A Reassessment of the Representation of Mt. Wutai from Dunhuang Cave 61 Author(s): Dorothy C. Wong Source: Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 46 (1993), pp. 27-52 Published by: University of Hawai'i Press for the Asia Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20111226 . Accessed: 22/11/2013 13:44

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Reassessment of the Representation ofMt. Wutai from Dunhuang Cave 61

Dorothy C. Wong Harvard University

or L he Representation ofMt. Wutai (Wutai Shan Tuz\ Figs. archaeological, historical, geographical information a cave i, 7), mural covering the west wall of Dunhuang contained in the painting.5 Primarily concerned with our 61 (Fig. 2), challenges preconception about Chinese verifying the various pieces of information contained in an Buddhist painting created in the tenth century A.D.1 Al the painting, these investigations reflect empirical bias though the view that orthodox and Buddhist that ignores the religious function of the mural, resulting art declined and became stagnant in after the in disparate and unsatisfactory conclusions. In this study eighth century generally holds true, the Representation of Imaintain that the mural should be studied in its totality, on context Mt. Wutai will show that, the contrary, development in its original and environment. Iwill establish as in Buddhist doctrine and creativity in expression may the function of the painting essentially religious and still be found in post-Tang (618-907) , but iconic, and let this function determine the framework a to in different guise. through which the mural is be interpreted. Iwill then The mural depicts Mt. Wutai (Mountain of Five closely examine relevant textual materials in conjunction a to uncover as Peaks), mountain in present-day province that with the pictorial imagery in order many as Buddhists believe is the abode of Manjusr? (Wenshu of the meanings embodied in the painting possible, are Pusab), the Buddhist of Wisdom.2 The wor and discuss how they conveyed. In particular Iwill some ship of Manjusr? originated in India, and later developed reexamine canonical texts and investigate how they on in the Chinese cults of Mt. Wutai and Manjusr?.3 Because may throw light the meaning of the painting. Iwill on followers believe that Manjusr? manifests himself the also investigate the sociopolitical aspects of Manjusn and mountain, Mt. Wutai became an international center of Mt. Wutai worship and the background of the patron to or Buddhist pilgrimage from the seventh century onward.4 look for any hidden meaning specific significance the The creation of the mural in the tenth century is therefore painting may have held for the patron. Finally I will a testimony to the continuation and vitality of these in assess the painting's role in different Chinese representa digenous religious traditions. tional traditions and examine the relationship between a sense The mural is Buddhist painting in the that its the painting's form and its content. an subject isManjusr? and his abode and that it is placed Although this article is iconological study, I also within a cave serving a Buddhist ritual function. How hope to address more general art historical issues, ever, unlike conventional Buddhist paintings that strictly namely, symbols and iconography; signs and association; adhere to the contents of canonical works?usually s?t representation and reality; narrative in the pictorial ras translated into Chinese from originals?the medium; concepts of time and space in pictorial art; and Representation ofMt. Wutai also addresses the geographi ideology and spatial structure. cal, historical, and political aspects that the worship of Manjusr? had acquired in China, namely, the establish DUNHUANG CAVE 6l as a ment of Mt. Wutai cult and pilgrimage center. Historical Background, Patronage, Dating, and Physical Con In artistic expression the mural follows many compo dition conven sitional principles and pictorial devices from tional Buddhist painting, but it also differs from tradition The tenth century A.D. was one of the most prosperous a a by adopting the representational mode of panorama, and historically important periods in the history of new content a was topographic map. The injection of and Dunhuang. It characterized by the predominance of new a a pictorial language thus make this painting fascinat number of local clans, who controlled the infrastruc case ing study of the development of Chinese Buddhist ture of the community and who were frequently descen A.D. were painting in the tenth century dants of officials who posted there centuries earlier. on came Previous studies of the mural have focused the From these powerful clans officials who served in

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions i. H. l. m. Fig. Representation of Mt. Wutai, ioth century, 3.5, 15.5 one cannot middle Because of the central screen, photograph the screen. of the mural. A, left side; b, right side of Figs. 1, 2, 3, 7 the local administration, scholars who maintained the A-D, F, G, 8, 10, 14, 17, 18, 19 from Dunhuang Research Institute sekkutsu:Tonk? Bakko-kutsu TB) Chinese cultural tradition, and high ranking clergy in (ed.), Ch?goku (hereafter (Tokyo: 1 Heibonsha, 1983); Fig. from TB vol. 5, top pi. 55; bottom pi. 57. charge of local temples and religious affairs. Thoroughly same Confucian in training, they were at the time devout Buddhists and chief patrons of the caves.6 In fact, the overthrow of the Tibetans, who occupied came a Dunhuang from 781 to 845, about because of consolidation of these local forces. From 848 to 1036 west Dunhuang and the entire region of the Yellow River was governed by hereditary military governors (guiyijun to Al jiedu shic; literally "Military Governor of Return the legiance Army"), first by the Zhang family and then Cao family, who succeeded the Zhang in 923. The were Zhang and the Cao both distinguished Dunhuang were clans who, like other major clans, interrelated through marriage and official networks. to The military governors all pledged allegiance the Tang government, and later to the kingdoms of the Five Dynasties period (907-979) and the Song (960-1279) court. However, because of the weakened state of central governments and turmoil after the fall of the Tang, the were the de facto rulers. For survi Dunhuang governors 2. cave Zai and Fig. Interior of 61, Dunhuang, dedicated by Lady val had to conduct their own with they diplomacy neigh clan, A.D. 947-957. The platform originally supported to the the Mt. Wutai is de boring kingdoms?the Uighurs east, of Manjusr? and attendants; the Representation of on wall the screen. TB vol. Khotanese to the west, and the Liao (916-112 5) of north picted the directly behind 5, pi. 52. ern China?until their dominion was wiped out by the raishou furen Zai shi Tungut Xixia (1036-1229) in 1036. The long reign of Xunyang jun yishin gongyangf was Zai of the Prefecture of Cao Yuanzhongd (945-974), in particular, relatively (The donor, Lady Xunyang [in was cave 61 with whole heart dedicates wealthy and stable. It under Cao's reign that present-day Jiangxi province] cave other donors are recorded in the was excavated. An inscription within the identifies [this cave].)7 Forty-eight as all of them female the major donor Cao's wife, Lady Zai (Zai shic): shizhu cave, (Fig. 3).8 28

This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions cave Fig. 3. Detail of female donor images, 61, Dunhuang. TB vol. 5, pi. 77.

were Cao Yuanzhong and Lady Zai (Fig. 4) perhaps the colossal Buddha of cave 96. To cater to the demands a was the most illustrious patrons of Buddhism in the entire of these projects workshop established and main caves history of Dunhuang. They excavated several large tained by the Cao government.10 cave was once at Dunhuang (caves 25, 53, 55, 61, 469) and at the nearby Although 61 dated to the latter part of site of Yulin. They also commissioned paintings, votive the tenth century, two scholars from the Dunhuang Re a prints, and printed s?tra.9 In addition they undertook search Institute, Ke Shijie and Sun Xiushen, recently cave con extensive reparation work at the site and renovated redated the cave to 947-9 5 7.n Cave 61 originally

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 4. Donor images of Lady Zai and Cao Yuanzhong, from Yulin cave 19, dated A.D. H. m. 926. 1.75, 1.73 Dunhuang Research Institute (ed.), Ch?goku sekkutsu: Ansei Yulin-kutsu (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1990), pis. 62, 63.

an a sisted of antechamber and main chamber connected exposition of doctrinal teaching. The north and south a a are by passageway, structure typical of most late ninth walls each painted with five vertical panels of caves an and tenth-century large at Dunhuang. The jingbiang (another term commonly used in Tang texts is most a terms techamber has been destroyed, but it likely had bianxiangh; bian in both is derived from the on wooden facade the exterior of the cave; the passage Sanskrit word parin?ma meaning "to transform, to make now serves as to or mean way the entry way the main chamber. manifest"; thus jingbian bianxiang "pictorial a or or The main chamber has rectangular ground plan and transformations" "apparitions" of doctrine texts) a a east ceiling shaped like truncated pyramid (see Fig. 2). In while the interrupted surface of the wall is painted rear a the center but slightly toward the is horseshoe with yet another jingbian (Fig. 5). Despite the sectarian a or shaped platform that originally supported group of doctrinal differences these jingbian may represent, a screen a cave sculptures. At the far end of the platform is that their coexistence within indicates the syncretic reaches the ceiling. Except for the loss of the sculptures form of Buddhism typical of this period. an a and partial damage of the lower portions of the side If order is found in the vertical strata, hierarchy cave walls, the is in fairly good condition. The entryway also exists among the four walls. The entire upper regis were a walls repainted during the Yuan period (1279 ter of the west wall is devoted to mural of Mt. Wutai, 1368). which is directly behind the devotional images and as cave. which faces the worshipers they enter the Its size Subject Matter is stunning: 3.5 meters in height and 15.5 meters in cave mur a area over The interior of 61 is completely covered with length, with total of 45 square meters. Be cause als, which may be divided into three horizontal strata: of its privileged location and its scale, the Mt. the ceiling, and the upper and lower registers of the four Wutai painting is obviously the most important mural. walls. The central sculpted image that originally stood on the a was on The ceiling decoration is symbolic of heavenly platform Manjusr? Bodhisattva riding his lion, a canopy; it consists of dragon medallion with floral and evinced by part of the lion's tail still attached to the back geometric motifs in the center, images of 1,000 buddhas screen. Since Mt. Wutai is the abode of Manjusr? the on the four sides, and the four heavenly kings within the mural and the complement each other themat corners. indented The lowest register belongs to the ically. name cave was human realm, with western wall panels illustrating Furthermore, the original for 61 possi legends of the Buddha's life while the other wall surfaces bly Wenshu Tang1 (Hall of Manjusr?). The name is re are lined with donor images. corded in an important document recovered from The upper register in the middle is reserved for the Dunhuang entitled Laba randengfenpei ku kan mingsu' (List 30

This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions West Wall

Representation ofMt. Wutai

Representation of Buddha's legends

platform

donor donor images images

Jingbian of VimalakTrti-s?tra ?tiffm?

matter of cave 61. the author. Fig. 5. Subject of wall painting Drawing by

* * * ****** *

E * *

* : and of + : Fig. 6. Diagram of the Representation ofMt. Wutai. celestial, legendary beings images manifestations; major temples; -->-->: 0: towns stations on routes. the author. pilgrimage routes; and the pilgrimage Drawing by

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions are or ofNames ofCaves andNiches Allotted theLighting ofLamps tions shown standing kneeling, their hands clasped a or on theEighth Day of theTwelfth Month), which has been in gesture of worship pointing to specific sites. to 1011. on are dated by the Chinese scholar Jin Weinuo Jin also Many images resting clouds painted in the space identified the "Hall of Manjusr?" mentioned in the docu above the mountain. In the following sections Iwill dem ment as cave 61, since it is the only cave at Dunhuang onstrate that iconographically these images fall into two a to where Manjusr? is the central icon.12 Being large cave, groups: the first relates religious doctrines, and the the Hall of Manjusr? was allotted the lighting of two second consists of political symbols that bear significance on to In some events lamps the important occasion celebrating the the patron. addition, historical and are Buddha's Birthday in eleventh-century religious prac legends associated with Mt. Wutai indicated by either or tice.13 images inscriptions at the specific locations where the events occurred.

