Remains of Khmer Rouge Violence : the Materiality of Bones As Scientific

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Remains of Khmer Rouge Violence : the Materiality of Bones As Scientific REMAINS OF KHMER ROUGE VIOLENCE: THE MATERIALITY OF BONES AS SCIENTIFIC EVIDENCE AND AFFECTIVE AGENTS OF MEMORY By Julie Michele Fleischman A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Anthropology—Doctor of Philosophy 2017 ABSTRACT REMAINS OF KHMER ROUGE VIOLENCE: THE MATERIALITY OF BONES AS SCIENTIFIC EVIDENCE AND AFFECTIVE AGENTS OF MEMORY By Julie Michele Fleischman The Khmer Rouge regime, led by the infamous Pol Pot, governed Cambodia from 1975 to 1979. Living conditions were severe, and it is estimated that approximately one quarter of the Cambodian population of nearly eight million died from mistreatment, overwork, malnutrition, and violence. Using a biocultural anthropological approach, this research addressed questions concerning individuals executed by the Khmer Rouge regime and the agency (the effect on living individuals) of the resulting skeletal remains. An osteological analysis of more than 500 crania was conducted at the Choeung Ek Genocidal Center (Choeung Ek) in Phnom Penh. More than 100 original Khmer Rouge execution lists from the detention and torture facility known as S-21—today called the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum—were assessed to gather known demographic data for those who were executed and buried at Choeung Ek between 1977 and 1979. To comprehend the incorporation of human skeletal remains from the Khmer Rouge period into the socio-religious framework of modern Cambodia, 13 memorial stupa containing human remains were visited and the caretakers of these memorials were interviewed. The 508 crania at Choeung Ek were assessed for demographic characteristics and traumatic injuries. Results indicate that the majority of crania were estimated to be male (82.9%) and nearly all were of Asian ancestry (86%). The majority of the individuals were young adults (68.3%) between the ages of 20 and 35 years old, although subadults and older adults were represented. Perimortem trauma was present on 311 crania (61%), with 179 (58%) having ii discernable impact locations. Blunt force injuries (87%) were the most common mechanism of trauma and the basicranium (53%) was the most frequently impacted region. When the mechanism and location of traumatic injuries were evaluated by sex and age-at-death categories, no statistically significant differences were found indicating that all victims with perimortem trauma were subjected to similar execution methods regardless of their age or sex. At the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum, 97 definitive Khmer Rouge execution lists were evaluated documenting the murders of 6,285 individuals. The majority (82.1%) were male, the minimum age was 11, the maximum age was 77, and the average age was 29.1 years. When these archival demographic data were compared to these osteologial data, however, there were statistically significant differences between the samples. Observational data from all 13 memorials, and interview data from 10 memorials indicated that the human remains were not formally preserved to prevent decay and there was never a clear indication of how many individuals were represented by the remains with the stupa. The informant’s responses addressed issues such as the identification of the human remains within the memorial, current religious practices conducted at the memorials often in conjunction with caring for the remains, how the remains are displayed for knowledge and/or teaching purposes—although often with a political undertone—and that the memory of the Khmer Rouge period, as well as that of the victims, is crucial for modern Cambodians. This research embraced a holistic approach to move beyond the confines of traditional osteological laboratory research by addressing the social impact of the remains. While the Khmer Rouge period was devastating, the human remains of the victims have not been forgotten; the remains continue to remind all who visit that immeasurable violence occurred in Cambodia but also that Cambodians are resilient and they will continue to memorialize those they lost. