Chinese Officers, the United States and a Failure of Army Building, 1942-1955

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Chinese Officers, the United States and a Failure of Army Building, 1942-1955 Professional Hubris: Chinese Officers, the United States and a Failure of Army Building, 1942-1955 by Eric Setzekorn M.A. in International Affairs, May 2005, Troy University B.A. in History, August 2001, University of California, Berkeley B.A. in Political Science, August 2001, University of California, Berkeley A Dissertation submitted to The Faculty of the Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 31, 2014 Dissertation directed by Edward McCord Associate Professor of History and International Affairs The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences certifies the Eric Setzekorn has passed the Final Examination for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as of August 27, 2013. This is the final and approved form of the dissertation. Professional Hubris: Chinese Officers, the United States and a Failure of Army Building, 1942-1955 Eric Setzekorn Dissertation Research Committee: Edward A. McCord, Associate Professor of History and International Affairs, Dissertation Director C. Thomas Long, Assistant Professor of History, Committee Member Gregg A. Brazinsky, Associate Professor of History and International Affairs, Committee Member ii © Copyright 2013 by Eric Setzekorn All Rights Reserved iii Acknowledgments It is a great pleasure to recognize some of the special people who have helped, supported and assisted with my research over the past several years. The George Washington history department has been a wonderful place to work and study. My dissertation committee has been exceedingly helpful throughout the research, writing and revision process. My primary advisor, Edward McCord, has been a pillar of wisdom and reviewed draft after draft of my work. Since beginning my studies at George Washington University in the spring of 2009, Professor McCord has overseen every aspect of my academic progress and supplied encouragement or kick in the pants as necessary. Professor Thomas Long helped piece together an approach to military history that aligned with my research interests and his perpetually high spirits were a great help during the long writing process. Professor Gregg Brazinsky’s use of diplomatic history in East Asia to develop a bilingual, multi-national history is a model of scholarship that underpinned much of my own research. The U.S. Army Center for Military History (CMH) and the Smith-Richardson Foundation both generously supported my research. The CMH’s support was vital to accelerating the dissertation by at least a year and my contact with several distinguished historians at the center such as Richard Stewart and Brian Neumann was incredibly valuable. Lastly, I want to thank Janice for her understanding of the baffling existence that is graduate school. My absence on long trips to dusty archives and numerous beautiful weekends spent indoors poring over forgotten books is at best eccentric behavior. Her patience and support made this project a reality. iv Abstract Professional Hubris: Chinese Officers, the United States and a Failure of Army Building, 1942-1955 The core historical argument presented in this dissertation is that Chinese military officers within the GMD military were able to create a depoliticized military institution, develop foreign partnerships and define a distinct military officer identity to create a true “national” army for the first time in Chinese history during the years 1942-1955. These normative ideas, expressed most articulately by General Sun Liren, were able to achieve many of the status objectives of military officers. The process by which Chinese military officers selectively adopted ideas that supported their professional claims to jurisdiction over the management of violence strongly supports the conception of normative isomorphism where change is driven by desires for status and respect. Chinese military officers built on fifty years of Chinese military thought and foreign ideas to develop a conception of a Chinese Army that was structured to represent aspirations of China as a world power. The aspirations of Chinese officers align closely with models of organizational theory that highlight enduring patterns of professional development and global military trends. Throughout this process, the Unites States played a key role in introducing concepts and providing support to military officers but was never able to decisively shape the GMD/ROC military. The failure of the Chinese “army-building” project was not due to a lack of organizational, intellectual or professional development but because of a renewed politicization of military forces and a purge of key military leaders in 1955. Ultimately, the power of ideas, be it ideas of professional competence articulated by Sun Liren or political loyalty developed by v Chiang Ching-kuo, and the ability to mobilize supporters of these ideas mattered far more than foreign advice or equipment. vi Table of Contents Ackowledgements iv Abstract v Table of Contents vii List of Figures viii Introduction 9 Chapter 1: 1850-1924, The Development of the Chinese Army 25 Chapter 2: 1924-1942, Whampoa Academy and “Party Armies” 52 Chapter 3: 1942-1945, Americans and Ideas 96 Chapter 4: 1945-1949, A National Army 131 Chapter 5: 1950-1953, Professional High Tide 188 Chapter 6: 1953-1955, Restoring Political Officers 225 Epilogue and Conclusion 261 Bibliography 276 vii List of Figures Figure 1: Diagram of the Military School System in Qing China (1910) 45 Figure 2: Diagram of Atomic Bomb Attack (Three Bombs) on Washington D.C. 158 viii