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J. Collins a Note on Cultural Vocabulary in the Moluccan Islands

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J. Collins a Note on Cultural Vocabulary in the Moluccan Islands J. Collins A note on cultural vocabulary in the Moluccan Islands In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 139 (1983), no: 2/3, Leiden, 357-362 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:16:58PM via free access KORTE MEDEDELINGEN JAMES T. COLLINS, UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA l A NOTE ON CULTURAL VOCABULARY IN THE MOLUCCAN ISLANDS In recent years M. A. Chlenov has played a unique and important role in Austronesian linguistics. In his writings (1973,1976) he has made available some of the results and data of his extensive field work in East Indonesia. His stimulating article (1980) represents still an- other contribution reflecting a familiarity with a number of diverse languages as wel1 as a deep humanistic concern with extracting relevant conclusions from such a diversity. It is certainly not the intention of this brief note to discourage these efforts or to disparage such a wide knowledge. On the contrary, Dr. Chlenov's work remains of permanent importance in Moluccan linguistic studies. Nonetheless, it is appro- priate to comment on the procedure and some of the examples in his most recent article. Consideration of this procedure may benefit our attempts at reconstructing proto-languages and discovering the outlines of ancient cultures. There is an implicit methodology employed by Chlenov in sepa- rating Austronesian from non Austronesian vocabulary. Confronted by a large amount of data, apparently his first step was to group seemingly related words together. There followed a search for possible cognates in other languages and in reconstructed proto-languages. Thus, al1 the entries which are provided with a Proto-Austronesian "pedigree" are considered inherited reflexes when there is no evident borrowing. Other words are either reflexes of a more recent Austronesian proto- language (Proto-Oceanic, etc.) or "pre-Austronesian" - again when they are not apparent loanwords. Based on this categorization, cal- culations comparing the proportion of Austronesian and non- Austronesian vocabulary items are possible. Chlenov's lexicostatistical orientation is obvious in this approach, if we assume that lexicostatistics involves "procedures of applying statistics to the genetic comparison of the lexicon . ." (Dyen 1975: 137). Preliminary, prima facie allocations of a large number of data precede a comparison with other languages, in this case including the proto-languages. Cognates are sorted from non-cognates and cal- culations begin. Certainly such a procedure is of value when ap- proaching a great deal of still disorganized information. Working hypotheses can be arrived at so that the process of theorizing and testing can continue. It is important, however, to apply such a poten- tially powerful procedure with great rigor. Each step must be carefully controlled. Setting aside the problems which are inherent in initia1 allocations and groupings of data, such as the possibility of intimate borrowing, we are confronted with the serious problem of searching out Proto- Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:16:58PM via free access 358 Korte Mededelingen Austronesian reflexes. Apparently Chlenov (p. 437, Note 2) chiefly relied on the citations in Wurm and Wilson (1975). Several years have passed since the publication of that book and these years have seen a considerable increase in our knowledge about Protc-Austronesian and its descendant languages, particularly those in the Pacific. But even if our knowledge of Austronesian vocabulary were limited to what is contained in the pages of Wurm and Wilson, we note some cognates overlooked by Chlenov. The relationships of these cognates have been obscured by the occurrence of well-known linguistic changes. First, we note an apparent case of semantic shift, that is, narrowing a genera1 concept to a more specific one. Under "SagoJJ (p. 430) we read that "the eastern dialects of Ambon have the root *pa(l)u which in other languages means 'something made of sago"'. More precisely, in othe~.languages this word is quite specific: "roasted sago bread" l. (See Wallace for a description of the process and the product.) Note the following entries: Village Sago tree Sago bread Hila (Ambon) lapia pa?a puti Hitu (Ambon) lapia paputi Tulehu (Ambon) lapia paputin Iha-Kulur (Seram) lepia pa% Kulur (Saparua) lipia pa3ulo Qta (Seram) ripia pa?uro Hunitetu (Seram) liki P""? Kasie (Seram) likia PaPa u Eti (Seram) lapia pa?u Wanasa (Seram) ipia paua Masiwang (Seram) bai bau Buru bia baku In Eli, a surviving descendant of the Banda language now spoken on Kei Besar, we find baun "mold for baking sago bread". Throughout the Centra1 Moluccas, from Buru to the mouth of the Masiwang river in East Seram, we note reflexes of a word which can be reconstructed as **mbaku "roasted sago bread". This reconstruction