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The preparation for this dissertation, the research period, and the subsequent writing of this document required endless support both behind the scenes and on the “front line.” It is with sincere appreciation that I thank the following individuals and organizations for making this project possible and successful: First, to my doctoral committee. The five of you are fantastic scholars, incredible mentors, and my cheerleaders. Dr. Goldstein, thank you for accepting me as your student and never giving up on me, especially given the direction my research took; you are an academic inspiration and I can only strive to accomplish what you have in your career. Thank you for always answer my questions, providing feedback on my writing, and helping me to navigate the world of (international) doctoral research. Dr. Fulginiti, you are my personal and forensic anthropology hero; you have been there for me since day one and have relentlessly pushed me to achieve the impossible. Dr. Hefner, thank you for jumping on board with me and being my statistical and craniometrics guru (I could not have completed my analytical sections without your assistance); thank you for teaching me how to successfully use a digitizer, as well as providing advice on living in Southeast Asia. Dr. Drexler, you have been a true inspiration for me in the field of human rights; you also supported me during some of my darkest times and never let me give up—and I will never forget how wonderful it was to see your smiling face in Jakarta at the 2016 Fulbright Conference. Dr. Keith, thank you for sharing your knowledge about Southeast Asia and pushing me to think beyond the confines of historical narratives; thank you as well for detouring into Cambodia with me. And an honorable mention goes to Dr. John iv Piakis for teaching me how to use the portable dental radiography machine and for his assistance with aging individuals from my (often poor) dental radiographs. Second, to those who made possible my research in Cambodia: Ms. Ros Sophearavy, Mr. Voeun Vuthy and the staff at the Choeung Ek Genocidal Center, particularly Mr. Neang Sai. The staff at the Cambodian Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts, particularly His Excellency Prak Sonnara, and the Phnom Penh Municipality. My wonderful friends and colleagues at Choeung Ek: Mr. Heng Sreang, Mr. Kim Keo, Mr. Heang Mesa, Mr. Ry Sovannarith, Ms. Phat Phina, Ms. Cheun Navun, and Ms. Sam An Sopheaktra. At the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum, many thanks to Mr. Chhay Visoth, Mr. Yin Nean, and the archival staff for their kindness, generosity, and research assistance, and Mr. Hoin Channara and Mr. Chhun Seyha for their help with translations. Mr. Chhang Youk, Mr. Vanthan Peoudara, Ms. So Farina, Mr. Eng Kok-Thay, Mr. Veng Seanghai (for his translations), and Ms. Sin Sothida at the Documentation Center of Cambodia. To my interview translators: Mr. Heng Sophady, Mr. Vasomnoleak Ly, Mr. Khuoy Suosobranith, Ms. Vibol Gnol Rumnea, Mr. Khien Song, and Mr. Thoul. To my Khmer language Neak Kruus and Lok Kruus: Dr. Chhany Sak-Humphry, Ms. Oeur Sisotha, Mr. Frank Smith, and Mr. Kheang Leang. Many thanks as well to those who provided invaluable support, guidance, and friendship while I lived in Cambodia: Ms. Sarah Rose-Jensen, Mr. Vasomnoleak Ly, Dr. Helen Jarvis, Dr. Nancy Beaven, Mr. Jay Raman and the U.S. Embassy staff, Dr. Anne Guillou, Dr. Karen LeGrand, Dr. Colleen McGinn, Mr. Thoul (for his friendship and his safe driving), Ms. Anne Laure Porée, Mr. Andy Brouwer, Ms. Ambika Flavel, Dr. Daniel Franklin, Ms. Jacqueline Noble, Dr. Craig Etcheson, Dr. Henri Locard, Ms. Elena Lesley, Ms. Catriona Miller, Ms. Mary Collier-Wilks, and Mr. Hudson McFann. v Finally, to my family, friends, and colleagues. Mom, Dad, Kristie, Corinne, Kevin, Nancy, Don, Chris, and Don: thank you for your never ending support and your willingness to bear with me through this interminable process. Dr. Ashley Kendell, Dr. Amy Michel, and Dr. Jen Vollner: you are my inspiration, and my years at MSU would not have been successful or tolerable without your humor, support, and friendship. Family and friends too numerous to mention by name, I could not have survived 10 months in Cambodia without your endless encouragement and your ability to talk me down off of ledges! A sincere thank you to Mr. Mike Michalek for providing all of the maps used in this dissertation. Thank you to Dr. Derek Congram, Dr. Douglas Ubelaker, and Dr. Luis Fondebrider for your advice and assistance in navigating the world of forensic anthropology/archaeology and human rights. To Ms. Lisa Bright for your friendship and statistical guidance when paleodemography was