Introduction During the twentieth century, China was wracked by civil war, foreign invasion and the repeated use of military power against civilians by authoritarian governments. In spite of this bloody history, the study of the military as an institution and its role in Chinese history has been extremely narrow. This is surprising because contemporary China is a military anomaly in that it is the only large country in the world that does not possess a “national” military, instead relying on a military, which is by law and practice responsible only to a political party. In contrast to other parts of the world, where to quote Charles Tilly, “the state made war and war made the state,” in China the “Party” made war and the Party made the state. While this statement might suggest that the Party is the dominant actor, both the state and “war” i.e. military forces do have agency. The subject of this dissertation is the officer corps of the “Chinese” military from 1942-1955 and the development of ideas of military professionalism. The core historical argument presented is that Chinese military officers within the Kuomintang (GMD, guomindang 國民黨) were able to leverage political rhetoric favoring a depoliticized military, foreign partnerships and technical expertise to create a true “national” army for the first time in Chinese history during the period from 1942-1955. Between the years of 1942-1955 a professional, apolitical military force was created in China by a cadre of highly trained, nationalistic and cosmopolitan officers. This group built on fifty years of Chinese military thought and foreign ideas to develop a 1 conception of a Chinese Army that was structured to represent aspirations of China as a world power. The aspirations of Chinese officers align closely with models of organizational theory that highlight enduring patterns of professional development and global military trends. The failure of this “army-building” project was not due to a lack of organizational, intellectual or professional development but because of a renewed politicization of military forces and a purge of key military leaders in 1955. Embedded within the narrative of military development from 1942-1955 is an exploration of military change that reaches a conclusion that military change was not ‘pushed’ on China by foreigners or developed as the result of policies from senior GMD political leaders. The most prominent factor driving the re-orientation of the GMD army away from its role as a hybrid military/political force towards a professional national army was the desires and attitudes of the military officers. Throughout this dissertation, professional is used to describe an organization with a high degree of administrative insulation from outside pressures, personnel assignment based on occupational efficiency, significant barriers to entry, a sense of shared identity, and a belief in a special status within society. Increased professionalization was attractive to Chinese military officers because it provided for higher social status, increased political insularity and improved organizational security. The thematic focus of this dissertation is the internal culture and norms of the GMD officer corps. Military doctrine, organizational structures and civil-military relations will be considered but my purpose is to examine the content of military culture and ideas rather than its defined forms such as organizational structures or direct policy outcomes. Until now, study of the behavior, attitudes and ideology of the Nationalist 2 officer corps has not received any systematic scholarly interest or research. The Nationalist officer corps is an ideal subject for academic research because their organizational role places them in a power-brokerage position between high level political policy-makers and the common soldiers or the Chinese civilian population. In addition, the power and influence of the Nationalist officer corps was especially
Recommended publications
  • The Chinese Civil War (1927–37 and 1946–49)
    13 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 2: THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR (1927–37 AND 1946–49) As you read this chapter you need to focus on the following essay questions: • Analyze the causes of the Chinese Civil War. • To what extent was the communist victory in China due to the use of guerrilla warfare? • In what ways was the Chinese Civil War a revolutionary war? For the first half of the 20th century, China faced political chaos. Following a revolution in 1911, which overthrew the Manchu dynasty, the new Republic failed to take hold and China continued to be exploited by foreign powers, lacking any strong central government. The Chinese Civil War was an attempt by two ideologically opposed forces – the nationalists and the communists – to see who would ultimately be able to restore order and regain central control over China. The struggle between these two forces, which officially started in 1927, was interrupted by the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, but started again in 1946 once the war with Japan was over. The results of this war were to have a major effect not just on China itself, but also on the international stage. Mao Zedong, the communist Timeline of events – 1911–27 victor of the Chinese Civil War. 1911 Double Tenth Revolution and establishment of the Chinese Republic 1912 Dr Sun Yixian becomes Provisional President of the Republic. Guomindang (GMD) formed and wins majority in parliament. Sun resigns and Yuan Shikai declared provisional president 1915 Japan’s Twenty-One Demands. Yuan attempts to become Emperor 1916 Yuan dies/warlord era begins 1917 Sun attempts to set up republic in Guangzhou.
