The Sudeten Germans and the Twilight of the First Republic

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Sudeten Germans and the Twilight of the First Republic Review The Sudeten Germans and the Twilight of the First Republic Petr Kaplan BRANDES, Detlef: Die Sudetendeutschen im Krisenjahr 1938. (Veröffentlichungen des Collegium Karolinum, vol. 107.) München, R. Oldenbourg 2008, xvi + 399 pp. In his monograph the well-known German historian Detlef Brandes focuses on the position of the Sudeten Germans in interwar Czechoslovakia and their role in the destruction of the young republic. His basic hypothesis is that the causes of the catastrophic development between Czechs and Germans in the Czech Lands, which ultimately led to the postwar expulsion or transfer of the Germans, must be sought in the years 1935–38, especially in the period between the Anschluss of Austria and the Munich Agreement. The theme is one that has been the subject of a great deal of historiographical treatment, but Brandes tries to approach it from a new angle: he considers the fortunes of the Sudeten Germans not as the single story of a homogenous population group but as the history of many social groups and their relationships. The rise and radicalisation of the Sudeten German Party (SdP) cannot in his view be grasped without an understanding of the internal and external infl uences af- fecting the everyday life of German inhabitants in the First Republic. He therefore considers moods in the borderlands, explores the conditions inside the community 150 Czech Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. I of Sudeten Germans, and describes their growing support for the policy of the SdP and counter-actions by the local social-democratic and communist groupings, who up to the last moment kept trying to win German voters back to their side. Nor of course does he forget the problematic relations between the Germans and the “borderers” (hraničáři), i.e. the Czech inhabitants of the borderlands, who did not wish to concede any form of German autonomy. Brandes documents these levels of social relations using local cases and so shows the differences between individual regions and at the same time the common phenomena that applied to the whole Sudeten German territory. The book is therefore a history of the border regions of the Czech Lands (not only of Sudeten Germans, as might appear from the title) in the context of the tense internal political situation and growing threat to the re- public, with a stress on the “crisis” year of 1938 when the German-populated territo- ries were annexed by the Reich. The book rests on an extensive foundation of sources. The author has explored and studied the funds of many Czech archives, including the Archive of the Czech National Bank, the Archive of the Offi ce of the President of the Republic and the Prager Presse Clippings Archive. He notes that the fund of the Beneš Presiden- tial Archive has not been preserved in its entirety. The funds of the former Archive of the Ministry of the Interior of the Czech Republic (now the Security Services Archive), which contain detailed and concrete reports from the police and border guards on investigated incidents but also complaints submitted and mutual legal actions by the inhabitants of the Sudetenland, turned out to be particularly valuable material. The Czechoslovak police sent their men to all SdP actions to supervise maintenance of order and to present reports on the events. Brandes tested their reliability by comparing them with articles by foreign and above all British journal- ists. As another control source he also used the reports of the exiled German Social Democratic Party whose members found a temporary refuge in Czechoslovakia. In these reports the German Social Democrats comment on events in Germany and in Czechoslovakia and offer useful comparisons. Brandes has also exploited editions of Czechoslovak, German, British and French documents, and has not overlooked the autobiographies of important actors of the political life of the time, for example Edvard Beneš, Kamil Krofta and others. The approach is chronological and the book divided into fi ve chapters followed by a fi nal summary and appendices. The fi rst chapter, “The Mutual Tackling of National Issues in the First Republic”, traces the development of the German political par- ties in Czechoslovakia up to 1937. This is a very densely packed account of events starting with the fi rst parliamentary elections in 1920, when seven supra-regional and ten smaller German parties were standing. Brandes emphasises the fact that these parties (with the exception of the communists) wanted to share in the running of the new state and were seeking to develop an activist (as opposed to rejection- ist) policy. It was the economic crisis in the 1930s that brought the major rupture. In the eyes of the German population the Czechoslovak government was to blame for the slow recovery from the recession, which had