The Development of Natural Law from Plato to the Renaissance
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The Naturalistic Fallacy and Natural Law Methodology
The Naturalistic Fallacy and Natural Law Methodology W. Matthews Grant It is customary to divide contemporary natural law theorists-at least those working broadly within the Thomistic tradition-into two main camps. In one camp are those such as John Finnis, Germain Grisez and Robert George, who deny that a natural law ethics need base itself on premises supplied by a methodologically prior philosophical anthropol ogy. According to these thinkers, practical reason, when reflecting on experience and considering possible ends of action, grasps in a non-in ferential act of understanding certain basic goods that ought to be pursued. Since these goods are not deduced, demonstrated, or derived from prior premises, they provide a set of self-evident or per se nota primary pre cepts from which all other precepts of the natural law may be derived. Because these primary precepts or basic goods are self-evident, natural law theorizing need not wait on the findings of anthropologists and phi losophers of human nature. 1 A rival school of natural law ethicists, comprised of such thinkers as Russell Bittinger, Ralph Mcinerny, Henry Veatch andAnthony Lisska, rejects the claims of Finnis and his colleagues for the autonomy of natural law I. For major statements and defenses of this position see John Finnis, Natural Law and Natural Rights (Oxford: Oxford University Press, I980); Germain Grisez, The Way of the Lord Jesus~ vol. I, Christian Moral Principles (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, I983);. Robert P. George, "Recent Criticism of Natural Law -
Colonization of the «Indies». the Origin of International Law?
LA IDEA DE AMERICA 25/10/10 12:15 Página 43 COLONIZATION OF THE «INDIES» THE ORIGIN OF INTERNATIONAL LAW? MARTTI KOSKENNIEMI It is widely agreed that international law has its origins in the writings of the Spanish theologians of the 16th century, especially the so-called «School of Sala- manca», who were reacting to the news of Columbus having found not only a new continent but a new population, living in conditions unknown to Europeans and having never heard the gospel. The name of Francisco de Vitoria (c. 1492- 1546) the Dominican scholar who taught as Prima Professor with the theology fa- culty at the University of Salamanca from 1526 to 1546, is well-known to interna- tional law historians. This was not always the case. For a long time, international lawyers used to draw their pedigree from the Dutch Protestant Hugo de Groot (or Grotius) (1583-1645) who wrote as advocate of the Dutch East-India company in favour of opening the seas to Dutch commerce against the Spanish-Portuguese monopoly. Still in the 18th and 19th centuries, the law of nations —ius gentium— was seen as a predominantly Protestant discipline that drew its inspiration from the natural law taught by such followers of Grotius as the Saxon Samuel Pufen- dorf (1632-1694) and the Swiss Huguenot Emer de Vattel (1714-1767), followed by a series of professors at 18th century German universities1. It was only towards the late-19th century when the Belgian legal historian Er- nest Nys pointed to the Catholic renewal of natural law during the Spanish siglo de oro that attention was directed to Vitoria and some of his successors, especially the Jesuit Francisco Suárez, (1548-1617), who had indeed developed a universally applicable legal vocabulary —something that late— 19th century jurists, including Nys himself, were trying to achieve2. -
Thomist Natural Law
The Catholic Lawyer Volume 8 Number 1 Volume 8, Winter 1962, Number 1 Article 5 Thomist Natural Law Joaquin F. Garcia, C.M. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/tcl Part of the Catholic Studies Commons This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Catholic Lawyer by an authorized editor of St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THOMIST NATURAL LAW JOAQUIN F. GARCIA, C.M.* N THE Summer 1960 edition of The Catholic Lawyer, Dr. R. D. Lumb, a Lecturer in Law at the University of Queensland, had an article entitled "Natural Law - An Unchanging Standard?", in which he con- sidered the doctrines of two thinkers, St. Thomas and Suarez. It is the opinion of this writer that as far as Thomist Natural Law is concerned, Dr. Lumb could have omitted the question mark. It is an unchanging standard. Dr. Lumb set himself the task of ascertaining whether the traditional Thomist system takes into account the variables to be found in any system of rules or institutions. The Thomist system of law does take account of the variables but through positive law, through the application of the universal Natural Law principles to particular changing conditions. By no means does it replace positive law. Unlike 18th century rationalis- tic Natural Law which often ignored experience, which often contained personal, social and political programs, and which often was not Natural Law at all but positive law under a Natural Law label, Thomist Natural Law offers the widest scope for positive law and stresses the importance of experience. -