THE REPRESENTATION OF MT. WUTAI Iconography and the Religious Concepts about Manjusr?

Manjusr? is one of the four great in Descriptive Content of theMural Mah?y?na Buddhism or, according to some accounts, in one of the most The painting contains many short inscriptions written important bodhisattvas, equaled only by a sum cartouches that identify details.14 The following is Avalokitesvara (Guanyin1). Avalokitesvara represents mary of the content of the mural and its general compo Compassion (karuna) and Manjusr?, Wisdom (praj?a), on are of sition (Fig. 6) based my studies of both visual and which the ultimate conditions bodhisattvahood.15 Devotees of confers inscriptional information. believe that the worship Manjusr? a The painting presents panoramic view ofMt. Wutai, upon them wisdom, intelligence, eloquence, improved at to master with the ground plane tilted about 45 degrees and memory, and the ability difficult sacred scrip tures. is a latecomer to the Buddhist the topography occupying the entire middle and upper Manjusr? Mah?y?na as He in a number of grounds. The five peaks, represented bare, rounded pantheon. does appear early s?tras, as an in hills studded with pools and hot springs, rise above many usually interlocuter the quest for ultimate truth. to are most as an smaller hills. Arranged horizontally, from left right The Chinese familiar with Ma?jusr?'s role the also they are the Southern, Western, Central, Northern, and interlocuter through Vimalak?rtinirdesa-, streams the known as the a text that Eastern peaks. Numerous rivers and girdle Vimalaktrti-s?tra, popular helped to Buddhism the intellectuals.16 peaks and hills and zigzag down the lower plane, gain support among while forested mountain ranges line along the upper As Mah?y?na philosophy developed, concepts of also became better defined and more elaborate. edge. Manjusr? as a Scattered over the mountain territory are numerous The most important of these concepts isManjusr? religious buildings litby burning lamps that dot the land bodhisattva of the tenth stage. The ten stages in the bo are at an the advancement scape. All the temple complexes shown angle dhisattva path denote gradual spiritual a to and converge toward the vertical central axis, which is of bodhisattva (a being destined gain full enlighten two ment to a The of aligned by the Central Peak and buildings below? and thus become buddha).17 concept matter on is central to and the only buildings shown frontally. Subject bodhisattvahood Mah?y?na philosophy an either side of the central axis is more or less symmetri forms important theme in the Avatamsaka-s?tra as it has the Dasabh?mika cally arranged. ( jingm), incorporated are two s?tra the fullest statement on the bodhi Occupying the lower ground the symmetri (Pusa benyejingn), routes toMt. The sattva It was the Avatamsaka cally placed pilgrimage leading Wutai. doctrine.18 partly through with his counter route from the west begins with Taiyuan inHedong-dao school of teaching thatMa?jusri, along became (the Hedong Circuit, in present-day Shanxi province; part (Puxian0), popular eastern route in China and the rest of East Asia. Fig. 7c), while the begins with Zhenzhou (Zhengding) inHebei-dao (theHebei Circuit, inHebei According to the Dasabh?mika-s?tra, bodhisattvas of hostels the tenth all the province; Fig. 7D). Major towns, stations, and stage possess interpenetrating knowledge are in the mountain and of buddhas nirm?na for pilgrims illustrated, terminating mystic powers including (magi two or gates (shanmenk) of the circuits. Wutai county lies cal transformations) pr?tih?rya (manifestations).19 can therefore manifest himself in different just below the mountain. Manjusr? on on or forms to the and needs of sen Pilgrims, horse, foot, carrying tributary according spiritual ability are the tient the revelation of goods, depicted traveling along pilgrimage beings. Through apparitional must routes. Their journeys begin from the far sides, converge bodies of Manjusr?, which correspond with devo toward the center, reach the mountain gates, and then tional acts, the merits of Manjusr? may be transferred to turn outward and gradually travel zigzagging paths up suffering beings, who may then be freed from the lower the mountain. Pilgrims who have reached their destina realms.20 32

This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions own into and Like buddhas, Manjusr? also has his buddhaksetra may be classified celestial legendary beings, (buddhafield; fotup).A buddha field is a cosmos inwhich Ma?jusrfs manifestations, and auspicious omens. Their a buddha, or a bodhisattva of the tenth stage, exerts his identifying inscriptions mostly end with the character xians or spiritual influence and preaches to sentient beings. A (manifestation, apparition) consist of the char passage in the Avatamsaka-s?tra mentions that amountain acter hua (from huaxian,* transformation), both being are a called Qingliang Shanq (literally, "Clear and Cool Moun derived from the Sanskrit word nirm?na. Clouds in to tain") in the northeast is the dwelling place of pictorial device conventional Buddhist painting in nature or to bodhisattvas past and present, including Manjusr?, who dicate the spiritual of images convey the as at present preaches to his assembly of heavenly beings concept of nirm?na, in images of nirm?na-buddhzs there.21 Since Mt. Wutai was known to the Chinese as (huafou). Mt. Qingliang in ancient times, it thus became associated The heavenly beings who inhabit Ma?jusrfs sacred are with Manjusr? from the fifth century onward.22 The later territory lined up along the top edge of the pictorial version of the Avatamsaka-s?tra, translated in the seventh frame (see Fig. i). They are divided into sixteen groups, same on century, consists of the passage.23 However, in the eight either side of the Central Peak, all making the esoteric text Manjusr? Law Treasure-Store Dh?ran? S?tra it adoration gesture and in three-quarter view facing to on center. is clearly mentioned that Manjusr? dwells Mt. Wutai ward the Immediately flanking the Central Peak on in China.24 This direct reference to Mt. Wutai is not are Avalokitesvara the right and Vaisravana on on a surprising as, by the seventh century, the cult of Mt. (Bishamentianv) the left, followed by Manjusr? was on an Wutai already in full force. lion with attendants and Samantabhadra elephant are Mountain worship and pilgrimages to sacred places with attendants, respectively. Behind them four are common on devotional acts to many . Mt. groups of bodhisattvas either side, each identified in as Wutai possesses many unique features that predispose it the inscription consisting of 1,250 bodhisattvas; the as a to be chosen mountain of spiritual significance. They total number of 10,000 bodhisattvas corresponds with a in include its natural configuration of the five peaks in that mentioned the Avatamsaka-s?tra. On the left and a corners are two semicircle?five being significant number in Buddhism right groups of 150 . and in Chinese traditional beliefs, as in the case of the Immediately below the celestial assembly and close to center are five elements; its high altitude?all the peaks are above the 500 poisonous dragons divided into two a 3,000 meters at sea level; its summits, which rise above groups, each led by Sagara N?ga King?legendary an the treeline, revealing bare peaks?hence their compari beings who inhabit Mt. Wutai. On the Eastern Peak is son to the reverse sides of alms bowls or to thrones for image of Gongde-n?w (Fig. 7B); Gongde-n? is Laksm?, deities; its unusual flora and fauna; its weather with fre the Indian goddess of wealth. quent rain, thunderstorms, hailstorms, and thick mist; For the efficacy of teaching, Manjusr? can manifest occurrence in and the of luminous light rays, which can be himself different forms. This is stated in the as as explained the interplay of sunlight with varying levels Dasabh?mika-s?tra follows: of In addition, the act of all humidity. physical climbing In their own bodies they [bodhisattvas of the tenth stage] manifest five must have been arduous in medieval peaks times, the lights of the ten directions, including the lusters of jewels, light a sense awe the of the sun and and the of all deities of inducing in the pilgrims of and reverence. ning, lights moon, lights With each breath Before Mt. Wutai became a Buddhist mountain, how light. they shake endless worlds, yet without the sentient therein. also manifest the de ever, ancient texts indicate that itwas associated with the frightening beings They ten struction by gales, fires, and floods in the directions. Also they Daoist cult in the third and fourth centuries cause to immortality the appearance of physical adornments according the wishes a.D.25 Once the connection to was Mt. of of own Manjusr? made, beings: they manifest the body Buddha in their body; they own in Wutai then became the sacred territory, the buddha field, manifest their body the body of the Buddha; they manifest the of Buddha in their own Buddha land.26 of Manjusr?. body are trans How, then, these concepts about Manjusr? Ma?jusrfs manifestations depicted in the painting, in in a lated into visual imagery? Bearing mind that large fact, closely follow this passage. They include the sun of moon sculptural image Manjusr? originally stood in front of and symbols in the upper left and right corners, the mural, the painting then represents the bodhisattva's god of thunder and hailstorm (Fig. ia, top left), god of to buddhaksetra, the land he purifies, which is destined be thunder and lightning, golden Buddha's head (Fig. jh, a a pure land when Manjusr? becomes buddha. This is top left), Buddha's hand (Fig. 7a, right of center), an set in verified by inscription between the Southern Buddha's foot, Gold-colored World (Fig. ib, upper and Western peaks that reads: Qingliuli shijier (Blue Lapis right), Golden Five Peaks (Fig. ib, upper left), halo, name Lazuli World; Fig. 7A, right of center), the of Ma? mandorla (Fig. ib, lower right), jewel, five-colored jusr?'s buddhaksetra. light, the sacred bell, golden st?pa, the lion, and lokap?la areas In the upper of the painting are many images of (guardian ). and other on a deities, animals, objects floating clouds that Light symbolism plays significant role inMa?jusrfs 33

This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions a. Detail o? Fig. 7 Representation ofMt. Wutai, top left, showing the Southern Peak, the Da to its the Da to Detail of Jin'ge-si right, Qingliang-si Fig. JB. Representation ofMt. Wutai, top right, showing its front; the the manifestations the Eastern the a heavenly assembly lining top edge; Peak; heavenly assembly; number of temples and of the thunder Blue Lazuli god, top left; Lapis World, Buddha's smaller buildings; manifestations of the Golden Five Peaks, hand, mandorla, etc. in mid-section. TB vol. the near the golden bridge, 5, pi. Gongde-n?, jewel (all Eastern Peak); and Buddhap?lita 59 as an old man encountering Manjusr? (lower left). TB vol. 5, pi. 61.