beating us down. To Ms. Bing Tong for your statistical assistance and for answering my numerous inane questions. Thank you as well to Dr. Erik Davis for your guidance on Khmer Buddhism and Cambodian funeral rituals, and to Dr. Gregory Berg and Ms. Sabrina Ta’ala for discussing your research at Choeung Ek and sharing your photos. This research was generously funded by the Fulbright IIE Student Program, the Graduate Women In Science’s Nell Mondy Fellowship, the Frank and Adelaide Kussy Memorial Scholarship, Michigan State University’s Foreign Language and Areas Studies (FLAS) Program, and a Michigan State University Graduate School Dissertation Completion Fellowship. It is with deep gratitude that I thank these organizations for their financial support. Additionally I would like to thank Aribex, Inc. for their long-term
Recommended publications
  • Kuzniecki, Uriel
    general del conflicto. ¿Fueron meros peones de los países centrales, movidos en la dirección escogida por intereses externos y como parte de políticas gestadas a distancia por las potencias? ¿O fueron acaso jugadores CAMBOYA Y EL KHMER ROUGE: activos e independientes en el mundo bipolar de la Guerra Fría, movilizando sus recursos y fuerzas en base a criterios propios? Las ¿CÓMO FUE POSIBLE? diversas respuestas que a lo largo del tiempo fueron dándose a estas preguntas definieron las diferentes escuelas de pensamiento en torno al La Guerra Fría y las grandes potencias en el análisis de la cuestión. Sudeste Asiático Muchos estudiosos1 del caso del genocidio en Camboya parecen proponer que la primera pregunta es la que se ciñe más a la realidad de lo sucedido en el país. De este modo, argumentan que fueron principalmente Uriel Kuzniecki las políticas exteriores de China y los Estados Unidos (“EEUU” de ahora en Universidad de San Andrés adelante) las que, directa o indirectamente, permitieron la emergencia del -Septiembre 2009- Khmer Rouge (“KR” de ahora en adelante), su victoria inicial en 1975 y su supervivencia y fortalecimiento en la década que siguió a su Resumen derrocamiento del poder. Aunque admiten que al momento de negociar la paz a principios de la década de 1990 la guerrilla amenazó con salirse de control y destruir así todo esfuerzo diplomático, no parecen reconocer una El presente trabajo consiste en un análisis histórico de la relación autonomía del KR en las instancias previas, lo que vale tanto para el orden entre el Khmer Rouge y las potencias extranjeras en el contexto de la del accionar como para el de los objetivos.
    [Show full text]
  • The Uncertain Relationship Between International Criminal Law Accountability and the Rule of Law in Post-Atrocity States: Lessons from Cambodia
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Fordham University School of Law Fordham International Law Journal Volume 42, Issue 1 Article 1 The Uncertain Relationship Between International Criminal Law Accountability and the Rule of Law in Post-Atrocity States: Lessons from Cambodia Randle C. DeFalco∗ ∗ Copyright c by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berkeley Electronic Press (bepress). https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj ARTICLE THE UNCERTAIN RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW ACCOUNTABILITY AND THE RULE OF LAW IN POST-ATROCITY STATES: LESSONS FROM CAMBODIA Randle C. DeFalco* ABSTRACT One of the goals routinely ascribed to international criminal law (“ICL”) prosecutions is the ability to improve the rule of law domestically in post-atrocity states. This Article reassesses the common assumption that the relationship between the pursuit of ICL accountability and improving the rule of law in post-atrocity states is necessarily a linear, wholly positive one. It does so through an analysis of the relationship between the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia and the rule of law domestically in Cambodia. Through this analysis, this Article highlights the oft-ignored possibility that ICL prosecutions may actually have a mix of positive, nil, and negative effects on the domestic rule of law, at least in the short run. In the Cambodian context, this Article argues that such risk is quite real and arguably, in the process of being realized. These harmful rule of law consequences are most visible when viewed in light of the particularities of Cambodia’s rule of law deficit, which increasingly stems from government practices of subverting the rule of law through means obscured behind façades of legality.