caused a steep increase in un- employment. The loss of jobs affected Sudeten Germans proportionately more than The Sudeten Germans and the Twilight of the First Republic 151 the rest of the inhabitants of the Republic, as Brandes shows using many statistics and tables. Comparison of their own situation with the fast recovery of Germany just over the border led Sudeten Germans to the fi rst formulation of demands for separation from Czechoslovakia. According to Brandes’s fi ndings, Henlein’s party did not enjoy equal favour in all the border regions (just as in the case of the Nazi NSDAP in Germany itself), but in the time of crisis it succeeded in gaining the up- per hand with the forcefulness of its policies. Apart from high unemployment Brandes sees two other factors behind the radicalisation of the German population. The fi rst and foremost was in his view the rather unsuccessful nationality policy of the Prague government, which by its insistence on the concept of a Czechoslovak nation state contributed to whipping up Sudeten German nationalism and made it impossible for Germans and the other minorities to identify with the Czecho- slovak state. The second factor according to Brandes was discrimination against the German inhabitants in comparison with the Czech hraničáři in the fi elds of lan- guage, schooling, employment in state service, the allocation of state contracts and suchlike. Brandes considers that it was these three factors that led to the rise of the chairman of the German Turnverband Konrad Henlein and to the victory of the Sudeten German Party over the other German parties in the parliamentary elections of 1935. The second chapter focuses on the year 1937 in the course of events preceding the disintegration of Czechoslovakia. Brandes looks at the attempts of the “activ- ist” parties, which participated in the functioning of the government coalition but in 1935 lost the support of the majority of the German population, to weaken the ri- val SdP. Following the elections the SdP gained infl uence in a range of Sudeten Ger- man organisations and in the German press, and this proved an ideal instrument for spreading party propaganda. Brandes emphasises that while the Sudeten German Party was built on the Führer principle from the outset, at this point it distanced itself from Hitler’s National Socialism (to avoid possible misunderstanding Brandes translates the Czechoslovak National Socialists as Volkssozialisten). Christianity was another attribute of the SdP and so Brandes argues that expressions of anti- semitism in the Sudetenland should be understood as more religiously than racially motivated. By a policy of concessions (in the fi eld of language, in the employment of Germans in the state sphere, in support for German fi rms with government orders and suchlike), which were contained in the so-called February Agreement (Feber- Abkommen) of February 1937, the Prague government tried to bolster support for the rest of the German parties against the SdP, but implementation of the agree- ment met with resistance from the Czech inhabitants of the borderlands. Fearing the ever-stronger Sudeten German Party, the hraničáři refused to cooperate with any of the German parties. Brandes ends this chapter with Konrad Henlein’s offer to Adolf Hitler to use the SdP as an instrument for the breaking up of Czechoslo- vakia after the postponement of the municipal elections in which Henlein’s party was expected to reap further success. The third chapter is entitled “From the Anschluss of Austria to the Municipal Elections”, which indicates its major content. Brandes begins by highlighting 152 Czech Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. I the enthusiasm with which the merger of Austria with Germany was greeted by the Sudeten Germans. This was because the Anschluss was regarded by the sup- porters of the Sudeten German Party as the prefi guration of the expected solu- tion to the “Sudeten Question”, and added to their self-confi dence. The party organised recruitment campaigns and used coercion to try to get new members. Here Brandes identifi es another aspect of the success of the SdP. Henlein’s party had the support of the employers, who based on the Reich model wanted the workers to leave left-wing parties and unions. One way of motivating them to do so was, for example, offering protection to SdP members during forced lay-offs. The new self-confi dence of the Germans was also expressed in the boycott of Czech and Jewish shops. Brandes condemns the failure of nerve of the non-Marxist German political parties, who out of fear of “levelling down” decided to voluntarily dis- solve themselves or become affi liated to the SdP. Whether this was really a matter of fear or of opportunism, after Henlein’s public speech in April 1938, in which he openly identifi ed with the ideas of German National Socialism, there could be no doubt as to how the Sudeten German Party was planning to deal with the op- position.