7C. Detail o? bottom left center, Detail o? Fig. Representation ofMt. Wutai, Fig. 7D. Representation ofMt. Wutai, bottom right, showing route of of route showing pilgrimage Hedong-dao: Dingxiang county pilgrimage of Hebei-dao: Zhenzhou; royal emmisaries enroute mountain of TB vol. toMt. TB , gate Hedong-dao (right). 5, pi. 63. Wutai. vol. 5, pi. 64.

as seen in the of realm, frequent mentioning five-colored dorn.27 The passage also explains why beings only up to or Buddha's same rays, halo, light (in the Avatamsaka-s?tra the rank of Manjusr? are represented in the assem light symbolizes the light of "revelation," the "omnis bly cient of the This be The so superknowledge" buddhas). may discussion far has shown that the pictorial im a in the a explained by passage Dasabh?mika-s?tra that de agery is close interpretation of the concepts about scribes the innumerable of from in texts. rays light emerging Manjusr? described canonical Before discussing of the of the are every part body tenth-stage bodhisattva. ways these concepts reinforced in the composition, These are said to illumine in all realms I light rays beings however, will first interpret the meaning of other picto to bodhisattvas of their own rank and their rial from as up extinguish images different perspectives necessitated by or sufferings present them with knowledge and wis their contents. 34

This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 7E. Detail o? Representation ofMt. Wutai, center, showing the Wenshu Zhenshen-dian below theCentral Peak, and the triad of S?kyamuni, Manjusr?, and Samantabhadra within the courtyard. h Figs. 7E, from Ernesta Marchand, The Panorama of Wu-t'ai Shan as an Example of Tenth Century Cartography, Oriental Art (Summer 10. 1976): Fig. 7E, figs. 9,

Fig. 7G. Detail of Representation ofMt. Wutai, lower right, showing the Da Foguang-si. TB vol. 5, pi. 62.

Detail o? Mt. center Fig. 7F. Representation of Wutai, lower immediately below the Wenshu Zhenshen-dian in Figure 7E, showing the Wan Pusa-lou on the with a central axis, bodhisattvas worshiping in its courtyard. TB vol. 5, pi. 60.

Fig. 7H. Detail ofRepresentation ofMt. Wutai, upper left of central axis, encounter an showing Buddhapalita's with Manjusr? in the guise of old man. From Marchand, The Panorama of Wu-t'ai Shan as an Example of Tenth Century Cartography, fig. 8.

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions use a to Signs and Association: Narration of theHistory ofMt. Wutai few examples demonstrate the narrative method and to discuss the issue of representation and historical Both the Ancient History and the Extended History narrate reality. the history of Mt. Wutai in the form of biographies of to tradition, Dafu Great individuals, accounts of individual events, or histories of According Lingjiu-si (The on Temple of Faith the Vulture's Peak, also called temples. Without the benefit of verbal accounts, how on the Vulture was the first does the mural in cave 61 narrate the of Mt. Jiufeng-si, Temple Peak) history on name came temple founded Mt. Wutai.30 Its from the Wutai? Again pictorial images and identifying inscrip fact that the is located on a small hill said to tions are the first clue to the historical dimension of the temple resemble the Vulture's Peak (Grdhrak?ta) in northern painting. or India, where S?kyamuni had lived and preached. The hill About ninety, half, of the inscriptions in the mural a is situated in Taihuai, the valley encircled by the five are names of religious buildings. They include dozen peaks and in later times the heart of Mt. Wutai where large temple complexes (six), many individual halls most Buddhist sanctuaries are concentrated (see Figure (yuan/ lou,z dian,aa tangab), pavilions (geac), st?pas (or 22). ; taad), monks' retreats called lanruo,ae thatched a Because of its central location and its symbolic signifi huts for meditation (anaf), and couple of Daoist temples cance, throughout Mt. Wutai's history Dafu Lingjiu-si (guanas). most as more or remained the important temple, serving the Images of the temple complexes look less the of the mountain's monastic be same. are walled enclosures with corner headquarters community They mostly as a ginning in the Tang dynasty and center of the Ava towers and a two-story structure above the entrance. one or tamsaka school in Tang and Song times. To honor Em Within the courtyard are two 2-story individual Wu's r. of the and sometimes a all are built on stone press (Wu Zetian, 690-705) patronage buildings pagoda; name was Avatamsaka school, the temple's changed to foundations. Though the appearance of individual ele are Da Huayan-si (The Great Flower Garland Temple; ments varies, it is doubtful that these portraits of the are Huayan is the Chinese translation for Avatamsaka).31 actual structures. The fact that the pictorial images When he visited Mt. Wutai in 840, the Japanese monk but shorthand abbreviations of actual temples is further Enninajrecorded that the consisted of twelve indi indicated in the The character si (for temple inscriptions. temple) an account as vidual buildings and gave of the colossal is always preceded by the character zhi,zh in "Da image of Manjusr? he saw in the Pusa-tang-yuan (Hall Qingliang zhi si.ai" Marchand noted that "the buildings of the Bodhisattva) and the legend of its miraculous do not belong to any monastery but stand for their actual casting.32 counterparts. In the two halls from the com The illustrations of these indicate the famous painting only temple buildings are the Zhenshen-dian of as a plex illustrated: Wenshu (Hall sites and their relative locations in pilgrim's map. But the True Body of Manjusr?; Fig. je) and the Wan Pusa onto the visual panorama of is the entire grafted places lou of Ten Thousand A both secular and of the mountain (Hall Bodhisattvas; Fig. 7F). history, religious, up triad of the Historical Buddha flanked on to the of the creation of the mural. by Manjusr? point the and Samantabhadra on the left is Conventional are often used to indicate land right depicted signs within the of the Wenshu Zhenshen-dian. In marks in Rudolf Arnheim made the courtyard topographic maps. a the Wan Pusa-lou, group of worshiping bodhisattvas observation that in conventional (in map-reading, signs a in center of the can arouse sit around pagoda the courtyard. his case he refers to letters and digits) visual The colossal image of Manjusr? described by Ennin is it up from the reservoirs of the imagery: "they conjure"29 not nor does the to viewers' The in the mural have illustrated, representation correspond memory. inscriptions account to the Japanese monk J?jin'sak of his visit Mt. a similar function. However, instead of conjuring up Wutai in recorded that the are 1072. J?jin Zhenrong-yuan images of temples, which supplied in the painting, (Hall of [Ma?jusrfs] True Appearance) was the focus of up the histories of these buildings, and the they conjure Da and that other included a four and events associated with them, as allusions Huayan-si, buildings people just a story Wenshu-ge (Pavilion of Manjusr?) and Baozhang function in poems and This method of associ eulogies. of the Glorification of that housed most and ge (Pavilion Treasure) ation is further supported by the fact that an, 10,000 images of bodhisattvas in silver.33 some lanruo, are named after individuals, thus recalling Ennin's is a faithful account of the state of tem their deeds and diary spiritual experiences. on ples Mt. Wutai before the Buddhist persecution of 845, while J?jin's account reports the conditions two and Historical Representation Reality centuries later, after the restoration often major temples to on Itwould be beyond the scope of this article investigate Mt. Wutai by the Song emperor Taizong (r. 976 or cave in depth all the individual histories of temples, events, 997). A few decades ago when scholars considered I to to individuals represented in the painting. will, however, 61 date the early years of the Song dynasty, Ennin's