    [Show full text]
  • In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia
    In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia Kate Frieson CAPI Associate and United N ations Regional Spokesperson, UNMIBH (UN mission in Bosnia Hercegovina) Occasional Paper No. 26 June 2001 Copyright © 2001 Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives Box 1700, STN CSC Victoria, BC Canada V8W 2Y2 Tel. : (250) 721-7020 Fax : (250) 721-3107 E-mail: [email protected] National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data Frieson, Kate G. (Kate Grace), 1958- In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia (CAPI occasional paper series ; 26) ISBN 1-55058-230-5 1. Cambodia–Social conditions. 2. Cambodia–Politics and government. 3. Women in politics–Cambodia. I. UVic Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives. II. Title. III. Series: Occasional papers (UVic Centre for Asia-Pacific Initiatives) ; #26. DS554.8.F74 2001 305.42'09596 C2001-910945-8 Printed in Canada Table of Contents Theoretical Approaches to Gender and Politics ......................................1 Women and the Politics of Socialization ............................................2 Women and the State: Regeneration and the Reproduction of the Nation ..................4 Women and the Defense of the State during War-Time ................................8 Women as Defenders of the Nation ...............................................12 Women in Post-UNTAC Cambodia ..............................................14 Conclusion ..................................................................16 Notes ......................................................................16 In the Shadows: Women, Power and Politics in Cambodia Kate Frieson, University of Victoria "Behind almost all politicians there are women in the shadows" Anonymous writer, Modern Khmer News, 1954 Although largely unscribed in historical writings, women have played important roles in the Cambodian body politic as lance-carrying warriors and defenders of the Angkorean kingdom, influential consorts of kings, deviant divas, revolutionary heroines, spiritual protectors of Buddhist temples, and agents of peace.
    [Show full text]
  • What Drives Urbanisation in Modern Cambodia? Some Counter-Intuitive Findings
    sustainability Article What Drives Urbanisation in Modern Cambodia? Some Counter-Intuitive Findings Partha Gangopadhyay * , Siddharth Jain and Agung Suwandaru School of Business, Western Sydney University, Penrith NSW 2751, Australia; [email protected] (S.J.); [email protected] (A.S.) * Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 23 October 2020; Accepted: 2 December 2020; Published: 8 December 2020 Abstract: The history of urbanisation in Cambodia is a fascinating case study. During 1965–1973, the Vietnam war triggered the mass migration of Cambodians to the urban centres as its rural economy was virtually annihilated by an unprecedented cascade of aerial bombardments. During the Pol Pot regime, 1975–1979, urban areas were hastily closed down by the Khmer Rouge militia that led to the phase of forced de-urbanisation. With the ouster of the Pol Pot regime, since 1993 a new wave of urbanisation has taken shape for Cambodia. Rising urban population in a few urban regions has triggered multidimensional problems in terms of housing, employment, infrastructure, crime rates and congestions. This paper investigates the significant drivers of urbanisation since 1994 in Cambodia. Despite severe limitations of the availability of relevant data, we have extrapolated the major long-term drivers of urbanization by using autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) analysis and nonlinear autoregressive distributed lag (NARDL) models. Our main finding is that FDI flows have a significant short-run and long-run asymmetric effect on urbanisation. We conclude that an increase in FDI boosts the pull-factor behind rural–urban migration. At the same time, a decrease in FDI impoverishes the economy and promotes the push-factor behind the rural–urban migration.
