A Reassessment of the Representation of Mt. Wutai from Dunhuang Cave 61 Author(s): Dorothy C. Wong Source: Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 46 (1993), pp. 27-52 Published by: University of Hawai'i Press for the Asia Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20111226 . Accessed: 22/11/2013 13:44 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of Hawai'i Press and Asia Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Archives of Asian Art. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Reassessment of the Representation ofMt. Wutai from Dunhuang Cave 61 Dorothy C. Wong Harvard University or L he Representation ofMt. Wutai (Wutai Shan Tuz\ Figs. archaeological, historical, geographical information a cave i, 7), mural covering the west wall of Dunhuang contained in the painting.5 Primarily concerned with our 61 (Fig. 2), challenges preconception about Chinese verifying the various pieces of information contained in an Buddhist painting created in the tenth century A.D.1 Al the painting, these investigations reflect empirical bias though the view that orthodox Buddhism and Buddhist that ignores the religious function of the mural, resulting art declined and became stagnant in China after the in disparate and unsatisfactory conclusions. In this study eighth century generally holds true, the Representation of Imaintain that the mural should be studied in its totality, on context Mt. Wutai will show that, the contrary, development in its original and environment. Iwill establish as in Buddhist doctrine and creativity in expression may the function of the painting essentially religious and still be found in post-Tang (618-907) Buddhist art, but iconic, and let this function determine the framework a to in different guise. through which the mural is be interpreted. Iwill then The mural depicts Mt. Wutai (Mountain of Five closely examine relevant textual materials in conjunction a to uncover as Peaks), mountain in present-day Shanxi province that with the pictorial imagery in order many as Buddhists believe is the abode of Manjusr? (Wenshu of the meanings embodied in the painting possible, are Pusab), the Buddhist Bodhisattva of Wisdom.2 The wor and discuss how they conveyed. In particular Iwill some ship of Manjusr? originated in India, and later developed reexamine canonical texts and investigate how they on in the Chinese cults of Mt. Wutai and Manjusr?.3 Because may throw light the meaning of the painting. Iwill on followers believe that Manjusr? manifests himself the also investigate the sociopolitical aspects of Manjusn and mountain, Mt. Wutai became an international center of Mt. Wutai worship and the background of the patron to or Buddhist pilgrimage from the seventh century onward.4 look for any hidden meaning specific significance the The creation of the mural in the tenth century is therefore painting may have held for the patron. Finally I will a testimony to the continuation and vitality of these in assess the painting's role in different Chinese representa digenous religious traditions. tional traditions and examine the relationship between a sense The mural is Buddhist painting in the that its the painting's form and its content. an subject isManjusr? and his abode and that it is placed Although this article is iconological study, I also within a cave serving a Buddhist ritual function. How hope to address more general art historical issues, ever, unlike conventional Buddhist paintings that strictly namely, symbols and iconography; signs and association; adhere to the contents of canonical works?usually s?t representation and reality; narrative in the pictorial ras translated into Chinese from Sanskrit originals?the medium; concepts of time and space in pictorial art; and Representation ofMt. Wutai also addresses the geographi ideology and spatial structure. cal, historical, and political aspects that the worship of Manjusr? had acquired in China, namely, the establish DUNHUANG CAVE 6l as a ment of Mt. Wutai cult and pilgrimage center. Historical Background, Patronage, Dating, and Physical Con In artistic expression the mural follows many compo dition conven sitional principles and pictorial devices from tional Buddhist painting, but it also differs from tradition The tenth century A.D. was one of the most prosperous a a by adopting the representational mode of panorama, and historically important periods in the