Social Change

SOCIAL CHANGE voluntary associations, communities, and social out, ‘‘is that it provides a credible point of entry for networks that maintain high levels of solidarity sociopolitical issues into a comprehensive multi- often do so by excluding outsiders. Thus, noninsiders and interdisciplinary approach to some of the are disadvantaged within those groups. Addition- most pressing issues of our time.’’ Social capi- ally, high social capital is contingent on a high tal may be seen as a common theoretical lan- degree of conformity within the group, and non- guage that can allow historians, political scientists, conformists can be ostracized. This greatly im- anthropologists, economists, sociologists, and pinges on personal freedom and expression. It policymakers to work together in an open and also can result in a great deal of power for those in constructive manner. leadership positions in the group. Mafia-type power structures are an example of this. REFERENCES Tight social networks also can undermine entre- Baron, James, and Michael Hannan 1994 ‘‘The Impact preneurial activity. Successful business owners of- of Economics on Contemporary Sociology.’’ Journal ten are expected to help others, and this can affect of Economic Literature, 32:1111–1146. their ability to maintain their businesses. Portes Bourdieu, Pierre 1986 ‘‘The Forms of Capital.’’ In John and Landolt (1996) identify further ‘‘downward G. Richardson, ed., Handbook of Theory and Research leveling pressures’’ that can be consequences of for the Sociology of Education. New York: Green- social capital. The pressure to conform to group wood Press. norms in order to access group resources (which Coleman, James 1988 ‘‘Social Capital in the Creation of may be perceived as the only resources available) Human Capital.’’ American Journal of Sociology, 94: can keep an individual from attempting to enter S95–S120. the mainstream and find a way up from poverty. ——— 1990 Foundations of Social Theory, Cambridge, Portes and Landolt use the examples of prostitu- Mass. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. tion rings and youth gangs. The network norms function to keep individuals within the familiar Portes, Alejandro, and Patricia Landolt 1996 ‘‘The group culture. Any attempt by a member to achieve Downside of Social Capital’’ American Prospect, 26:18–21, 94. something outside the network may be seen as a threat to group solidarity and is discouraged. ———, and Julia Sensenbrenner 1993 ‘‘Embeddedness and Immigration: Notes on the Social Determinants of Economic Action.’’ American Journal of Sociology, SOCIAL CAPITAL AND SOCIOLOGY 98(6):1320–1350. Within the discipline, sociologists recognize the Woolcock, Michael 1998 ‘‘Social Capital and Economic need to conduct empirical investigations as an Development: Toward a Theoretical Synthesis and Policy Framework’’ Theory and Society, 27(2):151–208. important component of theory building. The concept of social capital has been advanced in many diverse subfields of sociology. Sociologists TRACY X. KARNER have applied it to the macro issues of moderniza- tion, economic development or lack of it, networks, and organizations. Others have studied the SOCIAL CHANGE empirical implications of social capital for families Social change is ubiquitous. Although earlier so- and youth behavior problems, schooling and edu- cial scientists often treated stability as normal and cation, community life, work and organizations, significant social change as an exceptional process democracy and governance, and collective action that required a special explanation, scholars now (see Woolcock 1998 for an overview). expect to see change at all times and in all social As a theoretical concept, social capital holds organizations. Much of this type of change is con- great promise for furthering the sociological un- tinuous; it occurs in small increments and reveals derstanding of social action. There is still much to long-term patterns such as growth. Discontinuous learn; the perspective needs to be grounded in changes, however, are more common than has established bodies of empirical research before it been assumed. From the perspective of individual can be translated into optimistic public policies. Its organizations, these changes are relatively com- greatest promise, Woolcock (1998, p.188) points mon and often result in sharp departures from 2641 SOCIAL CHANGE previous states such as when corporations are ingrained, habitual ways of deciding what new created, merged, or terminated. From the per- action fits an individual’s situation work without spective of larger populations of such organiza- conscious intention to reproduce overall social tions, relatively few discontinuous changes result patterns. A pattern of inequality in educational in comparably sharp departures from long-term attainment that is understood officially as meritocratic patterns and trends. Even revolutions that result and is genuinely intended by teachers to be so thus in dramatic changes of political and legal institu- may be reproduced in part because students from tions generally do not transform all of society nonelite backgrounds unconsciously lower their equally. Some previous patterns continue; others expectations for themselves, expecting elites to do are restored. better. Teachers may unconsciously do the same thing. When decisions are to be made, such as Cumulative social change must be distinguished whether to go to university, or which university to from recurrent fluctuations and the processual choose, elite students and their families are more aspect of all social life. Both sociologists and histo- likely to have the confidence and knowledge to rians study the latter by focusing on those dynamic invest in options with a higher long-term payoff. processes through which the social lives of particular individuals and groups may change even though To understand social change, thus, it is neces- overall patterns remain relatively constant. Mar- sary also to understand what produces social conti- riages and divorces are major changes in social nuity. It would be a mistake to explain social relationships, but a society may have a roughly change always in terms of a new factor that inter- constant marriage or divorce rate for long periods. venes in an otherwise stable situation. Rather, Similarly, markets involve a continuous flow of social change commonly is produced by the same changes in regard to who possess money or goods, factors that produce continuity. These factors may who stands in the position of creditor or debtor, change in quantity or quality or in relation to who is unemployed or unemployed, and so forth. each other. These specific changes, however, generally do not Sometimes, however, specific processes of so- alter the nature of the markets. Researchers both cial life undergo long-term transformations. These study the form of particular transactions and de- transformations in the nature, organization, or velop models to describe the dynamics of large- outcomes of the processes are what is usually scale statistical aggregations of such processes (see studied under the label ‘‘social change.’’ Social life ‘‘Social Dynamics.’’) always depends, for example, on the processes of As Bourdieu (1977, 1990) and Giddens (1986) birth and death that reproduce populations through suggest, it is necessary to see human social life as generations. These rates (adjusted for the age of a always being structured, but incompletely so. population) may be in equilibrium for long peri- ‘‘Structuration,’’ to use their term, is as much a ods, resulting in little change in the overall size of a process of change as a reflection of stability. In- population. Alternatively birthrates may exceed deed, the existence of stable social patterns over death rates most of the time, resulting in gradual long periods requires at least as much explanation population growth, but periodic disasters such as as does social change. This situation has led to war, famine, and pestilence may cut the popula- renewed attention to social reproduction, or the tion back. In this case, the population may show ways in which social patterns are re-created in little or no cumulative growth, but instead exhibit social action. This contrasts with earlier views of a dynamic equilibrium in which every period of continuity as a matter of inertia or simple endur- gradual increase is offset by one of rapid decline. ance. Some continuity in the social order is achieved Approximations to these two patterns character- intentionally by actors with enough power to resist ize most of world history. Population growth gen- changes desired by others; rulers thus maintain erally has been quite slow, although periodic de- their rule by force. Much social reproduction, clines have not offset all the increases. In the last however, works at a less consciously intentional three hundred years, however, a new phenome- level and is based on the ways in which people non has been noted. As societies industrialize and learn to think and act rather than on overt, mate- generally grow richer and change the daily lives of rial force. Bourdieu and Passeron (1977), for ex- their members, they undergo a ‘‘fertility transi- ample, follow Weber in studying the ways in which tion.’’ First, improvements in nutrition, sanitation, 2642 SOCIAL CHANGE and health can allow people to live longer. This product from which to extract tribute, taxes, and results in population growth that can be very rapid military service. With the transformation first of if the improvements

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