Recommended publications
  • NAZISM IT's Qrloln, ACTIVITY, and DOOM
    NAZISM IT'S QRlOlN, ACTIVITY, AND DOOM W ~;:!~ .~:~~n~ ~~ ~~~dp::~~ :;~~6 :oQl~:; "National.sooilllism", and ha"8 in~tead ooined the word "NlWilm". M.J'. Chlln,lhill hili with deliberate inWnt gh-en it the more eXACt name "Hitleril:lm"-and tb_by indieatN the history of itlldoveio])ment in tbo Reich. In Germany itl!elf both frieod and foo caJl the regime only "the lIiller SYitem", and the ruling pa:rty only "the Ilithr party". Lik_iM:', tho youth organization of tbe Reich ill oflio.ially known l1li "the flitler Youth", Thi ~ciroullllltanoei~ theNlllu!tof .. ten·yoo.r conflict \\~thin tbe IlOlitieal dtwelopmont of GorllUl.ny. and 8llpeciaJly within Nalional-5oeialil<Dl it~lf. NoI.ojG","onOriviPl: Very few persons know thllt Kational-5oeinli!!Ill. did not originate in Germany. but in CZOC!b06iovakin. In tho yoof 1897 the Czech labor loader Klofao brol.:o with the AUltrian &naiMIIIClkToha (Social Demoeraey). Klofao, pf"8l!ident of tbe Czecbo.lo .... kian NationAl-SooiAlilt.-Narodni-Sooiali$t.-ptU1.y until ill! end,;1 t.o-day Btil1li ... ing in Prague. The 1'68!1OIllI for hi. break ...·jth the AlUtrian mo ... emout .... ere aignilloant: rolludia- t.ion of m.ataiali~tiD Marxism: adherenoo to the nationalist idea; oppoBitiou to the Vienna. party leadenhip which Will friendly to Germa.ny; ollpotrition to tbe o ... erlarge Jewish influence­ in the labor movcmunt. This NationaJ-Sooialist party of Bohemia attainod great lignifieanoo a few yea... iater when mOlit of the "roa.Ii!It l)II'ty" of Masaryk joined foroeos with i\, bringing to it the fint.-eli\BS brainJI of the Cr.oohOllio\·akifm intellectuals a.mong them Masaryk and Benell.
    [Show full text]
  • The German-American Bund: Fifth Column Or
    -41 THE GERMAN-AMERICAN BUND: FIFTH COLUMN OR DEUTSCHTUM? THESIS Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS By James E. Geels, B. A. Denton, Texas August, 1975 Geels, James E., The German-American Bund: Fifth Column or Deutschtum? Master of Arts (History), August, 1975, 183 pp., bibliography, 140 titles. Although the German-American Bund received extensive press coverage during its existence and monographs of American politics in the 1930's refer to the Bund's activities, there has been no thorough examination of the charge that the Bund was a fifth column organization responsible to German authorities. This six-chapter study traces the Bund's history with an emphasis on determining the motivation of Bundists and the nature of the relationship between the Bund and the Third Reich. The conclusions are twofold. First, the Third Reich repeatedly discouraged the Bundists and attempted to dissociate itself from the Bund. Second, the Bund's commitment to Deutschtum through its endeavors to assist the German nation and the Third Reich contributed to American hatred of National Socialism. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION... ....... 1 II. DEUTSCHTUM.. ......... 14 III. ORIGIN AND IMAGE OF THE GERMAN- ... .50 AMERICAN BUND............ IV. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE BUND AND THE THIRD REICH....... 82 V. INVESTIGATION OF THE BUND. 121 VI. CONCLUSION.. ......... 161 APPENDIX....... .............. ..... 170 BIBLIOGRAPHY......... ...........