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions were as man and J?jin's accounts cited by Hibino and Su Bai in the Kashmiri monk had encountered the old are their studies of the mural. Since both accounts contrasted twice. Clouds not depicted, since Manjusr? man came to event with the images in the painting, Hibino the ifested himself in human flesh and the is therefore a conclusion that the mural depicts the condition after the given specific, historical, and temporal context. How to man Buddhist persecution but before the restoration in the ever, indicate the importance of the event, the old are late tenth century. Su Bai, however, using this example and the monk much larger than the rest of the figures. to and other discrepancies between the mural and the Ex Suffice it say that the images of religious establish tended History, surmised that the mural in cave 61 must ments, individuals, and events in the mural are an ab on a or have been based model (fenben,al powder copy breviated way of narrating the entire history of Mt. trace a copy) from central China of date closer to Ennin's Wutai, with indexical inscriptions inscribed upon the time. appropriate locations. An analogy may be drawn be The fault in both arguments lies in the assumption that tween this method of narration and the written histories was a a the painting necessarily historical document, ofMt. Wutai in that they both share the same conception at a as faithful record of Mt. Wutai particular historical of "history" being made up of important events, indi moment. on as Focusing eyewitness accounts, these schol viduals, and institutions, opposed to, for example, the ars to trans as a underestimated the Dunhuang artists' ability concept of history unilinear progression of time such the of time and in the as that in gress specificity space conception narrated annalistic accounts.38 Accordingly, of the painting, and misinterpreted the essential nature both the pictorial and written narration of Mt. Wutai's of the painting. larger history is structured around these separate units of names or Although the of temples and other buildings individual histories of events, people, institutions. mostly correspond with those in historical records, The methods of narration in the two mediums, how or not are are whether the images representations of the ever, vastly different. The French scholar Paul actual buildings is perhaps beside the point. The choice Ricoeur in his essay on "Narrative Time" remarks that two to of the particular halls represent the Dafu Lingjiu "I take temporality to be that structure of essence that is to si/Da Huayan-si linked their direct association with reaches language in narrativity and narrativity to be the The are the focus of and structure that has as its ultimate Manjusr?. buildings pilgrimage, language "39 temporality as an status. such have acquired iconic Accordingly they referent. In the pictorial medium, I propose that nar are ones are on the only in the mural that placed the rativity in the visual structure has as its ultimate referent central axis and portrayed frontally. spatiality rather than temporality.40 In the mural of cave 61 is no to there attempt depict temporality?the dura Pictorial Narrative: and Temporality Spatiality tion of time that is embodied in each individual unit of Ever since Mt. a Manjusr? became connected with Wutai history?by showing images in action in temporal se in the fifth there were numerous or mar century, reports of quence. Instead, the images of people, buildings, that on the mountain. kers of events are "spiritual happenings" occurred anchored in their respective geographic In the 66os an was sent to or imperial delegation investigate locations, that is, where the action took place where these which resulted in a monument was claims, the first official report and established. By placing in the same cen the first picture ofMt. Wutai.35 By the late seventh visual plane images that refer to events and actions that Mt. Wutai had become an had at tury already international occurred different times in the past, the pictorial center of Buddhist pilgrimage, attracting pilgrims from method thus simultaneously transcends and embraces all over China and from as far as Kashmir, south and historical time. central Sri and Our on sources India, Lanka, Silla, Kory?, . dependence literary to identify the The most famous account of his manifestations is that matter subject today should not imply that the word to the Kashmiri over Manjusr? appeared monk Buddhap?lita takes precedence the image. Just as the great tradi who came to China and visited Mt. was (Fotuo Poliam), Wutai tion of Mt. Wutai being memorialized in historical in the The monk encountered in the year 676. Manjusr? accounts, diaries, travelogues, poems, and eulogies, it of an old who asked if he had was guise man, brought from being memorialized in pictorial images as well. If the West a of the Tantric text is copy Usn?sa-vijaya-dharan? the word the poetic, eulogized picture of Mt. Wutai, s?tra said is (Foding zunsheng tuoluonijing?n).36 Buddhap?lita the image the pictorial poem and eulogy. no and old man sent to the him back fetch the scripture. Political and The Kashmiri monk returned with the s?tra and pre Symbolism Patronage sented it to the old who then led him into the State a man, cults and Buddhism have had long collaboration Jin'gang-kuao (Diamond Grotto). The grotto then closed in China, and on Mt. Wutai the Buddhist establishments itself and the two were seen no more.37 by received imperial patronage from Xiaowen-di (r. 472 Inscriptions and illustrations of this legend are indi 499) of theNorthern Wei (386-534) down to Emperor cated twice in the mural (Fig. ju and Fig. 7D, lower left), Qianlong (r. 1736-1795) of the Qing dynasty (1644 37

This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions to a 1911). Several factors contributed the infusion of sacred mountain therefore provided Buddhist parallel in political significance in the worship of Manjusr? and Mt. traditional mountain worship. as as a Wutai: Ma?jusr?'s manifestations interpreted auspi Ma?jusr?'s increase in prominence cult figure, par omens was state cious signaling approval of the ruler, who ticularly in Buddhism, from the mid-eighth century as then identified the cakravartin, the Buddhist universal onward, however, should be attributed to the Singhalese as a ruler; the identification ofMt. Wutai Buddhist sacred monk Amoghavajra (Bukong Jin'gang,at 705-774), one mountain, which recalled mountain worship in tradi of the founders of Esoteric Buddhism in China. state rose tional Chinese ; and the identification of Amoghavajra to prominence in 741 and for the rest as a state of his at Manjusr? protector of the from the mid-Tang life served three Tang emperors court. Taking period onward. advantage of the chaotic situation in the aftermath of the a An The painting contains group of images of "spiritual Lushan rebellion of 755, he greatly expanded the on state beings"?floating clouds and inscribed with the instruments of Buddhism by performing cere not come tra character xian?that do from the Buddhist monies and prayers for the protection of the are state. In to dition. Instead, they the "auspicious omens" (xiang his teachings the Tang emperors, he em ruiap) from the native Chinese tradition. These include phasized their role as cakravartins.46 the golden dragons (Fig. je, right), qilinaq (Fig. je, left), Amoghavajra especially venerated Manjusr?, whom a cranes. state to sacred deer, divine bird, and white Han he held be omniscient. A significant number of the rare religion viewed the appearances of certain animals dharan? s?tras that Amoghavajra translated invoke the omens sent from to a new name auspicious applaud of Manjusr?. Through Amoghavajra's campaign or to one?a at an enormous sum was com regime approve of the existing concept court, of money raised to to a new or developed justify the Heavenly Mandate of plete the magnificent Jin'ge-si (Temple of the Golden existing emperor.41 This tradition continued into the Pavilion) on Mt. Wutai in 766, which had been started was as a mid-seventh century and employed political in the 73os by the monk Daoyiau after his vision of an Wu Zetian in a ploy by preparation for her usurpation of apparitional temple (the Jin'ge-si and manifestation of the Tang throne in 674. Thus reports of seeing auspicious the golden bridge associated with its miraculous found omens are became rampant, and officials who made such ing both depicted in the mural: Fig. ja, top and lower were reports generously rewarded.42 center).47 Amoghavajra also solicited imperial orders, in Since Wu to an Empress widely employed Buddhism for 769, install image of Manjusr? in the dining hall of even political ends, to the extent of proclaiming herself every monastery and, in 772, to have every monastery a no a the Incarnate and cakravartin, doubt the in the empire build Manjusr? chapel. Manjusr? was thus occurrences were as of Ma?jusr?'s manifestations regarded promoted a protector of the state.48 as omens a auspicious of special type, blending Buddhist The dramatic increase in the number of Manjusr? im state at ideas with the native cult. Indeed, Huize, the monk ages Dunhuang during the Tibetan occupation period to re who headed the imperial delegation Mt. Wutai, evinced the Tibetans' interest in Manjusr? worship to on ported Empress Wu the unusual visions he had Mt. through their patronage of Esoteric Buddhism. The Jiu as Wutai jiexiang (good and auspicious).43 Empress Wu's Tangshu (OldDynastic History of theTang) records that in new a sponsorship of the translation of the Avatamsaka 824 Tibetan king requested a picture ofMt. Wutai from same s?tra 2nd subsequent patronage of the Avatamsaka school the Tang court.49 At the time the first images of were also helped in promoting the worship of Manjusr?. Mt. Wutai depicted in murals. This period of wor Later Tang emperors continued to view Ma?jusr?'s ship continued in the late ninth and tenth centuries, cul as as manifestations auspicious signs, Ennin recounted minating in the fullest expression in cave 61. that every report of manifestation would result in the We may remember that when cave 61 was dedicated, or scarves was Tang emperor sending gifts like incense, tea, the chief donor's husband, Cao Yuanzhong, serving on reason as to the temples Mt. Wutai.44 Another for impe the governor of Dunhuang. Like other powerful mili or rial support was Mt. Wutai's proximity to Taiyuan, the tary governors of late Tang rulers of the Five Dynasties place of origin of the Tang imperial house. kingdoms, Cao also considered the patroning of Bud state a to Furthermore, Chinese religion has long tradi dhism essential governing. As the Tang empire disin state a tion of mountain worship. First the Qin Shihuang Di (r. tegrated, Buddhism provided rationale for regional 221-210 to b.c.), then the Tang and other emperors, per military rulers assert their political autonomy and on to formed the fengar and shanas ceremonies the summit claim the legitimacy rule.50 The excavation of cave as a commun ofMt. Tai, in Shandong province, form of chapels and the creation of images and paintings were ion between the emperor?the Son of Heaven?and devotional acts carried out to accrue . The patrons Heaven in order for the emperor to receive the Heavenly hoped that if they appeased the protective deities and Mandate.45 The identification ofMt. Wutai as a Buddhist gained approval from the Buddhist church, the govern

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions cave Fig. 8. Detail fromfingbian of Vimalak?rti-s?tra, Dunhuang 103, east wall, first half 8th century. TB vol. 3, pi. 154. ment would then be empowered, and stability and pros perity of the society would be assured. In this context, building the Hall of Manjusr? repre a on sents the efforts of political ruler (made his behalf by his wife) to invoke the powers of Manjusr? to protect omens the state. The depiction of auspicious in the paint ing empowers the governor with the Heavenly Mandate to rule. Furthermore, the representation of Mt. Wutai enabled the ruler to pay homage to the mountain. Cer ink on h. w. for similar reasons, the Tibetan a Fig. 9. Manjusr?, 9th century, and colors silk. 39.5, 14.5 tainly, king sought cm. 1919.1-1 0137 Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. picture of Mt. Wutai. Likewise, the depiction of royal emissaries from Kory?, Silla, and the Five Dynasties Chu state from Hunan (Fig. 7D) sending gifts to the Together these two bodhisattvas flanked the Historical wor as seen mountain underlines the political significance in the Buddha S?kyamuni, in the courtyard of theWen ship of Manjusr? and Mt. Wutai.51 shu Zhenshen-dian in the mural (Fig. je). Another of Ma?jusr?'s famous roles is in illustrations of the Vim andMt. Wutai Representational Imagery ofManjusr? alak?rti-s?tra beginning in the fifth century (Fig. 8). a InMah?y?na Buddhist art, Bodhisattva Manjusr? is tra In esoteric form Manjusr? holds in his right hand as a crown on ditionally represented young prince riding sword, symbolizing wisdom, whose sharpness destroys was a a lion. Beginning in the Tang dynasty, Manjusr? ignorance (Fig. 9), and sometimes in his left hand book an wears a often paired with Samantabhadra, who rides elephant. (the Praj??p?ramita). He also five-pointed crown,

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions io. Fig. Thousand-armed Manjusr? with 1,000 alms bowls, cave Dunhuang 99, south wall, Five Dynasties period. TB vol. 5, pi. 34.

