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Pchiru Shelni: a Sexual Practice in Bhutan Tshering Yangden University of Wollongong

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Pchiru Shelni: a Sexual Practice in Bhutan Tshering Yangden University of Wollongong University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 1954-2016 2015 Pchiru Shelni: a sexual practice in Bhutan Tshering Yangden University of Wollongong Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the University of Wollongong. Recommended Citation Yangden, Tshering, Pchiru Shelni: a sexual practice in Bhutan, Doctor of Philosophy thesis, Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts, University of Wollongong, 2015. https://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/4619 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] Department of Law, Humanities and the Arts Pchiru Shelni: A sexual Practice in Bhutan Tshering Yangden "This thesis is presented as part of the requirements for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Wollongong" Month and Year February 2015 Rural Bhutanese women at a festival (Photograph: Author) This festival takes place in Shaa valley of Wangdue district. It is held once in every three years and is known as Shaa gi Locho. The festival is a form of religious ritual to protect the village from natural disasters. Each household is required to contribute a man and a woman for this purpose. While the men perform warrior dances, the role of women symbolizes nurturer. The roasted rice in containers and home brewed wine in bottles in front of the women are the offerings made to the leader of the warriors known as Yangpoen, the Pou (spiritual guide) and the Neyljorma (consort). The women stand in line in their finery ready to make the offerings once the dance sequence is complete. This in a way symbolizes the gender roles played out in everyday life where women prepare food while the men come back from work. However, the spectators tend to judge the looks and the quality of finery the women wear and become the subject of discussion around the villages pressuring the women to look as best as possible. i THESIS CERTIFICATION I, Tshering Yangden, declare that this thesis, submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy, in the School of Law, Humanities and the Arts, University of Wollongong, is wholly my own work unless otherwise referenced or acknowledged. The document has not been submitted for qualification at any other academic institution Signature Date ii ABSTRACT Pchiru Shelni is a sexual practice that has been an entrenched cultural and social practice believed to have started in rural Bhutan. The exact time when it began is not known. The process involves men having sexual relations with women by stealth, with or without consent, typically by sneaking into a woman’s bed or breaking into their houses under the cover of darkness. Anecdotal beliefs have shown that this practice occurs in major parts of rural Bhutan but not in the southern region of the country. This practice is popularly known as ‘Night Hunting’ in Bhutanese urban literate circles as well as outside the country. The practice is distinctly rural and is perceived as a traditional innocuous courtship/dating custom between single young men and women. There has not any documented substantive research on the practice except for a small study conducted on the subject within the context of courtship. While a study by one researcher, Penjore (2007) presents Pchiru Shelni as a traditional and harmless courtship practice that is mostly positive social and cultural custom, there has been recent questions raised in the public arena (traditional and social media for example) that point to a conflict of opinions between those wanting to treat it as an entrenched and socially acceptable practice and those who maintain it is a form of sexual coercion and systemic violence against women. This allows for the possibility that the practice may even be a neutral experience for women. Therefore this research starts with this premise. Using social constructionist and feminist theory, this thesis examines the different contexts (coercive and consensual) in which Pchiru Shelni takes place and the relation of Pchiru Shelni to wider social, cultural and political patterns as well as the implications for wider forms of gender inequality. Utilisation of qualitative method design, literature review and semi-structured interviews resulted in the conceptualisation of Pchiru Shelni. Despite the common assumption that these two practices are one and the same, data analysis also show that whilst they overlap in some respects, Pchiru Shelni and Night Hunting differ in some aspects. This research revealed that while sexual coercion is a major component of the Pchiru Shelni practice and has major consequences for women and children, it acknowledges that the practice of Pchiru Shelni serves some social purposes. Thus, this research recommends a ‘reworking’ and ‘reframing’ of Pchiru Shelni in order to 'lay bare' elements of sexual coercion, enable a 'rethinking' of the ways women are conceptualized within this practice and limit the harmful consequences of Pchiru Shelni. Furthermore, whilst the positive aspects of this sexual practice are acknowledged, changes in government policies are needed to redress gender iii inequality, empower Bhutanese women, provide for their children and support their wider communities. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study would not have been possible without the support of many people. In particular I wish to acknowledge the continuing and unconditional mentoring of my supervisors. My gratitude goes to Michael Flood who over the last three and half years has patiently reassured and supported me through the many stages of this study. Michael’s guidance and numerous proofreads have provided me with academic insights and encouraged my discipline in writing. I have been touched by Michael’s kind understanding and support during my illnesses. Likewise, Swati Parashar’s advice has been invaluable in giving me necessary support and constructive critiques as well as editing expertise that I needed to complete this project. My special thanks go to Brian Martin for mentoring me both as an advisor as well as the coordinator of the High-Output Writing group. I am thankful for his support and advice when I felt low during my writing stages. To three of you, I thank you. I wish to acknowledge the Endeavour Awards program for funding my four years Doctor of Philosophy research course. I also acknowledge the Faculty of Law, Humanities and Arts for the research funding I was granted to conduct my field work in Bhutan in 2012, for enabling me to participate in an international conference in Thailand in 2013 and providing editing support fund. All these have enabled me to complete this thesis. Likewise, I extend my appreciation to the Faculty Post-Graduate Support Team and the editorial assistance of Brenda Mackie. Finally, I would like to dedicate this project to my family. My husband Thinley Jamtsho, son Karma Lodhen Jamtsho and daughter Karma Lodhen Wangmo who have been very supportive of me relieving me of household responsibilities and encouraging me to concentrate on my thesis. I am also grateful for their unconditional support during my illnesses. v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................... iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................ v TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................... vi LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ xii 1 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................... 13 1.1 Rationale for the study ............................................................................... 14 1.2 Objectives of this study .............................................................................. 17 1.3 Research questions .................................................................................... 19 1.4 Brief background on Bhutan ...................................................................... 21 1.4.1 History .................................................................................................... 21 1.4.2 Monarchy ............................................................................................... 22 1.4.3 Constitutional Monarchy and Democracy ............................................. 23 1.4.4 Geography .............................................................................................. 23 1.4.5 Economy ................................................................................................. 24 1.5 Chapter outline .......................................................................................... 25 2 LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS ....................................... 28 2.1 Introduction ............................................................................................... 28 2.2 A timeline of scholarly work in Bhutan ...................................................... 28 2.3 Pchiru Shelni in oral tradition .................................................................... 33 2.4 Comparative Pchiru Shelni- like customs in other cultures ....................... 36
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