    [Show full text]
  • German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar
    02_EHQ 31/1 articles 30/11/00 1:53 pm Page 101 William Lee Blackwood German Hegemony and the Socialist International’s Place in Interwar European Diplomacy When the guns fell silent on the western front in November 1918, socialism was about to become a governing force throughout Europe. Just six months later, a Czech socialist could marvel at the convocation of an international socialist conference on post- war reconstruction in a Swiss spa, where, across the lake, stood buildings occupied by now-exiled members of the deposed Habsburg ruling class. In May 1923, as Europe’s socialist parties met in Hamburg, Germany, finally to put an end to the war-induced fracturing within their ranks by launching a new organization, the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the German Communist Party’s main daily published a pull-out flier for posting on factory walls. Bearing the sarcastic title the International of Ministers, it presented to workers a list of forty-one socialists and the national offices held by them in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Commenting on the activities of the LSI, in Paris a Russian Menshevik émigré turned prominent left-wing pundit scoffed at the new International’s executive body, which he sarcastically dubbed ‘the International Socialist Cabinet’, since ‘all of its members were ministers, ex-ministers, or prospec- tive ministers of State’.1 Whether one accepted or rejected its new status, socialism’s virtually overnight transformation from an outsider to a consummate insider at the end of Europe’s first total war provided the most striking measure of the quantum leap into what can aptly be described as Europe’s ‘social democratic moment’.2 Moreover, unlike the period after Europe’s second total war, when many of socialism’s basic postulates became permanently embedded in the post-1945 social-welfare-state con- European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Anatomy of a Crisis
    Page 7 Chapter 2 Munich: Anatomy of A Crisis eptember 28, 1938, “Black Wednesday,” dawned on a frightened Europe. Since the spring Adolf Hitler had spoken often about the Sudetenland, the western part of Czechoslovakia. Many of the 3 Smillion German-speaking people who lived there had complained that they were being badly mistreated by the Czechs and Slovaks. Cooperating closely with Sudeten Nazis, Hitler at first simply demanded that the Czechs give the German-speakers within their borders self-government. Then, he upped the ante. If the Czechs did not hand the Sudetenland to him by October 1, 1938, he would order his well-armed and trained soldiers to attack Czechoslovakia, destroy its army, and seize the Sudetenland. The Strategic Location of the Sudetenland Germany’s demand quickly reverberated throughout the European continent. Many countries, tied down by various commitments and alliances, pondered whether—and how—to respond to Hitler’s latest threat. France had signed a treaty to defend the Czechs and Britain had a treaty with France; the USSR had promised to defend Czechoslovakia against a German attack. Britain, in particular, found itself in an awkward position. To back the French and their Czech allies would almost guarantee the outbreak of an unpredictable and potentially ruinous continental war; yet to refrain from confronting Hitler over the Sudetenland would mean victory for the Germans. In an effort to avert the frightening possibilities, a group of European leaders converged at Munich Background to the Crisis The clash between Germany and Czechoslovakia over the Sudetenland had its origins in the Versailles Treaty of 1919.
