Taiwan's Relations with China Improve
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Cross-Strait Cross-Fire
China-Taiwan Relations: Cross-Strait Cross-Fire by Gerrit W. Gong, Director, Asian Studies Program, Center for Strategic and International Studies Chen Shui-bian’s victory on March 18, 2000 to become Taiwan’s president-elect with 39.3 percent of the vote dramatically changes Taiwan’s domestic political topology and thereby the assumptions and framework for China-Taiwan cross-Strait relations. Chen’s victory also ended a fifty year Kuomintang reign over Taiwan, placing the Democratic Progressive Party behind the wheel for the first time. The election also served to heighten cross-Strait tension. Prior to the election, on February 21, China issued a White Paper on cross-Strait relations, taking a more aggressive rhetorical stance toward Taiwan. Since the election, Beijing seems to be taking a wait-and-see approach, but it is unclear just how long China will be content with simply watching events unfold. Taiwan Elects Chen Shui-bian as President A strong 82.7 percent of Taiwan’s eligible voters cast ballots to elect Chen Shui-bian. Key factors in the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) election included: a split within the Kuomintang (KMT), Taiwan’s ruling party; a strong showing by independent candidate James Soong (who carried 15 of Taiwan’s counties with 36.8 percent of the vote); and the unique Taiwan electoral phenomenon of “strategic voting” and “ethnic counter-mobilization,” which seemed to peel off support for KMT candidate Lien Chan from both sides. One result was increased votes in the north for Soong and in the south for Chen, particularly after Nobel Laureate Dr. -
Retreating from the Nuclear Path Testing the Theory of Prudential Realism to Explain Nuclear Forbearance
Retreating from the Nuclear Path Testing the theory of Prudential Realism to explain Nuclear Forbearance A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) in the Department of Political Science of the College of Arts and Sciences by Anil Pillai M.A. University of Denver, Denver 2005 M.B.A. Xavier Labour Relations Institute, Jamshedpur, India 1992 B.A. Loyola College, Chennai, India 1988 2012 Committee Chair: Dr. Dinshaw J. Mistry, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Conventional explanations for a state’s nuclear policy (acquisition or forbearance) may be found in traditional International Relations (IR) theories such as neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism and constructivism, amongst many others. Departing from these theories, especially hard realist theories, a new explanation for nuclear forbearance was propounded by T.V. Paul, based on the theory of “prudential realism.” In this modified soft realist version, nations under certain circumstances may prudently forego military capabilities that other states see as threatening (Paul, 2000). The circumstances as envisaged by Paul, relate to the level of conflict and co- operation and the level of politico-security interdependence in a given region. The theory thus differentiates itself from traditional hard realist theories and neoliberal institutionalist theories and offers a new explanation for a state’s nuclear choice. This dissertation tests the theory of “prudential realism” through a comprehensive case study analysis by using the same variables and definitions as used in the theory. The case studies are new and have been rigorously researched to make a contribution to the existing literature. -
Study on the Mechanism of Compensation Fund System for Shipping Oil Pollution Damage in China and International Oil Pollution Compensation Funds
World Maritime University The Maritime Commons: Digital Repository of the World Maritime University Maritime Safety & Environment Management Dissertations Maritime Safety & Environment Management 8-23-2020 Study on the mechanism of compensation fund system for shipping oil pollution damage in China and international oil pollution compensation funds Haiyue Shu Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.wmu.se/msem_dissertations Part of the Environmental Health and Protection Commons, and the Torts Commons This Dissertation is brought to you courtesy of Maritime Commons. Open Access items may be downloaded for non-commercial, fair use academic purposes. No items may be hosted on another server or web site without express written permission from the World Maritime University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WORLD MARITIME UNIVERSITY Malmö, Sweden Study on the Mechanism of Compensation Fund System for Shipping Oil Pollution Damage in China and International Oil Pollution Compensation Funds By Shu Haiyue The People’s Republic of China A dissertation submitted to the World Maritime University in partial Fulfillment of the requirements for the award of the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE In Maritime Safety and Environmental Management 2020 ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: Study on the Mechanism of Compensation Fund System for Shipping Oil Pollution Damage in China and International Oil Pollution Compensation Funds Degree: MSc This paper, by analysing and summarizing the operational mechanism of the International Oil -
Opposition Parties and Anti-Government Protests in Comparative Perspective