    [Show full text]
  • February 04, 1949 Memorandum of Conversation Between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified February 04, 1949 Memorandum of Conversation between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong Citation: “Memorandum of Conversation between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong,” February 04, 1949, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, APRF: F. 39, Op. 1, D. 39, Ll. 54-62. Reprinted in Andrei Ledovskii, Raisa Mirovitskaia and Vladimir Miasnikov, Sovetsko-Kitaiskie Otnosheniia, Vol. 5, Book 2, 1946-February 1950 (Moscow: Pamiatniki Istoricheskoi Mysli, 2005), pp. 66-72. Translated by Sergey Radchenko. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/113318 Summary: Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong discuss the independence of Mongolia, the independence movement in Xinjiang, the construction of a railroad in Xinjiang, CCP contacts with the VKP(b), the candidate for Chinese ambassador to the USSR, aid from the USSR to China, CCP negotiations with the Guomindang, the preparatory commisssion for convening the PCM, the character of future rule in China, Chinese treaties with foreign powers, and the Sino-Soviet treaty. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation On 4 February 1949 another meeting with Mao Zedong took place in the presence of CCP CC Politburo members Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Ren Bishi, Zhu De and the interpreter Shi Zhe. From our side Kovalev I[van]. V. and Kovalev E.F. were present. THE NATIONAL QUESTION I conveyed to Mao Zedong that our CC does not advise the Chinese Com[munist] Party to go overboard in the national question by means of providing independence to national minorities and thereby reducing the territory of the Chinese state in connection with the communists' take-over of power.
    [Show full text]
  • View / Download 7.3 Mb
    Between Shanghai and Mecca: Diaspora and Diplomacy of Chinese Muslims in the Twentieth Century by Janice Hyeju Jeong Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Engseng Ho, Advisor ___________________________ Prasenjit Duara, Advisor ___________________________ Nicole Barnes ___________________________ Adam Mestyan ___________________________ Cemil Aydin Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 ABSTRACT Between Shanghai and Mecca: Diaspora and Diplomacy of Chinese Muslims in the Twentieth Century by Janice Hyeju Jeong Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Engseng Ho, Advisor ___________________________ Prasenjit Duara, Advisor ___________________________ Nicole Barnes ___________________________ Adam Mestyan ___________________________ Cemil Aydin An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 Copyright by Janice Hyeju Jeong 2019 Abstract While China’s recent Belt and the Road Initiative and its expansion across Eurasia is garnering public and scholarly attention, this dissertation recasts the space of Eurasia as one connected through historic Islamic networks between Mecca and China. Specifically, I show that eruptions of
    [Show full text]
  • Guangdong-Guangxi War & Sun Yat-Sen's Return to Canton
    Sun Yat-sen's Return To Canton After Expelling Gui-xi by Ah Xiang Excerpts from “Tragedy of Chinese Revolution” at http://www.republicanchina.org/revolution.html For updates and related articles, check http://www.republicanchina.org/RepublicanChina-pdf.htm In Southern Chinese Province of Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen and Chen Jiongming would be entangled in the power struggles. (Liu Xiaobo mistakenly eulogized Chen Jiongming's support for so-called "allying multiple provinces for self-determination" as heralding China's forerunner federationist movement.) Yue-jun (i.e., Guangdong native army), headed by Chen Jiongming, was organized on basis of Zhu Qinglan's police/guard battalions in Dec of 1917. To make Chen Jiongming into a real military support, Sun Yat-sen originally dispatched Hu Hanmin and Wang Zhaoming to Governor Zhu Qinglan for making Chen Jiongming into the so-called "commander of governor's bodyguard column". Governor Zhu Qinglan was forced into resignation by Governor-general Chen Bingkun of Gui-xi faction (i.e., Guangxi Province native army that stationed in Guangdong after the republic restoration war). Sun Yat-sen asked Cheng Biguang negotiate with Lu Rongding for relocation of Chen Bingkun and assignment of twenty battalions of Zhu Qinglan's police/guard army into 'marines' under the command of Cheng Biguang's navy. On Dec 2nd of 1917, Chen Jiongming was conferred the post of "commander of Guangdong army for aiding Fujian Province" and was ordered to lead 4000-5000 'marine' army towards neighboring Fujian Province where he expanded his army and developed it into his private warlord or militarist forces.