as he is frequently associated with the number five.52 In 11. mid-ioth woodblock ink on another common esoteric form, is Fig. Manjusr?, century, print, Manjusr? portrayed h. w. 16.8 cm. of the Trustees an paper, 27.9, 1919.1-1 0237 Courtesy with 1,000 arms, each hand holding alms bowl (Fig. of the British Museum. 10). A number of devotional woodblock prints of Man to in jusr? (Fig. 11) have survived from Dunhuang; they date ing and submit the doctrine, that the future they may all enjoy to about the same time as cave 6i.53 The the exquisite fruits of Bodhi. dedicatory Kumarabhuta on Ma?juir? Bodhisattva's Five-syllable Heart-spell: inscription the prints is significant in understanding Arapacana. the of and Mt. Wutai at this time: worship Manjusr? Manjus*r? the Great Majestic and Virtuous One's Law Treasure Store Heart dh?rani: Om! Avira. Hum! Khasaro.54 This Manjusr? from among theWu-t'ai Hills, theGreat Holy One, appears in many diverse true manifestations. his and were By might magic Also from Dunhuang similar votive prints of unfathomable he long ago achieved true illumination, but did not Avalokitesvara and Vaisravana (Figs. 12 and 13) commis relax his great compassion. He lurked amid the Planes of Existence a or sioned Cao in the and his body shows the marks of man. In company with by Yuanzhong 947.55 Significantly, ten on state that Cao was to the deities for thousand Bodhisattvas he dwelt Mount Ch'ing-liang inscriptions praying " different forms that on [Qingliang], assuming (spiritual) profit might be protection behalf of his city, his prefecture, his "state. far and wide. All his and meditations were turned spread thoughts The following is part of the inscription from the Ava towards the increase of our we happiness and good fortune. If do lokitesvara obeisance to him and extol him he can fulfil all our wishes. Let us print: . . . exhort the Four Classes (of the Buddhist community) tomake offer [Cao Yuanzhong] carved this printing block and offered it on

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 12. Fig. Avalokitesvara print engraved for Cao Yuanzhong, Gover nor a.d. on h. at Dunhuang, 947, woodblock print, ink paper, w. 20.0 cm. 31.7, Stein Painting 1919.1-1 0242 Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum.

no behalf of the municipal shrines of the city, that they may know on troubles; behalf of the whole prefecture, that they may be intact east west and peaceful. That the ways leading and may remain open Vaisravana with attendants and a donor for Cao Yuan and unimpeded. That the barbarians (?) of north and south may Fig. 13. at A.D. severe zhong, Governor Dunhuang, 947, woodblock print, ink submit and obey. May all diseases disappear. May the sound on h. w. cm. no we paper, 40.0, 26.5 1919.1-1 0245 Courtesy of the of the war-trumpet longer be heard; may have the delight of Trustees of the British Museum. witnessing and hearing good things and all be wetted by (the dew of) . . fortune and prosperity. .36

In the mural the two figures closest to the Central Peak on west and leading the heavenly assembly are Avalokitesvara ofMt. E'mei flanking each side of the niche the and Vaisravana. The prints therefore confirm the political wall, which houses the central icons. These relatively meaning that the mural represented for Cao. Although simple depictions of Mt. Wutai already contain illustra on moun the Manjusr? print does not name the donor, itmay also tions of temples, st?pas, and worshipers the as as on have been commissioned by Cao Yuanzhong, who was tain, well Ma?jusr?'s "manifestations" trailing the most important patron of the time.57 clouds. The earliest examples of the depiction ofMt. Wutai at A Dunhuang painting inMus?e Guimet also depicts come a Dunhuang from number of Tibetan period caves Manjusr? and Mt. Wutai (eo 3588; Fig. 15). Probably a dating to the late 830s, including caves 159 (Fig. 14) and dating to the tenth century, it illustrates large figure of a 361. In both examples Manjusr? and his abode of Mt. Manjusr? with attendants amidst forested mountain are over Wutai juxtaposed with Samantabhadra and his abode range. Cartouches scattered the mountain identify 41

This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions cave Fig. 14. Detail of west wall of 159 (a.d. 836-840), an Dunhuang, panels depicting Mt. Wutai below image of Man jusr? outside the niche. TB vol. 4, pi. 76.

names on of temples Mt. Wutai. Nevertheless, the hier a atic placement of cult figure in the middle and the dis proportionately small and schematized mountainscape no a leave doubt that it is but conceptual, imaginary no depiction of the sacred mountain that has relation to the actual topography ofMt. Wutai. Inwhat ways, then, cave do these predecessors differ from the mural in 61? And how do we assess the mural in artistic terms?

in Tradition on Mt. 10th ink on Assessment of theMural the Landscape Fig. 15. Manjusr? Wutai, Dunhuang, century, paper. Mus?e Guimet eo 3588. Courtesy Mus?e Guimet. Since the subject matter of the Mt. Wutai mural is the mountainscape, one way of assessing the painting is to relate it to the development of secular landscape paint come ing?a genre that had taken great strides in the tenth works directly from the Buddhist painting tradi century with such masters as Dong Yuan (d. 962) and Li tion. In both, the panoramic vision of landscape is basi to a Cheng (d. 967). However, the style of the mural has little cally akin the conception of Buddha's pure land, a out a in common with contemporary secular landscapes, depicted from bird's-eye view, spread in grand a From judging from set of landscape woodcuts that illuminate fashion in front of the viewer. the eighth century an a scenes to a more text leaves of imperial edition of Buddhist s?tra onward, landscape began play signifi now cant serve as printed some time between 984 and 991, and in the role in Buddhist paintings and they usually a to collection of the Harvard University Art Museums (Fig. backdrop against which the Buddha preaches the or as a at 16).58 After detailed study of landscape motifs in these assembly (Fig. 17), setting which Avalokites an vara works, Max Loehr concluded that the prints retained performs compassionate deeds (Fig. 18). When the cave "archaic character" that harked back to the Tang land iconic image in the mural of 61 is removed, there a to scape tradition. The only proximity in style to secular fore, panorama of Mt. Wutai, similar the landscape the three-tiered landscapes by well-known masters, Loehr remarked, is print of Figure 16, is left. Furthermore, as are that of the monumental landscape style developed by structure, central axis, and symmetry spatial organi the late Tang masters Jing Hao and Guan Tong.59 zational principles directly inherited from the pure land The prints and the Mt. Wutai mural are comparable scenes. in that the conception and rendering of landscape in both Other rendering techniques and motifs of both the

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions text woodblocks between and Wood Fig. 16. Landscape print mounted with leaf of the imperial edition o?Bizang zhuan, carved 984 991. on h. l. cm. M. Harvard Mass. block print, ink paper, 22.7, 53.0 By permission of the Arthur Sadder Museum, University, Cambridge, Louise H. Daly, Alpheus Hyatt, and Anonymous Funds. 1962.11.3

set a cave Fig. 17. Jingbian of the Lotus S?tra against panorama of mountainscape. Dunhuang 321, south wall, 7th century. TB vol. 3, pi. 53.

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions the set a cave Fig. iS.Jingbian of Avalokitesvara S?tra, with iconic image of Avalokitesvara against panorama of mountainscape. Dunhuang 45, first half 8th century. TB vol. 3, pi. 131. mural and the prints also find precedents in earlier paint ings. These include the primarily linear method without internal modeling (in the mural, the mountain forms and the ground are overlaid with flat, parallel bands of green, white, and brown colors); progressive overlapping to suggest spatial recession (cf. Fig. 19), the zigzagging riv ers and streams; and the jagged silhouette of distant mountains lined with trees (cf. Fig. 17). Advancements in techniques from earlier painting, however, may be more found in the convincing scale of figures in relation to landscapes, and in the unified, coherent composition. a As landscape per se, the Representation ofMt. Wutai is relatively conservative, and solidly grounded in the convention of Buddhist painting. The secular ink land an on scape tradition did make impact Dunhuang, but came as seen a this influence much later, may be in depic tion ofMt. Wutai from Yulin cave 3, which dates to the Xixia period (a.D. i036-1229). On the other hand, the cave innovations of the landscape mural in 61 lie in its its dense "text," and its grand conception, symbolic Fig. 19.Detail o?jingbian of theLotus S?tra with a landscape scene a of and combining convincing portrayal geographical showing overlapping of hills in progressive recession. Dunhuang a cave TB historical reality with religious conception. 103, south wall, first half 8th century. vol. 3, pi. 153.