OPPOSITION PARTIES AND ANTI-GOVERNMENT PROTESTS IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE by Yen-Pin Su B.A., National Taiwan University, 2001 M.A., National Taiwan University, 2005 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2014 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH THE DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Yen-Pin Su It was defended on March 26, 2014 and approved by Steven Finkel, Daniel Wallace Professor, Political Science John Markoff, Distinguished University Professor, Sociology Co-Dissertation Advisor: Scott Morgenstern, Associate Professor, Political Science Co-Dissertation Advisor: Aníbal Pérez-Liñán, Associate Professor, Political Science ii Copyright © by Yen-Pin Su 2014 iii OPPOSITION PARTIES AND ANTI-GOVERNMENT PROTESTS IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE Yen-Pin Su, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2014 My dissertation adopts an interdisciplinary approach to examine the relationship between political parties and social movements in democratic countries. This work touches on the debates about why protest movements emerge and the literature on the consequences of party politics. It draws on rational choice and political process theories to explain the variation in anti- government protests in the context of democracies. I argue that the mobilization capacity of opposition parties matters for understanding the differing levels of protests. Specifically, focusing on the size and unity of the opposition camp as two unique dimensions of mobilization capacity, I contend that a larger opposition camp should encourage more anti-government protests only if the camp is more united. Moreover, I argue that, because of the differences in socio-economic backgrounds, political development trajectories, and the role of parties as mobilization agents, the effects of opposition mobilization capacity should work differently in developed countries and developing countries. -
2019 IEEE PES Innovative Smart Grid Technologies Asia ISGT ASIA 2019
2019 IEEE PES Innovative Smart Grid Technologies Asia ISGT ASIA 2019 Conference Program Organized by May 21-24, 2019 Chengdu, China INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD ISGT 2019 ORGANIZING COMMITTEE ISGT 2019 TECHNICAL COMMITTEE Alphabetical Order of the Last Name Abhisek Ukil, The University of Auckland Hui Ma, The University of Queensland Ahmad Zahedi, James Cook University Huifen Zhang, University of Jinan Ali Alouani, Tenessee Technology University Jaesung Jung, Ajou University Amit Kumar, B T K I T DWARAHAT Jiabing Hu, Huazhong University of Science and Anan Zhang, Southwest Petroleum University Technology Arsalan Habib Khawaja, National University of Science Jiajun Duan, GEIRI North America and Technology Jian-Tang Liao, National Cheng Kung University Ashkan Yousefi, University of California, Berkeley Jianxue Wang, Xi’an Jiaotong University Babar Hussain, PIEAS Jianxue Wang, Xi’an Jiaotong University Baorong Zhou, China Southern Power Grid Jie Wu, Sichuan Electric Power Research Institute Baorong Zhou, China Southern Power Grid Jinghua Li, Guangxi Key Laboratory of Power System Binbin Li, Harbin Institute of Technology Optimization and Energy Technology Biyun Chen, Guangxi Key Laboratory of Power System Jingru Li, State Grid Economic and Technological Optimization and Energy Technology (Guangxi Research Institute University) Jinrui Tang, Wuhan University of Technology Bo Hu, Chongqing University Jun Liang, Cardiff University Can Hu, State Grid Sichuan Company Junbo Zhao, Virginia Tech Can Huang, Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory Junjie -
Issue Orientation, Party System and Strategic Interaction from Two Cases1
Policy Outcomes of Social Movements in Taiwan: Issue Orientation, Party System and Strategic Interaction from Two Cases1 Huang-ting Yan2 Abstract Some social movements have reformed public policies or established the mode of participatory democracy while others had limited success in terms of intended results. Although resource mobilization theory has been offered to explain impacts of social movements, the application in Taiwan is restricted. Therefore, how to find out key factors, which can differentiate policy outcomes of social movements, is the problematic in the article. Political context, which interacts with social environment, is vital to develop precise casual mechanisms underlying the theoretical framework. First of all, issue orientation that movement actors adopt can be divided into concurrent issues, consisting of supra-partisan, cross-sectors and generalized expectation, and polarized issues, which are defined as linkage to parties, centered on particular sectors and conflicting values. Secondly, due to votes-maximization strategy, governing parties must be alerted to concurrent issues, which represent far-reaching resentments from populations while they take indifferent attitude toward polarized issues, which symbolize angers only from oppositions. Therefore, issue orientation results in different impacts on social movements. Finally, the strategic interaction between government and opposition in policy making, which is affected by party systems, determines policy outcomes of social movements. Polarized issues should be successfully articulated under coalition government, divided government or consensus democracy because more “veto players” participates in the policy-negotiating and formulation phase. In order to test some hypotheses derived from the theoretical framework, the article compares two social movements, the “Whiteshirts Movement” and the 1 This is a draft, which mainly compares two social movements in Taiwan. -