    [Show full text]
  • Adolf Hitler
    Jana Hrabcova The Czech lands were constituent part of Habsburg monarchy – no effort to destroy the monarchy till 1917/1918 Only a small conspiracy group – The Maffia – cooperation with South Slavs Emigrants – Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, Edvard Beneš and Milan Rastislav Štefánik – 1915 – founded The Czechoslovak National Council in Paris army in abroad – Legions (France, Italy, Russia) – during 1918 de facto recognized as the allied army Masaryk travelled around Europe (Geneve, Paris, London), to Russia (summer 1917) and to the USA – looking for the support for the idea of independent Czechoslovak state January 1918 – The Fourteen Points of the US President Woodrow Wilson – the self-determination of the nations 10th Point: The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development. http://wwi.lib.byu.edu/index.php/President_Wilson%27s_Fourteen_Points January 1918 – Czech politians in A-H – demand of independence July 1918 – The Czechoslovak National Comitee in Prague – Karel Kramář October 1918 – the Emperor Charles I (1916–1918) offered the federalisation of Habsburg Monarchy but its nations refused it Tomaš Garrigue Masaryk Edvard Beneš the First Czechoslovak republic was proclaimed on October 28, 1918 in Prague consisted of: Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia The first Prime Minister – Karel Kramář 1920 – the constitution - plural parliament democracy in 1920 – Tomas Garrigue Masaryk (1850–1937)
    [Show full text]
  • Building an Unwanted Nation: the Anglo-American Partnership and Austrian Proponents of a Separate Nationhood, 1918-1934
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository BUILDING AN UNWANTED NATION: THE ANGLO-AMERICAN PARTNERSHIP AND AUSTRIAN PROPONENTS OF A SEPARATE NATIONHOOD, 1918-1934 Kevin Mason A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2007 Approved by: Advisor: Dr. Christopher Browning Reader: Dr. Konrad Jarausch Reader: Dr. Lloyd Kramer Reader: Dr. Michael Hunt Reader: Dr. Terence McIntosh ©2007 Kevin Mason ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Kevin Mason: Building an Unwanted Nation: The Anglo-American Partnership and Austrian Proponents of a Separate Nationhood, 1918-1934 (Under the direction of Dr. Christopher Browning) This project focuses on American and British economic, diplomatic, and cultural ties with Austria, and particularly with internal proponents of Austrian independence. Primarily through loans to build up the economy and diplomatic pressure, the United States and Great Britain helped to maintain an independent Austrian state and prevent an Anschluss or union with Germany from 1918 to 1934. In addition, this study examines the minority of Austrians who opposed an Anschluss . The three main groups of Austrians that supported independence were the Christian Social Party, monarchists, and some industries and industrialists. These Austrian nationalists cooperated with the Americans and British in sustaining an unwilling Austrian nation. Ultimately, the global depression weakened American and British capacity to practice dollar and pound diplomacy, and the popular appeal of Hitler combined with Nazi Germany’s aggression led to the realization of the Anschluss .
    [Show full text]
  • PAUL NETTL, EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BOHEMIA, and GERMANNESS ■ Martin Nedbal
    386 ČLÁNKY / ARTICLES MUSIC HISTORY AND ETHNICITY FROM PRAGUE TO INDIANA: PAUL NETTL, EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BOHEMIA, AND GERMANNESS ■ Martin Nedbal Dedicated to the memory of Bruno Nettl (1930–2020) In 1947, musicologist Paul Nettl published The Story of Dance Music, his first book after his immigration to the United States from Nazi-occupied Czecho- slovakia.1 In their reviews of the book, two critics accused Nettl of Czech nationalism and chauvinism. Hungarian-born musicologist Otto Gombosi (1902–1955), who settled in the US in 1939, was particularly bothered by what he called Nettl’s „disturbing overemphasis on everything Slavic, and especially Czech.“2 German musicologist Hans Engel (1894–1970) went even further to make an explicit connection between Nettl’s scholarly work and his presumed ethnic identity. Engel was especially critical of Nettl’s claims that the minuets in multi-movement compositions by eighteenth-century composers of the so-called Mannheim School originated in Czech folk music and that the ac- centuated openings of these minuets (on the downbeat, without an upbeat) corresponded “to the trochaic rhythm of the Czech language which has no article.”3 Engel viewed such claims as resulting from “patriotic or nationalistic 1 Paul Nettl, The Story of Dance Music (New York: Philosophical Library, 1947). 2 Otto Gombosi, “The Story of Dance Music by Paul Nettl,” The Musical Quarterly 34, no. 4 (October 1948): 627. Gombosi was even more critical of Nettl’s minor comment about Smetana: “it is chauvinism gone rampant,” he wrote, “to say that ‘Smetana is … a more universal type of genius than Chopin who used only the piano to glorify national aspirations’.” 3 Nettl, The Story of Dance Music, 207; Hans Engel, “Paul Nettl.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology of Events 1918 – 1938