    [Show full text]
  • Performing Shakespeare in Contemporary Taiwan
    Performing Shakespeare in Contemporary Taiwan by Ya-hui Huang A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment for the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Central Lancashire Jan 2012 Abstract Since the 1980s, Taiwan has been subjected to heavy foreign and global influences, leading to a marked erosion of its traditional cultural forms. Indigenous traditions have had to struggle to hold their own and to strike out into new territory, adopt or adapt to Western models. For most theatres in Taiwan, Shakespeare has inevitably served as a model to be imitated and a touchstone of quality. Such Taiwanese Shakespeare performances prove to be much more than merely a combination of Shakespeare and Taiwan, constituting a new fusion which shows Taiwan as hospitable to foreign influences and unafraid to modify them for its own purposes. Nonetheless, Shakespeare performances in contemporary Taiwan are not only a demonstration of hybridity of Westernisation but also Sinification influences. Since the 1945 Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party, or KMT) takeover of Taiwan, the KMT’s one-party state has established Chinese identity over a Taiwan identity by imposing cultural assimilation through such practices as the Mandarin-only policy during the Chinese Cultural Renaissance in Taiwan. Both Taiwan and Mainland China are on the margin of a “metropolitan bank of Shakespeare knowledge” (Orkin, 2005, p. 1), but it is this negotiation of identity that makes the Taiwanese interpretation of Shakespeare much different from that of a Mainlanders’ approach, while they share certain commonalities that inextricably link them. This study thus examines the interrelation between Taiwan and Mainland China operatic cultural forms and how negotiation of their different identities constitutes a singular different Taiwanese Shakespeare from Chinese Shakespeare.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927
    University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School March 2019 Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927 Ryan C. Ferro University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Scholar Commons Citation Ferro, Ryan C., "Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927" (2019). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7785 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist-Guomindang Split of 1927 by Ryan C. Ferro A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Co-MaJor Professor: Golfo Alexopoulos, Ph.D. Co-MaJor Professor: Kees Boterbloem, Ph.D. Iwa Nawrocki, Ph.D. Date of Approval: March 8, 2019 Keywords: United Front, Modern China, Revolution, Mao, Jiang Copyright © 2019, Ryan C. Ferro i Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………….…...ii Chapter One: Introduction…..…………...………………………………………………...……...1 1920s China-Historiographical Overview………………………………………...………5 China’s Long
    [Show full text]
  • General He Yingqin: the Rise and Fall of Nationalist China. <I>By Peter Worthing</I>
    Pacific Affairs: Volume 90, No. 3 – September 2017 The chapters that frame this volume make clear the different approaches that China and the United States have towards energy security. Ideologically, US and Chinese pursuit of energy security reflect radically differing embedded assumptions. As the authors note, while the US has long advocated markets over mercantilism and institutions that help avoid zero-sum approaches in crisis, China has emphasized securing external supply and developing long- term state-to-state relationships. The cases presented here suggest that the US has not used energy to constrain China’s rise, but neither has it focused on safeguarding the US market vision for energy. This volume strongly illustrates China’s long-term commitment to ensuring its access to adequate energy for the future. Meanwhile, the United States, through the development of its resources at home (and radical shifts in price), has become less engaged in energy development and in the concerns of resource-rich states. How China’s participation will change markets and relations in the long term remains to be seen, but this volume offers rare insight into how China’s participation is progressing to date. National War College/National Defense University Theresa Sabonis-Helf Washington, DC, USA *Views expressed in this review are solely the author’s and do not represent the official position of the US Government, Department of Defense, or the National Defense University. GENERAL HE YINGQIN: The Rise and Fall of Nationalist China. By Peter Worthing. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016. viii, 316 pp. (Maps.) US$99.99, cloth. ISBN 978-1-107-14463-7.