Chinese Officers, the United States and a Failure of Army Building, 1942-1955
Professional Hubris: Chinese Officers, the United States and a Failure of Army Building, 1942-1955 by Eric Setzekorn M.A. in International Affairs, May 2005, Troy University B.A. in History, August 2001, University of California, Berkeley B.A. in Political Science, August 2001, University of California, Berkeley A Dissertation submitted to The Faculty of the Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 31, 2014 Dissertation directed by Edward McCord Associate Professor of History and International Affairs The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences certifies the Eric Setzekorn has passed the Final Examination for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as of August 27, 2013. This is the final and approved form of the dissertation. Professional Hubris: Chinese Officers, the United States and a Failure of Army Building, 1942-1955 Eric Setzekorn Dissertation Research Committee: Edward A. McCord, Associate Professor of History and International Affairs, Dissertation Director C. Thomas Long, Assistant Professor of History, Committee Member Gregg A. Brazinsky, Associate Professor of History and International Affairs, Committee Member ii © Copyright 2013 by Eric Setzekorn All Rights Reserved iii Acknowledgments It is a great pleasure to recognize some of the special people who have helped, supported and assisted with my research over the past several years. The George Washington history department has been a wonderful place to work and study. My dissertation committee has been exceedingly helpful throughout the research, writing and revision process. My primary advisor, Edward McCord, has been a pillar of wisdom and reviewed draft after draft of my work. -
And the Enduring Legacy of Late President Lee Teng-Hui
December 14, 2020 The future of ‘Ghost Island’ and the enduring legacy of late President Lee Teng-hui Edition 5, 2021 Dr Roger Lee Huang DOI: 10.37839/MAR2652-550X5.6 In one of Taiwan’s most popular songs of this year, Ghost Island (鬼島), alongside Taiwanese rapper Dwagie, Malaysian singer-songwriter Namewee satirises the excesses of ‘democracy and human rights’ as ‘gross impropriety,’ welcoming listeners to a land where freedom of speech is ‘blasphemy to the leaders.’ The song plays on the endearing yet self-depreciating slang for Taiwan, ‘Ghost Island’, which adeptly captures its wonderful contradictions: rowdy and confident which regularly punches above its weight internationally in the face of hostility from People’s Republic of China (PRC, China), while consistently dejected for its exclusion from the international community. The song exudes pride in Taiwan’s uniquely ‘chaotic’ democracy, but implicit is a sense of both despair and fear of an aggressively nationalistic China. What Taiwan’s democracy means today is deeply connected to the actions of the late President Lee Teng-hui, who died on July 30, 2020. As both the first Taiwanese president of the Republic of China (ROC, Taiwan), and the first president to be directly elected via universal suffrage, Lee was instrumental in leading Taiwan to a peaceful democratic transition. Under his presidency, open discussions about Taiwanese identity, and the island’s complicated relationship with China became possible. 1 December 14, 2020 In 1998, during a campaign speech in support of Ma Ying-jeou’s Taipei mayoral campaign, President Lee publicly spoke of the New‘ Taiwanese’ an idea rooted in civic-nationalist terms and deeply embedded as an essential part of Taiwanese democracy. -
THE MODERN CHINA ARCHIVES and Special Collections
THE MODERN CHINA ARCHIVES and special collections Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University longevity 1 THE MODERN CHINA ARCHIVES The Modern China Archives and Special Collections Ramon H. Myers Senior Fellow Emeritus, Hoover Institution and Consultant to Hoover Archives Kuo Tai-chun Research Fellow, Hoover Institution THE MODERN CHINA ARCHIVES 2 3 THE MODERN CHINA ARCHIVES The Modern China Archives and Special Collections the Republic of China (ROC), to help preserve the vast historical records In 1899, twenty-five-year-old Herbert Hoover and his wife, Lou Henry, held in that party’s archives in Taipei, Taiwan. As the longest-enduring were living in Tientsin, China, where he was the comanager of the political party in Asia, the KMT was China’s premier revolutionary party Kaiping mines. It was there that Hoover first began to study Chinese until it was defeated in 1949 by Communist Party forces and forced to language and history. In 1907 Hoover helped Stanford University relocate in Taiwan. The historic Hoover agreement provides for micro- historian Payson Treat buy books about China, especially its history, and filming the official party records, which will stay in Taiwan, along with a in 1913 Hoover donated six hundred such books, some very rare, to preservation copy. A use copy will be made available in the Hoover Stanford University. In 1919 Hoover’s interest in foreign affairs inspired Archives. him to establish the Hoover Institution Library and Archives. After When Chinese in the United States and Taiwan, including the National World War II with luck and good timing, Chinese and non-Chinese Women’s League in Taipei, learned of the KMT-Hoover cooperative public servants, military officers, engineers, journalists, scholars, and the project, they too agreed to have their materials preserved in the archives. -