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions as a nature The Mural Map: Metaphysics and Spatial Structure clearly indicate the spiritual of the heavenly beings and images of manifestations that occupy the space above In The Representation of Mt. Wutai differs from previous the mountain. addition, the mountain proper is paintings of Mt. Wutai in that it adopts the representa marked off from the mundane world by the mountain a a serve as routes tional mode of topographic map, choice that enables gates that end-points of the pilgrimage the painting to present illusions of historical and geo before they diverge and zigzag up the mountain. Shan as a men to outer a graphical reality. It is credible map because of the refers the gate of temple, while the temple amount is in cos of geographical information it conveys, and be symbolic of the universal mountain Buddhist cause case seat it is placed separately behind the altar with the mology. In this the temple?the of the deity?is a sculptural image of Manjusr?. Otherwise, if the main in the actual form of mountain. The mountain gates serve as as a image had been included in the painting, its large size, thus markers, in temple, that separate the as an dictated by its function icon, would have destroyed sacred territory of Manjusr? from the secular world any believable sense of scale. below. on car a In the latest comprehensive text the history of Furthermore, there is clear distinction between the on tography, the editors J. B. Harley and David Woodward human activities occurring the mountain and those are gave the following definition for maps: "Maps occurring below it.Most of the pilgrims and worshipers a on or graphic representations that facilitate spatial under the mountain, inside temples in front of sacred or a standing of things, concepts, conditions, processes, sites, stand immobile with hands clasped in worshiping a as events in the human world." P. D. A. Harvey defined gesture. By contrast, bustling activities such commer as one sets out or on topographic map "a large-scale map, that cial transactions traveling pilgrims the pilgrimage to a sense convey the shape and pattern of landscape, showing routes give of continuous movement in time a as tiny portion of the earth's surface it lies within one's jc). The difference between the sacred and the "61 (Fig. own direct . . . is contrast experience secular thus further heightened by the between While the mural of Mt. Wutai describes and conveys the static and the moving; the worshiping figures are geographical information about Mt. Wutai, it also de transfixed, frozen in time, while the figures in action are as as a picts its religious sites and pilgrimage routes, well given temporal dimension. the celestial realm above. Therefore, properly speaking, The three-tiered structure therefore denotes a hierar a or a case the mural is religious pilgrim's map. As in the chy of spirituality: descending from the blissful, timeless as t-o of pilgrim's maps in other cultures, such the maps images in the atmospheric space, to the transfixed wor with Jerusalem in the center, maps illustrating the Mus shipers in the middle ground, and finally to the mundane or concerns lim sacred sites of Mecca and Medina, the Shinto of people in the secular world. a shrine m?ndalas of Japan, the mural translates religious Although distinct and separate, the three realms are a a acts ideology, cosmography into the pictorial form of connected through of communication. Worshipers a to can landscape in reconstructed space analogical reality. gain access to the mountain through the ritual act of In on on his article cartography and art, Ronald Rees noted pilgrimage, while, up the mountain, they can make how in contact maps produced medieval times?a time when with the spiritual through worship in correspon art were one?not religion and and science only ad dence with Ma?jusr?'s compassionate acts of manifesta dressed sight but also mediated between the "multidi tion. As spaces are traversed, so are the dimensions of mensional of truth" that were conceived as "con time. Transcendent time is communicated to humans planes "62 current a parts of harmonious whole. Other scholars through the transfixed acts of worship and manifesta who study maps both as art and artifacts also noted the tion, and that in turn can be reenacted in historical time as "eloquence and expressive power" of maps signs (ac through the reoccurrences of rituals.64 to as texts to be read inter cording semiologists), (as On both sides of the central, vertical axis, the peaks, structural or as preted by linguists), coded iconographie spiritual beings, temples, and the pilgrimage routes are more or symbols.63 less symmetrically arranged, and in a hierarchi or The meaning of the sign, text, symbol, neverthe cal order moving away from the center to the sides. The needs to be form and structure. at most less, expressed through Central Peak the top, and the two important In on the painting, the arrangement of pictorial space articu buildings on Mt. Wutai the central axis receive frontal lates a hierarchical three-tiered structure: a realm treatment. spiritual The organizational principles of frontality, an above, intermediary territory of the mountain in the centrality, symmetry, as well as the three-tiered structure and the human world below. To reinforce this are middle, characteristic of the iconic mode in Buddhist imagery, order several devices are to conceptual employed distin from iconic images to pure land scenes. These conven the sacred from the secular guish space space. tional compositional principles firmly establish the iconic The clouds and the character as xian, discussed earlier, mode of the Representation ofMt. Wutai. Thus the paint

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 20. Fig. Topographie map ofMt. Wutai, 18th century. Woodblock print. From Chiang Tingxi (comp.), Gujin tushu jicheng, Qing ed.

a ing represents Buddhist metaphysical conception of as space, while presenting the mountain the pure land of Manjusr?, an object of worship.

Conflicts of Spiritual andGeographic Reality If iconic worship is the primary function of the painting, then how does the geographical, physical reality of this worship compromise with this religious ideology? a Secular maps of China traditionally take north south, and therefore neutral, orientation.65 Secular maps of Mt. Wutai from the Qing to modern times, both in the topographic mode and in the abstracted, aerial mode (Figs. 20, 21) also take the north-south orientation and a show the configuration of the five peaks in semicircle a surrounding valley in the center (photograph in Figure 22). However, when visitors enter the valley from the southeast, they directly face the Central Peak in front and turn their gaze from left to right; then the five peaks same as in spread out horizontally in the order depicted the mural: Southern, Western, Central, Northern, and Eastern. Thus the mural's orientation is governed by the visitors' actual experience and their relationship to the a mountain, namely, the view is that of pilgrim who comes to worship the sacred mountain, the focus of pilgrimage. some The geographical location of temples has also been altered, most notably that of Foguang-si (Temple a of Buddha's Light; Fig. 7G), renowned ancient temple of Mt. Wutai.66 In its history the temple is associated two eminent monks: Monk of the 2i. with Jietuoav early Fig. Modern aerial map ofMt. Wutai. Adapted from Depart seventh and the Pure Land Buddhist monk ment of Commerce, Shanxi province, and the Tourist Supply century, Company, Wutai shan (: Wenwu Press, 1984), p. 5. Fazhaoaw (d. 821), who founded the Zhulin-si (Temple

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This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 22. Photograph of Taihuai encircled by the Five Peaks. From Tokiwa Taizo and Sekino Tei, Shina Bukky? shiseki (Tokyo: Shina Bukky? shiseki ky?kai, 1926-1931), vol. 5, pi. 4.

ms. a to Fig. 23. Dunhuang S3 97, pilgrim's travelogue Mt. Wutai. Courtesy of The British Library, Oriental and Indian Office Collections.

of the on a name Bamboo Grove) Mt. Wutai after having vision from Mt. Wutai. Its is often mentioned in eulogies an near on of apparitional temple the Foguang-si.67 and poems Mt. Wutai, and in pilgrims' diaries and is at as The Foguang-si located the foothill ofMt. Wutai travelogues, such Ennin's diary and Dunhuang ms. on and lies the main traveling route between Taiyuan and S397 (Fig. 23). The names of towns and station hostels town on on the valley of Taihuai up the mountain (see map, the pilgrimage route mentioned in ms. S397 in fact 2i Fig. and photograph, Fig. 22). The temple is therefore match those listed in the painting, thus lending credence a to to as a frequent stopover for pilgrims and travelers and the painting map.68

47

This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions the history of Mt. Wutai, describes its geographical space, expounds the Buddhist teachings about Manjusr?, and embodies the political significance of this worship to the patron. It is at once a doctrine, an icon, a text, a map, amyth, a devotional act, and a ritual. In its totality as an and with all of its potency image, the painting is an on apparition of Ma?jusr?'s pure land earth that materi alizes the religious tradition of Mt. Wutai and makes manifest its multifaceted planes of truth and reality.

POSTSCRIPT

While conducting research in Kyoto in the spring of rare 1993, in the Fuji Yurinkan I came across a small Fig. 24. Buddha group showing Buddhap?lita meeting Ma?ju?ri, carving that illustrates the legend of the Kashmiri monk who manifested himself as an old man. late as an man Chinese, 9th-ioth Buddhap?lita meeting Manjusr? disguised old limestone. Yurin century, gray Fuji Kan, Kyoto. Photograph by The about 20 centimeters shows Miwako Koetsuka. (Fig. 24). carving, high, a shallow niche with a seated Buddha flanked by monks a are and bodhisattva. On the far right Buddhap?lita, wearing a Central Asian style hat and nomadic garb, outside Mt. Wutai's boundaries, Although Foguang-si greeting Manjusr?, shown as an old monk with a is associated with the mountain because of same as traditionally hunched back. The depiction is exactly the that its For this reason it is accorded a religious significance. in the mural. To the far left an attendant figure is shown position in the mural, up on the moun prominent lying with Ma?jusr?'s lion. The first two lines of the inscription tain near the Northern Peak 7G; the tem territory (Fig. below read: "A foreign monk from the western country actual location is closer to the Central and Southern ple's came to pay tribute to the Buddha. Manjusr? manifested The of a hall also does not peaks). depiction three-bay himself in the body of an old man." Provenance of the match with the seven-bay hall of the extant Great Eastern piece is unknown, but from the style of carving (a relaxa which dates to The fact that neither the tem Hall, 857. tion of the hieratic stance, the nor High Tang protruding ple's location its appearance is accurate is insignifi bellies) and the subject matter, the carving probably dates cant, because the location and temple's geographical to the late ninth to the tenth century. The crudeness of physical reality are superseded its by religious impor the carving also points to its provincial origin and the tance. was as an fact that the piece made act of piety rather than As discussed earlier, the pictorial images of to temples for aesthetic pleasure. I would like thank Miwako and other types of buildings are but conventional signs. Koetsuka for taking the photograph. The actual scale of mountain to temples and human be ings has also been much reduced for clearer representa tion. The reduction in scale, use of conventionalized sym bols, and adjusted placement of important features are no devices frequently employed in maps.69 As map is Notes free from ideology, these modifications are made because note: a the primary function and intent of the mural is religious. Author's This article originated in paper for a seminar on Professor Wu at Harvard I We may therefore justly call the painting of Mt. Wutai Dunhuang taught by Hung University. would like to thank teachers at an a Buddhist my Harvard?Professors Wu Hung, ideological map, metaphysical conception M. John Rosenfield, Irene Winter, and Masatoshi Nagatomi?for of the mountain. at their encouragement and their critique of the paper various stages. In his on The Roland of I am most to essay Eiffel Tower, Barthes Outside Harvard, grateful the following persons for a the and their comments: Raoul analyzed the intellectual character of panoramic vision, carefully reading manuscript Birnbaum, Susan Bush, Anne Rhie, and Elizabeth remarking that the panorama's power of intel Clapp, Marylin inducing ten I to an to Grotenhuis. would also like acknowledge support of lection lay in its invitation decipher, to plunge into international predoctoral fellowship (1991-92) from the American time and of history through geographic space?a type Association of University Women, which enabled me to undertake duration that becomes As a panoramic.70 religious extensive revision of the manuscript in September 1991. 1. illustrations are panorama, the Representation ofMt. Wutai mediates not Color of the mural published in Dunhuang Re search Institute sekkutsu: Tonk? Bakko-kutsu just between place and historical time, but between the (ed.), Ch?goku (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1983), vol. 5, pis. 55-64. A complete set of black-and exterior geographical space and the religious, mental white photographs of the entire mural is in the James and Lucy Lo of the devotees. It narrates at geography simultaneously Archive of Dunhuang photographs Princeton University. 48