    [Show full text]
  • 37-Wht-Audiotape-559-Log
    White House Tapes of the Nixon Administration, 1971-1973 Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, NARA Online Public Access Catalog Identifier: 597542 Conversation No. 559-001 Conversation No. 559-002 Conversation No. 559-003 Conversation No. 559-024 Conversation No. 559-004 Conversation No. 559-005 Conversation No. 559-006 Conversation No. 559-007 Conversation No. 559-008 Conversation No. 559-025 Conversation No. 559-009 Conversation No. 559-010 Conversation No. 559-011 Conversation No. 559-012 Conversation No. 559-013 Conversation No. 559-014 Conversation No. 559-015 Conversation No. 559-016 Conversation No. 559-017 Conversation No. 559-018 Conversation No. 559-019 Conversation No. 559-020 Conversation No. 559-021 Conversation No. 559-022 Conversation No. 559-023 Conversation No. 559-001 Date: August 10, 1971 Time: Unknown between 8:52 am and 9:11 am Location: Oval Office The President met with Alexander P. Butterfield. Requested that Henry A. Kissinger come to the Oval Office Butterfield left at an unknown time before 9:11 am. Conversation No. 559-002 Date: August 10, 1971 Time: Unknown between 8:52 am and 9:11 am Location: Oval Office The President met with Alexander P. Butterfield. Henry A. Kissinger's schedule Butterfield left at an unknown time before 9:11 am. Page | 1 White House Tapes of the Nixon Administration, 1971-1973 Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, NARA Online Public Access Catalog Identifier: 597542 Conversation No. 559-003 Date: August 10, 1971 Time: 9:11 am - 10:05 am Location: Oval Office The President met with H.
    [Show full text]
  • Historical Evidence at the ECCC
    History and the Boundaries of Legality: Historical Evidence at the ECCC The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Andrew Mamo, History and the Boundaries of Legality: Historical Evidence at the ECCC (May, 2013). Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:10985172 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA History and the Boundaries of Legality: Historical Evidence at the ECCC Andrew Mamo The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) are marked by the amount of time that has elapsed between the fall of Democratic Kampuchea in 1979 and the creation of the tribunal. Does this passage of time matter? There are obvious practical reasons why it does: suspects die, witnesses die or have their memories fade, documents are lost and found, theories of accountability gain or lose currency within the broader public. And yet, formally, the mechanisms of criminal justice continue to operate despite the intervening years. The narrow jurisdiction limits the court’s attention to the events of 1975–1979, and potential evidence must meet legal requirements of relevance in order to be admissible. Beyond the immediate questions of the quality of the evidence, does history matter? Should it? One answer is that this history is largely irrelevant to the legal questions at issue.
    [Show full text]
  • The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: an Ambiguous Good News Story
    perspectives The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: An Ambiguous Good News Story Milton Osborne A u g u s t 2 0 0 7 The Lowy Institute for International Policy is an independent international policy think tank based in Sydney, Australia. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia – economic, political and strategic – and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate. • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. Lowy Institute Perspectives are occasional papers and speeches on international events and policy. The views expressed in this paper are the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute for International Policy. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: an ambiguous good news story Milton Osborne It’s [the Khmer Rouge Tribunal] heavily symbolic and won’t have much to do with justice . It will produce verdicts which delineate the KR leadership as having been a small group and nothing to do with the present regime. Philip Short, author of Pol Pot: anatomy of a nightmare, London, 2004, quoted in Phnom Penh Post, 26 January­8 February 2007. Some ten months after it was finally inaugurated in July 2006, and more than twenty­eight years after the overthrow of the Democratic Kampuchean (DK) regime led by Pol Pot, the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), more familiarly known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, has at last handed down its first indictment.