    [Show full text]
  • The Comintern in China
    The Comintern in China Chair: Taylor Gosk Co-Chair: Vinayak Grover Crisis Director: Hannah Olmstead Co-Crisis Director: Payton Tysinger University of North Carolina Model United Nations Conference November 2 - 4, 2018 University of North Carolina 2 Table of Contents Letter from the Crisis Director 3 Introduction 5 Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang 7 The Mission of the Comintern 10 Relations between the Soviets and the Kuomintang 11 Positions 16 3 Letter from the Crisis Director Dear Delegates, Welcome to UNCMUNC X! My name is Hannah Olmstead, and I am a sophomore at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. I am double majoring in Public Policy and Economics, with a minor in Arabic Studies. I was born in the United States but was raised in China, where I graduated from high school in Chengdu. In addition to being a student, I am the Director-General of UNC’s high school Model UN conference, MUNCH. I also work as a Resident Advisor at UNC and am involved in Refugee Community Partnership here in Chapel Hill. Since I’ll be in the Crisis room with my good friend and co-director Payton Tysinger, you’ll be interacting primarily with Chair Taylor Gosk and co-chair Vinayak Grover. Taylor is a sophomore as well, and she is majoring in Public Policy and Environmental Studies. I have her to thank for teaching me that Starbucks will, in fact, fill up my thermos with their delightfully bitter coffee. When she’s not saving the environment one plastic cup at a time, you can find her working as the Secretary General of MUNCH or refereeing a whole range of athletic events here at UNC.
    [Show full text]
  • Role of Min Bao in Creating Public Opinion for the Revolution of 1911
    2018 3rd International Social Sciences and Education Conference (ISSEC 2018) Role of Min Bao in Creating Public Opinion for the Revolution of 1911 Zhang Yongxia School of Arts and Law, Wuhan University of Technology, Wuhan, China, 430070 Keywords: Min Bao; The Revolution of 1911; creation of public opinion Abstract: As an official organ of Tongmenghui, Min Bao played an important role in creating public opinion for the revolution of 1911. This paper expounds the historical background at that time and how Min Bao created public opinion, and then clarifies why this magazine has had such a wide influence. Through introducing revolution situations and social ideological trends in foreign countries and infusing revolutionary thoughts into the readers, Min Bao inspired revolutionaries to fight for the revolutionary ambitions with the spirit of sacrifice and striving, thus helping them to shape their life value outlooks, form their revolutionary convictions and develop their revolutionary behavior patterns. 1. Introduction The Revolution of 1911 was a milestone in China's history. In reviewing the course of the Revolution of 1911, Sun Yat-sen spoke highly of the role of bourgeois revolutionary newspapers and magazines in promoting the revolutionary cause [1]. The bourgeois revolutionist Feng Ziyou once said, "The foundation of Republic of China should be attributed to the military actions and the propaganda by the Chinese Revolutionary Party, between which the propaganda was more powerful and widely-influenced." Among various bourgeois revolutionary newspapers and magazines, Min Bao played a great role in promoting the dissemination of bourgeois democratic revolutionary thoughts, eliminating the reformers' pernicious influence, of the reformists, facilitating the formation of the revolutionary spirit, and improving the revolutionary situation.