should be compared to Dempwolff's 1929 entry for Proto-Austronesian *baku "geronnen" which became PPN *faku "to roast" and *paku "crust" (sec also Wurm and Wilson 1975:173). The addition of a stative prefix *ma- to *faku would yield *ma+faku "that which is roasted". By deletion of the first vowel and subsequent sound changes **mbaku appears as a clear reflex of *ma+ (b,p)aku in an older proto-language. By narrowing the meaning of "something baked" to apply only to that chief baked good of the Moluccas and its basic food stuff, **mbaku came to mean "roasted sago bread". In some languages this term was also applied to the tree which supplied the meal for this bread. In this connection we should probably consider Chlenov's citation of Makian Dalam bakoé. My fieldnotes indicate that baku means "roasted sago bread" as wel1 as "sago treeJJ in Makian Dalam (and Makian Luar). Sohyo in nearby Taliabo also displays baku "roasted sago' bread". Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:16:58PM via free access Korte' Mededelingen 359 A second well-known sound change apparently is involved in reflexes of *niuR "coconut". Chlenov asserts tha *mu is "obviously non-Austronesian". He mentions that reflexes of this root (*mu) are found in Batuasa, Liambata and Kilmuri in Seram and in the Saparua language. Unfortunately he does not cite the words in these languages. We are forced to refer to the entries in dialects of each of these languages. Werinama, differing only slightly from Batuasa, has nua. Adabai, closely related to Liambata, also displays nua. Geser, mutually intelligible with Kilmuri, has niu. Saparua, as it is spoken in Latu (Seram), displays nuwollo. In none of these dialects do we observe a reflex of *mu. Rather we note clear reflexes of PAN *niuR. It is not inconceivable that in other dialects, including those mentioned by Chlenov, nu- or niu became mu by assimilation of the initia1 nasal to the following vowel; that is, the alveolar nasal, n, (or perhaps at that stage the palata1 nasal, ñ (<%i)) became a labial nasal when followed by a "labial", that is, rounded, vowel, u. It is difficult to say with certainty what occurred, because we do not know what the actual entries are. Nonetheless, unusual cases of assimilation in this lexical item are not unheard of. In Kailolo (Haruku), near Saparua, we find nimel. In this case a rounded semi- vowel became a labial nasal following a nasal (**niwel > nimel). Again, without the data no conclusion about the languages said to reflect 'mu can be reached. However, it seems rash to say that forms like mu are "obviously non-Austronesian". Assimilation is a common enough phenomenon. Assimilation is probably involved in a third example as well. Chlenov lists among "unique roots" for fowl (p. 432) "Manusela mailahu". Data from Manusela are not available, but a comparison with three mutually intelligible dialects is revealing. In al1 three dialects manua(m) means "bird". Under the entry for fowl we find Wanasa (near Teluti Bay, south coast) manlohua Sadar (adjacent to Kobi, north coast) manlohua Huaulu (central mountain range) malohuam In Sadar and, presumably, the other dialects of Centra1 Seram, lohu means "space below the house". Thus, we have an analytic con- struction: "bird-below-the-house" = "fowl". Undoubtedly mailahu (as Chlenov records it 2, is a local variant of this compound word. Perhaps the assimilation of n to the following l has resulted in the cluster y1 (manlahu > mallahu > maylahu). At any rate, in view of the entries from three other dialects of the Same language we can only assume that mailahu is a reflex of *manuk and not a "unique" root. Applying statistics to lexical comparison requires that the starting point in such comparisons be firm. It should be clear that the iden- tification of some words in a given corpus as Austronesian reflexes does not mean that al1 the other words are non-Austronesian (or "pre- Austronesian"). Linguistic reconstruction is too complex to admit such a decisive dichotomy. Commonly recognized linguistic phenomena such as semantic shift, consonantal assimilation and analytic constructions Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 06:16:58PM via free access 360 Korte Mededelingen with subsequent phonetic synthesis have obscured some Austronesian cognates. Comparative linguistics has proceeded beyond the stage of simply shuffling certain straightforward lexica1 items. The pitfalls inherent in incomplete analysis of the existing data are apparent in the conclusion to Chlenov's article. Reiterating his con- tention (p. 433) that one of the words for clove "goes back to the PA *bulav-an, 'gold"', Chlenov maintains that the terms for clove and nutmeg "are borrowed from the consumers of the product and coincide with the words for gold or wealth". It would be an interesting semantic shift if it were true that an agricultural product came to be called by the term "gold" after that product had become the chief cash crop. However, the data do not support such a contention.
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