    [Show full text]
  • Everyday Experiences of Cambodian Genocide Survivors in Hidden
    Documentation Center of Cambodia Democratic Kampuchea Regime Survivors and Sites of Violence Savina Sirik Team Leader of the Transitional Justice Program The Khmer Rouge Movement • Khmer Rouge communist movement o 1940s- emerged as struggle against the French Colonialization o 1950- Formed communist-led United Issarak Front or Khmer Issarak • Khmer People’s Revolutionary Party (KPRP) o 1951- formed with support from Vietnamese communists o Lost the 1955 election to Sangkum Reastr Niyum o 1956 Sieu Heng defected to the Prince Sihanouk government The Khmer Rouge Movement (Cont.) • Workers’ Party of Kampuchea o 1960-Secret congress was held, reorganized the party o Tou Samut disappeared, Pol Pot became the party’s leader o 1965 Visit of Pol Pot to Vietname, China and North Korea • Communist Party of Kampuchea o 1966 changed the party name to CPK o 1966-70 headquarter in Rattanakiri The Khmer Rouge regime, officially known as the Democratic Kampuchea (DK), ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979. The Evacuation of Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975. Source: Roland Neveu Collective cooperatives and massive agricultural and irrigation projects were established throughout the country Democratic Kampuchea in 1976 Source: DK Ministry of Education, 1976. Administrative Divisions & Security System • 6 Zones • 32 Regions • District • Sub-district • Cooperatives • Security system is divided in five levels with S-21 as the top level security center, followed by zonal, regional, district, and sub-district prisons. • 196 prisons • Over 388 killing sites containing almost 20,000 mass graves • Labor sites • 81 local memorials Former Khmer Rouge security centers Physical evidence of violence in the landscapes remains After the Democratic Kampuchea • Introduce to an unmarked site of mass violence and its relationship to survivors • Consider how contemporary lives of survivors are informed by memories of the genocide • Until today, many survivors still live and work in the same villages where they experienced starvation, forced labors, and torture during the DK.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Imagining Khmer Identity: Angkor Wat During the People's Republic Of
    Re-imagining Khmer Identity: Angkor Wat during the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (1979-1989) Simon Bailey A Thesis in The Department of History Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts (History) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada August 2018 © Simon Bailey, 2018 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Simon Bailey Entitled: Re-imagining Khmer Identity: Angkor Wat during the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (1979-1989) and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (History) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final Examining Committee: Chair Professor Barbara Lorenzkowski Examiner Professor. Theresa Ventura Examiner Professor Alison Rowley Supervisor Professor Matthew Penney Approved by Chair of Department or Graduate Program Director 2018 Dean of Faculty ABSTRACT Re-imagining Khmer Identity: Angkor Wat during the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (1979-1989) Simon Bailey The People’s Republic of Kampuchea period between 1979 and 1989 is often overlooked when scholars work on the history of modern Cambodia. This decade is an academic blind spot sandwiched between the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime and the onset of the United Nations peace process. Utilizing mediums such as popular culture, postage stamps and performance art, this thesis will show how the single most identifiable image of Cambodian culture, Angkor Wat became a cultural binding agent for the government during the 1980s. To prove the centrality of Angkor in the myth-making and nation building mechanisms of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea, primary source material from Cambodia’s archives, along with interviews will form the foundation of this investigation.