This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2. one io. 2 Mt. Wutai is of China's Four Sacred Buddhist Mountains. Xian Da, Mogao, Yulin erku zakao, Wenwu cankao zhiliao The other three are also considered abodes of great bodhisattvas: Mt. (5)(I95I):92; Jao Tsung-i, Peintures monochromes de Dunhuang (Paris: Putuo in for Avalokitesvara, Mt. E'mei in Sichuan for Ecole Fran?aise d'Extr?me Orient, 1978), vol. 3, pp. 16-20; Duan in Samantabhadra, and Mt. Jiuhua Anhui for Kstigarbha (Dizangax). Wenjie, Mogaoku wanqi de yishu, in Ch?goku sekkutsu: Tonk?Bakko 3. The two cults differ, however, in that the cult of Mt. Wutai is kutsu, vol. 5, pp. 161-162. 11. Ke directly linkedwith theworship ofManjusr? while theManjusr? cult Shijie and Sun Xiushen, Gua sha Cao shi yu Dunhuang is nor to neither localized exclusively related Mt. Wutai. Mogaoku, Dunhuang yanjiu wenji (Lanzhou: Gansu Renmen Press, we 4. What know today about Mt. Wutai in medieval times de 1982), pp. 250-252. on two texts: 12. pends primarily the Gu Qingliang zhuanay {Ancient His JinWeinuo, Dunhuang ku kan mingsu kao, Wenwu (5X1959); tory ofMt. Qingliang, hereafter Ancient History), written by Huixiang reprinted in JinWeinuo, Zhongguo meishushi lunji (Beijing: Renmin in the seventh century; and the Guang Qingliang zhuanzz (Extended Meishu, 1981), pp. 326-340. History ofMt. Qingliang, hereafter the ExtendedHistory) compiled by 13. Ibid., pp. 339-340. with a dated to a.d. 1061. The two texts are The a Yanyi preface included 14. French Sinologist Paul Pelliot copied total of 191 inscrip tions in are in in Taish? shinsh? daizoky? (hereafter TD), Takakusu Junjir? and 1908, which published Grottoes de Touen-houang, Carnet Watanabe Kaigyoku (eds.) (Tokyo: Taish? Shinsh? Daizoky? Kan de Notes de Paul Pelliot, Mission Paul Pelliot, Documents Conserv?s au vol. nos. Mus?e kokai, 1924-1932), 51, 2098 and 2099, pp. 1092-1101 and Guimet (Paris: Coll?ge de France, Instituts d'Asie, Centre de sur 1101-1127, respectively. Pilgrims' diaries also give detailed accounts Recherche l'Asie et la Haute Asie, 1984), vol. xiv, pp. 8-11. of Mt. most the Wutai, notably Japanese monk Ennin's diary of his 15. Scholarly studies of Manjusr? include Etienne Lamotte, Man visit in 840,Nitt?guh?junreigy?ki inDai Nihon bukky?zensho (Tokyo: jusr?, T'oung Pao (48)(i960): 1-96; and Marie Th?r?se de Mallemann, an ver sur Bussho Kank?kai, 1912, vol. 72; for edited and commented Etude Iconographique Manjusr? (Paris: Ecole Fran?aise d'Extr?me sion see Ono Nitt? no See Katsutoshi, guh? junrei gy?ki kenky?, 4 vols. Orient, 1964). also discussions by Benoytosh Bhattacharyya, The an trans (Tokyo: Suzuki Gakujutsu Zaidan, 1964-1969); for English IndianBuddhist Iconography (London:Oxford University Press, 1924), lation see Ennin's Diary: The Record of a Pilgrimage toChina in Search pp. 15-31); entry on Monju in Bukky? daijiten,Mochizuki Shink? of the Law, Edwin O. Reishauer (trans.) (New York: Ronald Press, (ed.), 4th ed. (Tokyo: Sekai Seiten kank? kyokai, 1963), pp. 4875 on are 1 1955), pp. 214-268. Modern studies Mt. Wutai perhaps best 4879; chapter of Alex Wayman's translation of the Mahjusr?-n?ma written represented by Godaisan, by the Japanese scholars Ono Ka samg?ti, in Chanting theNames ofManjusri (Boston and London: Sham tsutoshi and Hibino J?bu (Tokyo: Zayuh? Kank?kai, 1942). More bhala, 1985), pp. 1-5; Paul Williams, Mah?y?na Buddhism (London a and New York: on recently, Raoul Birnbaum has written number of monographs relat Routledge, 1989), pp. 238-241; and entry Man to on ing Manjusr? and Mt. Wutai: Studies theMysteries ofManjusr?, jusr? by Raoul Birnbaum in Encyclopedia of Religion, Mircea Eliade no. and New Society for the Study of Chinese Religions monograph 2, 1983; (ed.) (London York: Macmillan, 1987), vol. 9, pp. 174 The Manifestation a on of Monastery: Shenying's Experiences 175. Mount in 16. The was Wu-t'ai T'ang Context, fournal of the American Oriental Vimalakirtinirdesa-sutra translated into Chinese from 106 to Society (i-2)(i986):i 19-137. the third the seventh centuries by Zhiqian (TD no. 474), The Chinese Su Bai were no. and no. 5. scholars and Liang Sicheng primarily Kum?raj?va (TD 475), (TD 476). concerned with the archaeological information of architectural form 17. See Har Dayal, The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhist Sanskrit and style found in the painting (Su Bai, Dunhuang Mogaku zhong Literature (Delhi, Patna, and Varanasi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1932), de Wutai The shan tu; and Liang Sicheng, Dunhuang bihua zhong suojian chapter vi, Bh?mis, pp. 270-29 i;EdwardJ. Thomas, The History 2 de gudaijianzhu, Wenwu cankao zhiliao (5)(i951)149-71, 1-48, re of Buddhist Thought (London and New York, 1933), pp. 204-211; The on spectively). Japanese scholar Hibino J?bu assessed the painting Williams, Mah?y?na Buddhism, pp. 204-214; and entry in terms of its in Bodhisattva in accuracy depicting historical and geographical reality path Encyclopedia of Religion, vol. 2, pp. 265-269. in Tonk? no Godaisan-zu ni 18. The a work tsuite, Bukky? Bijutsu 34 (i958):75~86, Avatamsaka-s?tra, composite probably compiled in an while Ernesta Marchand wrote article called The Panorama of central Asia in the fourth century, was first translated into Chinese Wu-t'ai Shan as an of Buddhabhadra no. Example Tenth Century Cartography, in Orien by between 418 and 420 (TD 278); the second tal Art was (Summer 1976): 158-173. and enlarged translation by Siks?nanda between 695 and 699 6. Shi no. under the Weixiang, Shizhu yu shiku, in Dunhuang Yanjiu Wenji (TD 279) sponsorship of Empress Wu (r. 690-705). Renmin The version was (Gansu: Press, 1982), pp. 151-164. seventh-century translated into English by Thomas An from cave 220 states that The Flower 7. inscription the Zai moved from Cleary, Ornament Scripture: A Translation of theAvatamsaka to in and at vols. and Xunyang Dunhuang 579, Zai family chapels Dunhuang S?tra, 3 (Boston London: Shambhala, 1984-1987). The caves 220 22 include (dated 642) and 85 (dated 862); see ShiWeixiang, Dasabh?mika-s?tra (fascicles and 26 of the first and second versions Shizu yu shiku, p. 155. of the Avatamsaka-s?tra, respectively) was first translated into Chinese 8. The names of are in the nos. the 48 donors recorded in Dunhuang Research third century (TD 281-284). Institute Wenwu Nirm?na relates to notion of (ed.), Dunhuang mogaoku gongyangren tiji (Beijing: 19. the the trik?ya (triple bodies; san Press, 20-25. of buddhas. The three bodies are 1986), pp. shenbb) the -k?ya (body of 9. Those in the Stein collection: Arthur A Cata the the essence of paintings Waley, Law, fashenbc), pure the buddhas' teachings and Recovered Sir Aurel Stein the logue of Paintings from Tun-huang by (London: knowledge; sambhoga-k?ya (body of bliss, baoshenbd) the sup The British Museum and the Government of cat. nos. ramundane form of India, 1931), buddhas revealed for the enjoyment of doctrine in the ccxLi, ccxlv; Biblioth?que Nationale, Paris, P4514, P5415. while preaching to assemblies of bodhisattvas and devas in all univer For Cao activities see and the of or Yuanzhung's patronage Jiang Liangfu, Mogaoku ses; nirm?na-k?ya (body transformation apparitional nianbiao A on the form buddhas assume for all creatures (Shanghai: Guji Press, 1985), pp. 528-575. eulogy body, huashenbe) living in is in Lady Zai, Caofuren zanhz recorded Dunhuang shishi yishu, Luo response to their needs. See Daisetz T Suzuki, Studies in the Lank?v? and Fu vol. while an dated Sutra Zhenyu Jiang (eds.), (1909), 3, inscription (Boulder: Prajna Press, 1981), pp. 308-338; T R. V. Murti, to and the benefactions made to the cave tem The 966 listing Dunhuang Central Philosophy ofBuddhism: A Study of theMadhyamika System, made Cao iswritten on the reverse of a 2nd ed. and ples by Yuanzhong Dunhuang (London, Boston, Sydney: M?ndala Books, i960), pp. now in the British in Roderick Art and painting Museum, Whitfield, of 280-287; Williams, Mah?y?na Buddhism, pp. 167-179. Central Asia and London: Kodansha 20. (Tokyo International, 1982), vol. Lamotte, Manjusr?, pp. 13, 35-39. 21. no. 11, fig. 84. TD 278, vol. 9, p. 590. 49

