letters Received From Officers Below the Rank of Commander, NAUS, RG 45, microfilm publication M148. SNLSC Secretary of the Navy Letters Sent to Commandants and Navy Agents, NAUS, RG 45, microfilm publications M441 and T829. SNLSM Secretary of the Navy Letters Sent to Miscellaneous, NAUS, RG45, microfilm publication M209. SNLSO Secretary of the Navy Letters Sent to Officers, NAUS, RG 45, microfilm publication M149. SNPLB Secretary of the Navy’s Private Letter Book, MRND, roll 453. SWLRR Secretary of War Letters Received, Registered Series, NAUS, RG 107, microfilm publication M221. SWLRU Secretary of War Letters Received, Unregistered Series, NAUS, RG 107, microfilm publication M222. Tompkins Papers Public Papers of Daniel D. Tompkins, Military, 3 volumes (Albany, 1898, 1902). Townsend Papers Townsend, Sheldon C., Papers, MS 089, Special Collections, Penfield Library, SUNY Oswego, Oswego NY. Van Cleave Van Cleve, James (Capt.), Reminiscences of Early Sailing Vessels and Steamboats on Lake Ontario, History of the Introduction of the Propeller on the Lakes and other subjects with Illustrations, 1878, Oswego City Clerk’s office, Oswego, New York. Another copy slightly different is at the Buffalo and Erie County Historical Society, Buffalo, New York. WLB Melancthon Woolsey’s Letterbook #3, Woolsey Family Papers, Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Public Library, Detroit, MI. Woolsey Journal 5 Melancthon Woolsey’s Journal #5, Woolsey Family Papers, 52.MSS Box 95, WFP.2 JOU.1-5, Oneida County Historical Society, Utica NY. Woolsey Journal 7 Melancthon Woolsey’s Journal #7 (Sylph 1813, Jones 1814), Woolsey Family Papers, Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Public Library, Detroit MI.

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