    [Show full text]
  • Enfry Denied Aslan American History and Culture
    In &a r*tm Enfry Denied Aslan American History and Culture edited by Sucheng Chan Exclusion and the Chinese Communify in America, r88z-ry43 Edited by Sucheng Chan Also in the series: Gary Y. Okihiro, Cane Fires: The Anti-lapanese Moaement Temple University press in Hawaii, t855-ry45 Philadelphia Chapter 6 The Kuomintang in Chinese American Kuomintang in Chinese American Communities 477 E Communities before World War II the party in the Chinese American communities as they reflected events and changes in the party's ideology in China. The Chinese during the Exclusion Era The Chinese became victims of American racism after they arrived in Him Lai Mark California in large numbers during the mid nineteenth century. Even while their labor was exploited for developing the resources of the West, they were targets of discriminatory legislation, physical attacks, and mob violence. Assigned the role of scapegoats, they were blamed for society's multitude of social and economic ills. A populist anti-Chinese movement ultimately pressured the U.S. Congress to pass the first Chinese exclusion act in 1882. Racial discrimination, however, was not limited to incoming immi- grants. The established Chinese community itself came under attack as The Chinese settled in California in the mid nineteenth white America showed by words and deeds that it considered the Chinese century and quickly became an important component in the pariahs. Attacked by demagogues and opportunistic politicians at will, state's economy. However, they also encountered anti- Chinese were victimizedby criminal elements as well. They were even- Chinese sentiments, which culminated in the enactment of tually squeezed out of practically all but the most menial occupations in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882.
    [Show full text]
  • The Darkest Red Corner Matthew James Brazil
    The Darkest Red Corner Chinese Communist Intelligence and Its Place in the Party, 1926-1945 Matthew James Brazil A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Doctor of Philosophy Department of Government and International Relations Business School University of Sydney 17 December 2012 Statement of Originality This is to certify that to the best of my knowledge, the content of this thesis is my own work. This thesis has not been submitted previously, either in its entirety or substantially, for a higher degree or qualifications at any other university or institute of higher learning. I certify that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work and that all the assistance received in preparing this thesis and sources has been acknowledged. Matthew James Brazil i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Before and during this project I met a number of people who, directly or otherwise, encouraged my belief that Chinese Communist intelligence was not too difficult a subject for academic study. Michael Dutton and Scot Tanner provided invaluable direction at the very beginning. James Mulvenon requires special thanks for regular encouragement over the years and generosity with his time, guidance, and library. Richard Corsa, Monte Bullard, Tom Andrukonis, Robert W. Rice, Bill Weinstein, Roderick MacFarquhar, the late Frank Holober, Dave Small, Moray Taylor Smith, David Shambaugh, Steven Wadley, Roger Faligot, Jean Hung and the staff at the Universities Service Centre in Hong Kong, and the kind personnel at the KMT Archives in Taipei are the others who can be named. Three former US diplomats cannot, though their generosity helped my understanding of links between modern PRC intelligence operations and those before 1949.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chongqing Negotiations: a Political Offensive for the Peace and Democracy Policy
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by CSCanada.net: E-Journals (Canadian Academy of Oriental and Occidental Culture,... ISSN 1927-0232 [Print] Higher Education of Social Science ISSN 1927-0240 [Online] Vol. 19, No. 1, 2020, pp. 40-45 www.cscanada.net DOI:10.3968/11788 www.cscanada.org The Chongqing Negotiations: A Political Offensive for the Peace and Democracy Policy WANG Jin[a],* [a]Chongqing Hongyan Revolutionary History Museum, Chongqing, ended up with victory. Along with the victory, the most China. important, urgent and real political issue facing the KMT *Corresponding author. and the CPC was how to distribute the right to accept Supported by the State Administration of Cultural Heritage: surrender. The dispute between the KMT and the CPC Demonstration Project of Revolutionary History Museum Education on campus. over the right to accept surrender was not just a military issue, but a political one as well, which would involve the Received 24 May 2020; accepted 6 August 2020 move direction of the post-war China and fundamental Published online 26 September 2020 changes in domestic political landscape. Chiang Kai-shek gave orders to He Yingqin at the Abstract midnight: externally to issue an ultimatum to the highest In response to changes in the domestic and international commander of Japanese army, demanding a response with situations around the victory of the anti-Japanese war, the 24 hours to such surrender conditions as ceasing military Kuomintang (KMT) and the Communist Party of China operations, maintaining public order, protecting public (CPC) adjusted their established strategic deployments and private properties, and deferring to KMT troops; in due course to cope with the new post-war domestic while internally requiring the KMT troops to follow political and military landscapes.
    [Show full text]