    Chronology of Events 1918-1938 1918: Czechoslovakia is established after the fall of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire following the First World War. The country is made up of two groups of Slavic peoples, the Czechs and the Slovaks. 1920: The Treaty of Versailles, in which Germany is held responsible for World War I and its consequences, is signed. The treaty deals harshly with a defeated Germany and includes territorial, military, financial and general provisions, including the demilitarization and 15-year occupation of the Rhineland (area between France and Germany), limitations on German armed forces and reparations of 6,600 million pounds. 1921: Adolf Hitler becomes leader of National Socialist German Workers (Nazi) Party. 1923: Beer Hall Putsch (Hitler’s attempt to overthrow regional government in Munich) is unsuccessful and Hitler is jailed. 1925: Mein Kampf (My Struggle), Hitler’s book, is published. 1933: Japan attacks China. The Nazi party gains majority in the German Reichstag and Hitler is named Chancellor. The Reichstag building burns in a “mysterious” fire and all other political parties are abolished. Hitler denounces the Treaty of Versailles. There are public book burnings in Germany. Anti-Jewish laws are passed in Germany: no kosher butchering, no Jewish Civil servants, no Jewish lawyers, quotas for Jews in universities. Any Germans holding non-Nazi political meetings are subject to arrest and imprisonment in concentration camps (the first is Oranienburg, outside of Berlin). Dachau is built as concentration-work camp (specific death camps not yet built, but elderly, those who were very young, disabled or sick have difficulty surviving harsh conditions of camps).
    [Show full text]
  • Unit I Spiral Exam – World War II (75 Points Total) PLEASE DO NO
    Mr. Huesken 10th Grade United States History II Unit I Spiral Exam – World War II (75 points total) PLEASE DO NO WRITE ON THIS TEST DIRECTIONS – Please answer the following multiple-choice questions with the best possible answer. No answer will be used more than once. (45 questions @ 1 point each = 45 points) 1) All of the following were leaders of totalitarian governments in the 1930’s and 1940’s except: a. Joseph Stalin b. Francisco Franco. c. Benito Mussolini d. Neville Chamberlain. 2) In what country was the Fascist party and government formed? a. Italy b. Japan c. Spain d. Germany 3) The Battle of Britain forced Germany to do what to their war plans in Europe in 1942? a. Join the Axis powers. b. Fight a three-front war. c. Put off the invasion of Britain. d. Enter into a nonaggression pact with Britain. 4) The Nazis practiced genocide toward Jews, Gypsies, and other “undesirable” peoples in Europe. What does the term “genocide” mean? a. Acting out of anti-Semitic beliefs. b. Deliberate extermination of a specific group of people. c. Terrorizing of the citizens of a nation by a government. d. Killing of people for the express purpose of creating terror. 5) The term “blitzkrieg” was a military strategy that depended on what? a. A system of fortifications. b. Out-waiting the opponent. c. Surprise and quick, overwhelming force. d. The ability to make a long, steady advance. 6) In an effort to avoid a second “world war”, when did the Britain and France adopt a policy of appeasement toward Germany? a.
    [Show full text]
  • The Relationship Between Religious and National Identity in the Case Of
    THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RELIGIOUS AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE CASE OF TRANSYLVANIAN SAXONS 1933-1944 By Cristian Cercel Submitted to Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Advisor: Prof. András Kovacs External Research Advisor: Dr. Stefan Sienerth (Institut für deutsche Kultur und Geschichte Südosteuropas, Munich) CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2007 Acknowledgements I am deeply indebted to the IKGS (Institut für deutsche Kultur und Geschichte Südosteuropas) in Munich whose financial assistance enabled me to do the necessary research for this thesis. Georg Aescht, Marius Babias and Matthias Volkenandt deserve all my gratitude for their help in assuring me a fruitful and relaxed stay in Munich. I am also grateful to Peter Motzan for his encouragement and insightful suggestions regarding the history of the Transylvanian Saxons. The critical contribution of Dr. Stefan Sienerth has definitely improved this thesis. Its imperfections, hopefully not many, belong only to me. I am also thankful to Isabella Manassarian for finding the time to read and make useful and constructive observations on the text. CEU eTD Collection i Preface This thesis analyzes the radicalization undergone by the Transylvanian Saxon community between 1933 and 1940 from an identity studies perspective. My hypothesis is that the Nazification of the Saxon minority in Romania was accompanied by a relegation of the Lutheran religious affiliation from the status of a criterion of identity to that of an indicium. In order to prove the validity of the argument, I resorted to the analysis of a various number of sources, such as articles from the official periodical of the Lutheran Church, diaries and contemporary documents.