history of new content a was topographic map. The injection of and Dunhuang. It characterized by the predominance of new a a pictorial language thus make this painting fascinat number of local clans, who controlled the infrastruc case ing study of the development of Chinese Buddhist ture of the community and who were frequently descen A.D. were painting in the tenth century dants of officials who posted there centuries earlier. on came Previous studies of the mural have focused the From these powerful clans officials who served in 27 This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions i. H. l. m. Fig. Representation of Mt. Wutai, ioth century, 3.5, 15.5 one cannot middle Because of the central screen, photograph the screen. of the mural. A, left side; b, right side of Figs. 1, 2, 3, 7 the local administration, scholars who maintained the A-D, F, G, 8, 10, 14, 17, 18, 19 from Dunhuang Research Institute sekkutsu:Tonk? Bakko-kutsu TB) Chinese cultural tradition, and high ranking clergy in (ed.), Ch?goku (hereafter (Tokyo: 1 Heibonsha, 1983); Fig. from TB vol. 5, top pi. 55; bottom pi. 57. charge of local temples and religious affairs. Thoroughly same Confucian in training, they were at the time devout Buddhists and chief patrons of the caves.6 In fact, the overthrow of the Tibetans, who occupied came a Dunhuang from 781 to 845, about because of consolidation of these local forces. From 848 to 1036 west Dunhuang and the entire region of the Yellow River was governed by hereditary military governors (guiyijun to Al jiedu shic; literally "Military Governor of Return the legiance Army"), first by the Zhang family and then Cao family, who succeeded the Zhang in 923. The were Zhang and the Cao both distinguished Dunhuang were clans who, like other major clans, interrelated through marriage and official networks. to The military governors all pledged allegiance the Tang government, and later to the kingdoms of the Five Dynasties period (907-979) and the Song (960-1279) court. However, because of the weakened state of central governments and turmoil after the fall of the Tang, the were the de facto rulers. For survi Dunhuang governors 2. cave Zai and Fig. Interior of 61, Dunhuang, dedicated by Lady val had to conduct their own with they diplomacy neigh clan, A.D. 947-957. The platform originally supported sculptures to the the Mt. Wutai is de boring kingdoms?the Uighurs east, of Manjusr? and attendants; the Representation of on wall the screen. TB vol. Khotanese to the west, and the Liao (916-112 5) of north picted the directly behind 5, pi. 52. ern China?until their dominion was wiped out by the raishou furen Zai shi Tungut Xixia (1036-1229) in 1036. The long reign of Xunyang jun yishin gongyangf was Zai of the Prefecture of Cao Yuanzhongd (945-974), in particular, relatively (The donor, Lady Xunyang [in was cave 61 with whole heart dedicates wealthy and stable. It under Cao's reign that present-day Jiangxi province] cave other donors are recorded in the was excavated. An inscription within the identifies [this cave].)7 Forty-eight as all of them female the major donor Cao's wife, Lady Zai (Zai shic): shizhu cave, (Fig. 3).8 28 This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions cave Fig. 3. Detail of female donor images, 61, Dunhuang. TB vol. 5, pi. 77. were Cao Yuanzhong and Lady Zai (Fig. 4) perhaps the colossal Buddha of cave 96. To cater to the demands a was the most illustrious patrons of Buddhism in the entire of these projects workshop established and main caves history of Dunhuang. They excavated several large tained by the Cao government.10 cave was once at Dunhuang (caves 25, 53, 55, 61, 469) and at the nearby Although 61 dated to the latter part of site of Yulin. They also commissioned paintings, votive the tenth century, two scholars from the Dunhuang Re a prints, and printed s?tra.9 In addition they undertook search Institute, Ke Shijie and Sun Xiushen, recently cave con extensive reparation work at the site and renovated redated the cave to 947-9 5 7.n Cave 61 originally 29 This content downloaded from 128.143.172.192 on Fri, 22 Nov 2013 13:44:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Fig. 4. Donor images of Lady Zai and Cao Yuanzhong, from Yulin cave 19, dated A.D. H. m. 926. 1.75, 1.73 Dunhuang Research Institute (ed.), Ch?goku sekkutsu: Ansei Yulin-kutsu (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1990), pis.