Francisco De Vitoria on the Ius Gentium and the American Indios
Copright © 2012 Ave Maria Law Review FRANCISCO DE VITORIA ON THE IUS GENTIUM AND THE AMERICAN INDIOS Victor M. Salas, Jr., Ph.D. g INTRODUCTION In reading through the relections1 of Francisco de Vitoria (c. 1483– 1546), one easily conjures up the image of an author who is quintessentially Scholastic—an even-tempered and dispassionate intellectual who treats all questions with equanimity and is swayed only by the exigencies of reason itself.2 Yet, in a letter sent to his religious superior that addresses the Spanish confiscation of Peruvian property, a clearly disgusted and horrified Vitoria reacts passionately against the Spaniards’ actions and urges his superior, Miguel de Arcos, O.P., to have nothing to do with the matter. The calm and serene mood characteristic of Vitoria’s relections is replaced with fury and outrage. “I must tell you, after a lifetime of studies and long experience,” the Dominican writes, “that no business shocks me or embarrasses me more than the corrupt profits and affairs of the Indies. Their very mention freezes the blood in my veins.”3 Registering his contempt of the situation in the New World, Vitoria came to the defense of the American Indians in the only way he could, as a g Victor Salas received a Ph.D. in philosophy from Saint Louis University. He has special research interests in medieval and renaissance philosophy. Thanks are due to Robert Fastiggi for his kind invitation to present this Article at the “The Foundation of Human Rights: Catholic Contributions Conference” held at Ave Maria University, March 3–4, 2011. -
Legal Imagination in Vitoria : the Power of Ideas
Legal Imagination in Vitoria. The Power of Ideas Pablo Zapatero* Professor of Public International Law, Carlos III University, Madrid, Spain 1. A Man’s Ideas Legal progress is often propelled by concepts first envisioned in academia. In this light, the present article explores the ideas of a fascinating intellectual figure: Francisco de Vitoria (1483-1546),1 a man broadly recognized as one of the “founding fathers” of international law. The writings and lectures of this 16th century Dominican friar formulated innovative legal doctrines in an age of uncertainty and profound social change; an age that gave birth to the modern States that, with their centralized power, signalled the demise of medieval pluralism, the dismemberment of Christendom, and the erosion of imperial and papal aspirations to universal power. Medieval Europe, before then, had defined itself as a cultural, political and religious unity: the Res Publica Christiana. The first half of the 16th century witnessed the final breakdown of that order, the emergence of the modern sovereign state and the subsequent development of the European state system. It was also in this age that a singular event transformed con- ventional conceptions of the world and consolidated anthropocentrism: the discovery of America.2 A ‘stellar moment’ of literature, political and legal * For correspondence use [email protected]. Unless otherwise indicated, translations in this paper are by the author. 1) See Getino, L.G. El Maestro Fr. Francisco de Vitoria: Su vida, su doctrina e influencia, Imprenta Católica, 1930 and de Heredia, Beltrán. Francisco de Vitoria, Editorial Labor, 1939. 2) Pérez Luño, A. -
FRANCISCO DE VITORIA, De Indis (1532) 15. Sixth Proposition
FRANCISCO DE VITORIA, De Indis (1532) 15. Sixth proposition: Although the Christian faith may have been announced to the Indians with adequate demonstration and they have refused to receive it, yet this is not a reason which justifies making war on them and depriving them of their property. This conclusion is definitely stated by St. Thomas (Secunda Secundae, qu. 10, art. 8), where he says that unbelievers who have never received the faith, like Gentiles and Jews, are in no wise to be compelled to do so. This is the received conclusion of the doctors alike in the canon law and the civil law. The proof lies in the fact that belief is an operation of the will. Now, fear detracts greatly from the voluntary (Ethics, bk. 3), and it is a sacrilege to approach under the influence of servile fear as far as the mysteries and sacraments of Christ. Our proposition receives further proof from the use and custom of the Church. For never have Christian Emperors, who had as advisors the most holy and wise Pontiffs, made war on unbelievers for their refusal to accept the Christian religion. Further, war is no argument for the truth of the Christian faith. Therefore the Indians cannot be induced by war to believe, but rather to feign belief and reception of the Christian faith, which is monstrous and a sacrilege. And although Scotus (Bk. 4, dist. 4, last qu.) calls it a religious act for princes to compel unbelievers by threats and fears to receive the faith, yet he seems to mean this to apply only to unbelievers who in other respects are subjects of Christian princes (with whom we will deal later on). -
Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 4-12-2006 Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons Scholar Commons Citation Neste, Berit Van, "Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea" (2006). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3782 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea by Berit Van Neste A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Religious Studies College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: James F. Strange, Ph.D. Paul G. Schneider, Ph.D. Michael J. Decker, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 12, 2006 Keywords: theology, philosophy, politics, patristic, medieval © Copyright 2006 , Berit Van Neste For Elizabeth and Calista Table of Contents Abstract ii Chapter 1 1 Introduction 1 Cicero’s Influence on Augustine 7 Chapter 2 13 Justice 13 Natural and Temporal Law 19 Commonwealth 34 Chapter 3 49 Just War 49 Chapter 4 60 Conclusion 60 References 64 i Cicero and St. -
ABSTRACT the Conversion and Therapy of Desire in Augustine's
ABSTRACT The Conversion and Therapy of Desire in Augustine’s Cassiciacum Dialogues Mark J. Boone, Ph.D. Directors: Thomas S. Hibbs, Ph.D., and Michael P. Foley, Ph.D. The philosophical schools of late antiquity commonly diagnosed human unhappiness as rooted in some fundamental disorder in our desires, and offered various therapies or prescriptions for the healing of desire. Among these only the neo-Platonic treatment for desire requires redirecting desire towards an immaterial world. Although Augustine agrees with the neo-Platonists on the need to redirect our desires to an immaterial world, he does not adopt their therapy for desire. Instead he adopts a thoroughly Christian approach to the healing of desire. The conversion of desire results from the Trinitarian God’s gracious actions taken to heal our desires. Augustine does not recommend fleeing from the influence of the body, as neo-Platonism encourages, but fleeing to Christ, immersing ourselves in the life of the Church, and practicing the theological virtues. In this dissertation I examine Augustine’s Cassiciacum dialogues. In Contra Academicos (Against the Academics), Augustine argues that we must vigorously desire wisdom in order to attain it; that we must have hope in the possibility of attaining wisdom; and that our desire for wisdom must be bound in faith to Christ. In De beata vita (On the Happy Life), Augustine argues that the Trinitarian God is the only perennially satisfying object of desire and shows that the pursuit of God is the activity of a prayerful community of believers who are practicing faith, hope, and charity. In De ordine (On Order), Augustine recommends that the reordering of our desires be pursued through a liberal arts education and through Christian morals. -
The Utilitarian Foundations of Natural Law
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 1989 The Utilitarian Foundations of Natural Law Richard A. Epstein Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard A. Epstein, "The Utilitarian Foundations of Natural Law," 12 Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy 711 (1989). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 10 SYMPOSIUM ON THE COMPATIBILITY OF RIGHTS AND CONSEQUENTIALIST ANALYSES HeinOnline -- 12 Harv. J. L. & Pub. Pol'y 711 1989 0Q HeinOnline -- 12 Harv. J. L. & Pub. Pol'y 712 1989 THE UTILITARIAN FOUNDATIONS OF NATURAL LAW RICHARD A. EPSTEIN* Contemporary thinking about rights draws a sharp line be- tween deontological and consequentialist ethical theories. De- ontological theories are associated with the natural law tradition as it has developed in this century, while consequen- tialist theories may be conveniently, if inexactly, grouped as utilitarian. The points of opposition between these approaches have been so often rehearsed that it is only necessary to sum- marize them briefly here. Natural rights theories regard them- selves as theories of individual entitlement, not as theories of social good. Their emphasis on the justice of the individual case, the intimate connection between the doer and the sufferer of harm, makes them overtly anti-instrumental in orientation.' They disavow the idea that the consequences of any legal rule could justify its adoption or rejection. -
Abstract of 'Platonic Participation'