    [Show full text]
  • Militarism As a Theme in Nazi Education and Youth Organizations Matthew .J Smith Elizabethtown College, [email protected]
    Elizabethtown College JayScholar History: Student Scholarship & Creative Work History Spring 2018 Militarism as a Theme in Nazi Education and Youth Organizations Matthew .J Smith Elizabethtown College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://jayscholar.etown.edu/hisstu Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Smith, Matthew J., "Militarism as a Theme in Nazi Education and Youth Organizations" (2018). History: Student Scholarship & Creative Work. 2. https://jayscholar.etown.edu/hisstu/2 This Student Research Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the History at JayScholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in History: Student Scholarship & Creative Work by an authorized administrator of JayScholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Smith 1 Matthew J. Smith Militarism as a Theme in Nazi Education and Youth Organizations Italian fascist Achille Starace stated, “Fascist education must be an education for battle.”1 This idea of militarism as a core concept of education was integral not only to Fascism in Italy, but also to Europe’s other rising fascist movement, Nazism. The Nazis reinforced their militaristic education by creating mandatory youth organizations that promoted militarism to young German boys and girls. The twin pillars of a militaristic education system and para- military youth organizations helped Nazi officials achieve their goals by creating a generation of ready servants of the state. Many scholars have researched the militarism that was infused into the German state education system. Lisa Pine, a scholar at London South Bank University, examined the educational system and youth groups that socialized German children with Nazi ideology and militaristic practices.
    [Show full text]
  • German’ Communities from Eastern Europe at the End of the Second World War
    EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND CIVILIZATION EUI Working Paper HEC No. 2004/1 The Expulsion of the ‘German’ Communities from Eastern Europe at the End of the Second World War Edited by STEFFEN PRAUSER and ARFON REES BADIA FIESOLANA, SAN DOMENICO (FI) All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author(s). © 2004 Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees and individual authors Published in Italy December 2004 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50016 San Domenico (FI) Italy www.iue.it Contents Introduction: Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees 1 Chapter 1: Piotr Pykel: The Expulsion of the Germans from Czechoslovakia 11 Chapter 2: Tomasz Kamusella: The Expulsion of the Population Categorized as ‘Germans' from the Post-1945 Poland 21 Chapter 3: Balázs Apor: The Expulsion of the German Speaking Population from Hungary 33 Chapter 4: Stanislav Sretenovic and Steffen Prauser: The “Expulsion” of the German Speaking Minority from Yugoslavia 47 Chapter 5: Markus Wien: The Germans in Romania – the Ambiguous Fate of a Minority 59 Chapter 6: Tillmann Tegeler: The Expulsion of the German Speakers from the Baltic Countries 71 Chapter 7: Luigi Cajani: School History Textbooks and Forced Population Displacements in Europe after the Second World War 81 Bibliography 91 EUI WP HEC 2004/1 Notes on the Contributors BALÁZS APOR, STEFFEN PRAUSER, PIOTR PYKEL, STANISLAV SRETENOVIC and MARKUS WIEN are researchers in the Department of History and Civilization, European University Institute, Florence. TILLMANN TEGELER is a postgraduate at Osteuropa-Institut Munich, Germany. Dr TOMASZ KAMUSELLA, is a lecturer in modern European history at Opole University, Opole, Poland.
    [Show full text]