    [Show full text]
  • Genocide, Ethnocide, Ecocide, with Special Reference to Indigenous Peoples: a Bibliography
    Genocide, Ethnocide, Ecocide, with Special Reference to Indigenous Peoples: A Bibliography Robert K. Hitchcock Department of Anthropology and Geography University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, NE 68588-0368 [email protected] Adalian, Rouben (1991) The Armenian Genocide: Context and Legacy. Social Education 55(2):99-104. Adalian, Rouben (1997) The Armenian Genocide. In Century of Genocide: Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views, Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons and Israel W. Charny eds. Pp. 41-77. New York and London: Garland Publishing Inc. Adams, David Wallace (1995) Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience 1875-1928. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. Africa Watch (1989) Zimbabwe, A Break with the Past? Human Rights and Political Unity. New York and Washington, D.C.: Africa Watch Committee. Africa Watch (1990) Somalia: A Government at War With Its Own People. Testimonies about the Killings and the Conflict in the North. New York, New York: Human Rights Watch. African Rights (1995a) Facing Genocide: The Nuba of Sudan. London: African Rights. African Rights (1995b) Rwanda: Death, Despair, and Defiance. London: African Rights. African Rights (1996) Rwanda: Killing the Evidence: Murders, Attacks, Arrests, and Intimidation of Survivors and Witnesses. London: African Rights. Albert, Bruce (1994) Gold Miners and Yanomami Indians in the Brazilian Amazon: The Hashimu Massacre. In Who Pays the Price? The Sociocultural Context of Environmental Crisis, Barbara Rose Johnston, ed. pp. 47-55. Washington D.C. and Covelo, California: Island Press. Allen, B. (1996) Rape Warfare: The Hidden Genocide in Bosnia-Herzogovina and Croatia. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. American Anthropological Association (1991) Report of the Special Commission to Investigate the Situation of the Brazilian Yanomami, June, 1991.
    [Show full text]
  • S-1 Part I: Immediate Actions for Special Promotion Zone
    The Study on Regional Development of the Phnom Penh-Sihanoukville Growth Corridor in The Kingdom of Cambodia PART I: IMMEDIATE ACTIONS FOR SPECIAL PROMOTION ZONE 1. Conclusions and Recommendations for Special Promotion Zone1 1.01 Role of Growth Corridor Area for Economic Development The Growth Corridor area is where the strength of economic development is highest in Cambodia. The area should accommodate new industries in Cambodia to diversify the export commodities and accumulate new technologies. Particularly, the Municipality of Sihanoukville in the hinterland of the Port of Sihanoukville, the only deep seaport of Cambodia, will be a strategically important area for the future of Cambodia, in parallel with the western suburbs of Phnom Penh around the international airport. Specific development strategies and projects discussed in this Study need to be contemplated as a basis for regional development planning of Growth Corridor area. 1.02 Strong Measures Necessary to Diversify Growth Base To prepare for the probable removal of national export quotas and increasing advocacy of regional free trade, Cambodia must diversify its export commodities and export markets. Cambodia needs to diversify the export industries primarily by Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) with necessary technologies and capital, and enhance domestic industries that could provide interactions. Better utilization of local resources other than labor will have to be promoted to increase the value of the resources. Nonetheless, the climate of investment environment of Cambodia is not bright, with unstable domestic conditions and severe international competition, particularly after the accession of China to World Trade Organization (WTO). Cambodia needs to device strong and effective measures to attract FDI by establishing legal base and pilot area with good infrastructure with competitive prices.
    [Show full text]
  • Perspectives
    perspectives The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: An Ambiguous Good News Story Milton Osborne A u g u s t 2 0 0 7 The Lowy Institute for International Policy is an independent international policy think tank based in Sydney, Australia. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia – economic, political and strategic – and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate. • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. Lowy Institute Perspectives are occasional papers and speeches on international events and policy. The views expressed in this paper are the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute for International Policy. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: an ambiguous good news story Milton Osborne It’s [the Khmer Rouge Tribunal] heavily symbolic and won’t have much to do with justice . It will produce verdicts which delineate the KR leadership as having been a small group and nothing to do with the present regime. Philip Short, author of Pol Pot: anatomy of a nightmare, London, 2004, quoted in Phnom Penh Post, 26 January­8 February 2007. Some ten months after it was finally inaugurated in July 2006, and more than twenty­eight years after the overthrow of the Democratic Kampuchean (DK) regime led by Pol Pot, the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), more familiarly known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, has at last handed down its first indictment.
    [Show full text]