1 Abstract of ‘Platonic Participation’ The Republic presents us with a standard account of the Theory of Forms, especially in the discussion of the difference between knowledge and opinion. But we also get in the Republic the only passage in the Platonic corpus that gives some sort of reasoned account of what is meant by participation, I mean the analogy of the Sun. A feature of this analogy is that, properly taken, it answers one of the criticisms of participation that Parmenides levels against Socrates in the Parmenides . The Republic also gives, in other places, an account of how forms and particulars can be said to be like each other that answers Parmenides’ criticism based on the likeness regress. For this reason, as well as for several others, the chronological division of the Platonic dialogues into early and middle and late should be rejected, and the Parmenides should not be read, as scholars do now read it, as posing problems for the Theory of Forms given in the Republic , but the Republic should be read as giving answers to the problems posed in the Parmenides . But while the Republic successfully answers criticisms from Parmenides in the Parmenides , it does not answer, and cannot answer, criticisms from Aristotle in the Metaphysics . This is because the Republic is distinctive among Platonic dialogues in talking, and talking at length, about particulars as participating in being and not just as participating in the beautiful or the just or the like. For while some sense can be made of speaking of participation in the just or the beautiful, no sense at all can be made of speaking of participation in being. -
The Polemical Practice in Ancient Epicureanism* M
UDK 101.1;141.5 Вестник СПбГУ. Философия и конфликтология. 2019. Т. 35. Вып. 3 The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism* M. M. Shakhnovich St. Petersburg State University, 7–9, Universitetskaya nab., St. Petersburg, 199034, Russian Federation For citation: Shakhnovich M. M. The polemical practice in ancient Epicureanism. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies, 2019, vol. 35, issue 3, pp. 461–471. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2019.306 The article explores the presentation methods of a philosophical doctrine in Greek and Ro- man Epicureanism; it is shown that for the ancient, middle, and Roman Epicureans a con- troversy with representatives of other philosophical schools was a typical way of present- ing their own views. The polemical practice, in which the basic principles of Epicureanism were expounded through the criticism of other philosophical systems, first of all, Academics and Stoics, was considered not only as the preferred way of presenting the own doctrine, but also as the most convenient rhetorical device, which had, among other things, didac- tic significance. The founder of the school, Epicurus, often included in his texts the terms used in other philosophical schools, giving them a different, often opposite, content. While presenting his teaching in the treatise “On Nature” or in letters to his followers, Epicurus pushed off the opinions of Democritus, Plato, and the Stoics, but resorted mainly to implicit criticism of his opponents, often without naming them by name. His closest students and later followers — Metrodorus, Hermarchus, Colotes, Philodemus, Lucretius, Diogenes of Oenoanda — continuing the controversy with the Academics and the Stoics, more frank- ly expressed their indignation about the “falsely understood Epicureanism” or erroneous opinions. -
Perceptions of the Influence of Francisco De Vitoria on the Development of International Law in 21St Century Discourse
Perceptions of the Influence of Francisco de Vitoria on the Development of International Law in 21st Century discourse Gerrit Altena U1274635 October 2020 Tilburg Law School Supervisor: Dr. Inge van Hulle Contents: Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………2 Chapter 2: Francisco de Vitoria and the Development of Humanitarian Intervention……………9 Chapter 3: Francisco de Vitoria and the Secularization of International Law…………….………...21 Chapter 4: Francisco de Vitoria as the Founder of International Law……………………………….....27 Chapter 5: Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………………………….37 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………................................43 1 Chapter 1: Introduction The work of Francisco de Vitoria has always evoked conversation. Pufendorf and Kant could not agree on whether the work of the 16th Century Spanish clergyman and lecturer represented a defence or an attack on the native population of the Americas. Their disagreement has carried forth until this day.1 The conversation received renewed attention at the turn of the 20th Century, when American jurist James Brown Scott proclaimed Vitoria to be the founder of international law, as opposed to Hugo Grotius.2 Who was Francisco de Vitoria? Not much is known with certainty about the early life of Francisco de Vitoria. There is even disagreement over both Vitoria’s birthplace and the year of his birth. The former is said to be either Vitoria, the modern-day capital of Basque country, or Burgos.3 With regards to the year of his birth, there used to be a consensus on 1492. Vitoria, however, became a deacon in 1507, which would mean he would be 15 years old at that time. According to Hernández, it was impossible at the time to be a deacon at that age.