Across the Taiwan Strait 8-27-06
1 Taiwan’s Current Political Deadlock and the Prospect of Taiwan-China Relations (10/03/2006) --Tang Fei Professor Diamond, Professor Myers, Ladies and Gentlemen: I am honored to have this opportunity to share with you some personal view and experience on Taiwan’s current political situation and “Taiwan-China Relations.” To give a comprehensive talk in such limited time is challenging, but I will try my best. The current state of “One China, two governments” began in 1949, when the Communist party established a new country named People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the mainland and the Kuomintang (or the Nationalist) government led by Chiang Kai-Shek moved to Taiwan and continued using the name, Republic of China (ROC). Two political substances have long existed across the Taiwan Strait. Mainland China sees Taiwan as one of its province. The KMT claimed that “there’s one China, both Mainland and Taiwan belong to this China, and the future of China should be decided by Chinese and Taiwanese people.” While the current ruling DPP party in Taiwan stressed that they are Taiwanese, not Chinese, and advocates independence of Taiwan. On May 20th 2000, at the presidential election, the ROC had peacefully transferred its governmental authority from KMT, which is in power for 55 years, to the opposition party, the DPP. To all Chinese, that was a very significant (exciting) and important change because it was the first time in Chinese history that the reign of government was altered by an open election. It represented a big step in Chinese democracy. -
TAIWAN in 2000 Managing the Aftershocks from Power Transfer
TAIWAN IN 2000 Managing the Aftershocks from Power Transfer Yu-Shan Wu Taiwan (the Republic of China, ROC) in 2000 was over- whelmed by such issues as the March presidential election and its impact on the island’s conflict-prone political system, the fragile relationship with the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and a shaky economy. The victory of Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) candidate Chen Shui-bian in the presi- dential election was itself a milestone in the ROC’s political development, for it ended the more than half century rule of the Kuomintang (KMT). Beijing’s saber rattling over the Taiwanese electorate’s choice of a pro-independence candidate was less noisy than expected. However, just as people began congratulating themselves on the smooth power transfer and the relatively tranquil state of cross-Strait relations, Tai- wan suddenly was caught up by the unprecedented eruption of a feud be- tween the new president and the KMT-dominated Legislative Yuan. Political uncertainty, plus the DPP’s pro-environment and pro-welfare policies, put Taiwan’s stock market into a tailspin. President Chen and his KMT oppo- nents collided over the issue of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant. Chen’s first prime minister Tang Fei resigned under great pressure. A DPP minority gov- ernment was formed in October. At the end of the year the KMT majority in the Legislative Yuan was gearing up to impeach the president. All in all, Taiwan experienced unprecedented volatility in its domestic politics, and it is certain that shocks of greater magnitude are waiting ahead. -
Politics of Law Enforcement: Policing and Police Reform in New Democracies
Politics of Law Enforcement: Policing and Police Reform in New Democracies Kyong Jun Choi A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2015 Reading Committee: Yong-Chool Ha, Chair James Caporaso Anthony Gill Gary Hamilton Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Department of Political Science © Copyright 2015 Kyong Jun Choi University of Washington Abstract Politics of Law Enforcement: Policing and Police Reform in New Democracies Kyong Jun Choi Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Yong-Chool Ha, Ph.D. Jackson School of International Studies Impartial law enforcement is necessary for the rule of law and the stable functioning of a democracy. The maintenance of public order and the enforcement of the law are the minimum requirements expected of a modern democratic state. This dissertation investigates the transformation of the police in new democracies and asks why they have difficulty building capable and impartial law enforcement agencies. Comparative case studies of Korea, Taiwan, and Mexico on the continuity and change of law enforcement illustrate how and why the timing and direction of the transformation occur differently in new democracies. To determine the reasons for the failure to establish capable and impartial law enforcement agencies, this dissertation investigates three factors that contribute to change and continuity at different levels: (1) political democratization (institutional level); (2) police reform initiated by the president (agency/policy level); and (3) international and domestic factors, such as geopolitics and the structure of local politics (structural level). The divergent routes taken by these three countries show that policing in a democracy is different from democratic policing and that the creation of impartial law enforcement agencies does not occur automatically after democratic transitions.