This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 22. in or Various mountain ranges India, the Himalayas, and central 1976), pp. 40-43, 225-244; Svetlana Alpers, Describe Narrate? A a Asia, particularly those with configuration of five peaks, have also Problem in Realistic Representation, New Literary History 8 as none : been identified Ma?jusr?'s territory, but of them had attained ( 1976) 15-41 Norman; Bryson, Word and Image: French Painting of the as see international recognition had Mt. Wutai in China; Lamotte, Ancien Regime (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 1 Manjusr?, pp. 32-35, 49~54 chapter and conclusion; Meyer Schapiro, Words and Pictures: On the TD no. a 23. 279, vol. 10, p. 241; English translation is in Cleary, Literal and Symbolic in Illustrations of Text (The Hague: Mouton, The Flower Ornament Scripture, vol. 11, p. 218. 1973). no. 24. TD 1185, vol. 20, p. 791. 41. See Wu Hung, A Sanpan Shan Chariot Ornament and the out in 25. Ono and Hibino pointed thatMt. Qingliang had already Xiangrui Design Western Han Art, Archives of Asian Art 37 as had Daoist associations in the fourth century, itwas called xiandu,hi (i984):38-59 "land of immortals" on a from Li Shui the (based passage Daoyuan's 42. Chen Yinke, Wu Ying yu fojiao, reprinted in Chen Yinke xian a Wei text in Ancient jing zhu, Northern quoted by Huixiang History). sheng wenshi lunji (Hong Kong: Wen Wen, 1973), vol. 2, pp. 183-200. intense However, because of the study of the Avatamsaka-s?tra begin 43. Huixiang, Ancient History, p. 1098. as ning in the fifth century, Mt. Wutai became identified the sacred 44. Reischauer (trans.), Ennin's Diary, pp. 233-234. of territory Manjusr? (Ono and Hibino, Godaisan, pp. 9-17). 45. Shiji, compiled by Sima Qian, chuan 28, Feng shan shu 26. on Cleary, The Flower Ornament Scripture, vol. 11, pp. 108-109. (Treatise the Feng and Shan Sacrifices) (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, vol. 102. 27. Ibid., 11, p. !959)> vol. 4, pp. 1355-1404; and Michael Loewe, The Imperial 28. on Marchand quoted Joseph Mullie's study the particle zhi that Cults, Chinese Ideas of Life andDeath (London and Boston: Allen & not a a the character is specifically genitive but "particle of liaison and Unwin, 1981), pp. 127-143. a mark of in The Panorama of as an were out in one texts qualification," Wu-t'ai Shan 46. Such ideas spelled of the Amoghavajra of nos. see Example Tenth Century Cartography, p. 169. translated: the Wenshu renwang huguo jingh? (TD 245, 246); on 29. Rudolf Arnheim, The Perception of Maps, in New Essays Weinstein's discussion of Amoghavajra, Buddhism Under the T'ang, thePsychology ofArt (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University pp. 77-83 of accounts California Press, 1986), p. 194. 47. See of the Jin'ge-si in Yanyi (comp.), Extended History, to wen 30. The founding of the temple is attributed Emperor Xiao pp. 1113-1114, and in Reischauer (trans.), Ennin's Diary, pp. 252 a was a center (r. 472-499) of the Northern Wei (386-534), devout Buddhist 256. In Ennin's day the Jin'ge-si still thriving of the an emperor and instrumental figure in disseminating Buddhism in esoteric Manjusr? cult. et no. the Northern Dynasties period. Another traditional attribution is 48. Song gaoseng zhuan, Zanning al. (comps.), TD vol. 50, Emperor Ming (r. 58-75) of the Eastern Han (a.D. 9-220), who is 2061, pp. 712-714; Weinstein, Buddhism Under the T'ang, pp. 79-82; associated with the formal introduction of Buddhism into China, as Ono and Hibino, Godaisan, pp. 45-56. in monk et the eminent Tang Daoxuan's Ji shenzhou sanbao gantong lu 49. Jiu Tangshu, Liu Xu al. (comps.), 945, chuan 17, Jingzong no. (TD 2106, vol. 52, p. 437), and in Yanyi (comp.), Extended ji, and chuan 196, Tufan zhuan (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1975). see History (p. 1103). The Eastern Han date is very unlikely and may be 50. For discussions of Buddhism of the Five Dynasties period seen as an to more to et attempt mythologize and attach importance the Nakamura Hajime al., Ch?goku bukky? hatten shi, translated into status see ofMt. Wutai in later times; Ono and Hibino, Godaisan, pp. Chinese by Yu Wanju (Taipei: Tianhua, 1984), vol. 1, pp. 385-398; 6-9. Makita Tairy?, Godai sh?ky? shi kenky? (Kyoto: Heiraku-ji shoten, 31. During restorations inMing (1368-1644) and Qing (1644 1971), pp. 153-195. was as sent 1911) times, the original Da Huayan-si split into smaller temples. 51. The emissary from Hunan has been identified that by on state in see on The present-day Xiantong-si probably stands the ground of the the Chu 947; Yanyi (comp.), Extended History, entry on a original Dafu Lingjiu-si, and the present-day Pusa-ding the Zhaohuabh p. 1122, and discussion by Sun Xiushen, Mogaoku on ground of the Wenshu Zhenshen-dian and Wan Pusa-lou, the fojiao shijihua neirong kaoshi, Dunhuang yanjiu (1) (1988): 5-6. 2. summit of the hill. 52. Lamotte, Manjusr?, p. see 32. Reischauer (trans.), Ennin's Diary, pp. 229-237; also Ono 53. See Aurel Stein, Serindia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1921), p. in and Hibino's discussion of the Da Huayan-si Tang times, Godaisan, 976; Waley, A Catalogue of Paintings Recovered from Tun-huang by Sir no. pp. 38-45. Aurel Stein, cat. ccxxxv; Whitfield, Art of Central Asia, vol. 11, in Dai Anne Cave the Thousand 33. San Tendai Godaisan ki, Nihon bukky?zensho vol. 72; for figs. 142, 143, 147; Whitfield and Farrer, of a see san cat. no. commented edition Shimazu Kusako, f?jin ajari boshu, Tendai Buddhas (London: The British Museum, 1990), 86; prints in no Godaisan ki kenky? (Tokyo: Kotoku-sha, 1959), pp. 461-462. the Biblioth?que Nationale include P4514, 2(5). Tonk? no ni Su Sir 34. Hibino, Godaisan-zu tsuite, pp. 81-82; Bai, 54. Waley, A Catalogue of Paintings Recovered from Tun-huang by Dunhuang Mogaku zhong de Wutai Shan tu, pp. 55-57. Aurel Stein, p. 197. 35. Huixiang, Ancient History, p. 1098. 55. Ibid., cat. nos. ccxli, ccxlv, pp. 199-201; Whitfield and Far The s?tra was into cat. nos. 36. Usn?sa-vijaya-dharan? translated Chinese by rer, Cave of the Thousand Buddhas, 84, 85. no. Buddhap?lita, TD 967. 56. Translated by Waley, A Catalogue of Paintings Recoveredfrom Extended Reischauer another translation 37. Yanyi (comp.), History, p. mi; (trans.), Tun-huang by Sir Aurel Stein, pp. 199-200; by Ennin's Diary, pp. 246-247. Lionel Giles is inDescriptive Catalogue of theChinese Manuscripts from 38. See Hay den White's discussion of the different forms of rep Tunhuang in theBritish Museum (London: The British Museum, 1957), resentations of historical reality in The Value of Narrativity in the p. 279. in T Representation of Reality, W J. Mitchell (ed.), On Narrative 57. Jiang Liangfu, Mogaoku nianbiao, pp. 537-541. and London: of are in Max Chinese (Chicago University Chicago Press, 1981), pp. 1-23. 58. The prints published Loehr, Landscape Paul Narrative inMitchell On 39. Ricoeur, Time, (ed.), Narrative, Woodcuts (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), pis. p. 165. 1-16. on nature 40. For discussions the and relationship of word and 59. Ibid., pp. 34-54 scholars in different see Roland Rhetoric from Yulin cave is illustrated in image by disciplines Barthes, 60. This depiction ofMt. Wutai 3 Ansei Yulin of the Image, Image/Music/Text, Stephen Heath (trans.) (New York: Dunhuang Research Institute (ed.), Ch?goku sekkutsu: Hill and Wang, 1977), pp. 33-51; Nelson Goodman, Languages of kutsu (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1990), pl. 165. to The Art: An Approach the Theory of Symbols (Indianapolis: Hackett, 61. J. B. Harley and David Woodward (eds.), History of Cartog 50

This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions raphy (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1987), vol. Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi, 1990, edited The 1, p. 1; P. D. A. Harvey, History of Topographical Maps: Symbols, by K. Vatsyayan (in press). Pictures ca. and Surveys (London: Thames and Hudson, 1980), p. 9. 65. An example is the General Map of China by Huang Shang, on a 62. Ronald Rees, Historical Links Between Cartography and Art, 1193, which was engraved stele in Suzhou by Wang Zhiyuan, The Review ca. see Geographical 70 (1)(January 1980):66. 1247; Joseph Needham, Science and Civilization of China (Cam 63. The nature of maps has been the focus of a number of recent bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), vol. 3, pi. lxxxiii, pp. publications: both Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.), The 543-551. 66. lin M. The ssu York and London: Iconography of Landscape (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Mary Rhie, Fo-kuang (New an 1988) and David Woodward (ed.), Art andCartography (Chicago and Garland, 1977) is in-depth study of the history of the temple and a see accounts in Ancient London: Chicago University Press, 1987) consist of number of its sculptures; also the Huixiang, History and see TD articles by different authors; also chapter 1, The Map and the Yanyi (comp.), Extended History, vol. 51, pp. 1095 and 1108, Development of the History of Cartography, in Harley and Wood respectively. an on ward (eds.), The History of Cartography, pp. 1-41; and Svetlana Al 67. Huixiang, Ancient History has entry Jietuo, p. 1095; for see pers, The Art of Describing: Dutch Art in the Seventeenth Century Fazhao Yanyi (comp.), Extended History, pp. 1114-1116 and (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983). Weinstein, Buddhism Under the T'ang, pp. 73-74. 64. See Irene Winter's discussion of space and time inMesopota 68. Reischauer (trans.), Ennin's Diary, p. 265; the text of ms. S397 mian art in two conference papers: Reading Concepts of Space from has been translated into English by Marylin Rhie, The Fo-kuang ssu, Ancient Mesopotamian Monuments, inK. Vatsyayan(ed.), Concepts pp. 49-60. of Space, Ancient andModern (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 69. See Harvey, The History of Topographical Maps, pp. 9-14; Rees, !99!)? PP- 57-73; and Fixed, Transcended, and Recumbent Time in Historical Links Between Cartography and Art, p. 66. Art of Ancient to as the the Mesopotamia, be published part of 70. Roland Barthes, The Eiffel Tower, Richard Howard (trans.), an on proceedings of International Seminar Time sponsored by the New York: Hill and Wang, 1979), pp. 3-17.

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