The Affects of Race: Millennial Mixed Race Identity in the United States

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Affects of Race: Millennial Mixed Race Identity in the United States THE AFFECTS OF RACE: MILLENNIAL MIXED RACE IDENTITY IN THE UNITED STATES A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN ENGLSH MAY 2018 By Nicole Myoshi Rabin Dissertation Committee: Cynthia Franklin, Chairperson Cristina Bacchilega Monisha Das Gupta Ruth Y. Hsu S. Shankar Keywords: Mixed Race, Multiracial, Racial Identity, Affect Acknowledgments This dissertation would not have been possible without the generous comments and support from the members of my Dissertation Committee. Thank you to Cristina Bacchilega Ph.D., Monisha Das Gupta Ph.D., Ruth Y. Hsu Ph.D., and S. Shankar Ph.D. for their patience, time, and wisdom in seeing me through this process. I am especially grateful for the tireless commitment of my Dissertation Director, Cynthia Franklin Ph.D., who pushed me when I needed it, encouraged me when I wanted to give up, and always guided me through the difficult labor of this dissertation. This work would not have been able to realize its full potential without the insightful comments, patience, and generous wisdom of my Dissertation Director. I would also like to thank Cheryl Narumi Naruse, Ph.D. for always guiding me and offering her wisdom as a colleague and friend. Thank you to my cohort in the English Department at the University of Hawaii for going through this endeavor with me. Lastly, this project could not have been possible without the unwavering support of my family. Thank you to my parents for instilling in me a love for education and for supporting my pursuit. Thank you to my husband, Alex, for helping me to realize my goal, for keeping me on track, for giving me perspective when I lost sight of it, for showing me the real value of this pursuit, and for pushing me forward when I needed it the most. Thank you to my children, Cash and Wolf, for inspiring me every day to be the best version of myself. ii Abstract At the turn of the millennium, there has been a particular emergence of mixed race discourse in the United States concentrated on identity. While there has been a significant amount of criticism regarding Millennial Mixed Race Identities, there has been less attention given to the continued investments in these identities well into the new millennium. This dissertation implements Affect Theory as a means to better understand not only the development of the Mixed Race Identity Movement at the end of the twentieth century and the persistent desire for these types of identifications in the new millennium, but also as a means to reformulate mixed race identification to avoid complicity in structures of white supremacy and colonialism. A perspective of affect allows a more thorough understanding of how mixed race identities have been heavily influenced by the affective attachments to the people we surround ourselves with; the affective responses to our past experiences of race and racial encounter; the affective relief developed to combat past affective experiences; and the racial affects that continually circulate within a racialized society and attach to differently raced bodies during moments of encounter. Specifically looking at some of the major texts of the Mixed Race Identity Movement underscores the way in which affect heavily influences understandings of identity and the problems that arise from seeking out the state to solve affective conditions. Continuing with a more precise Millennial Mixed Race Identity, Hapa, this dissertation examines the continued investments in these more specific identities and what a politics of recognition based on affect can problematically produce or uphold. Lastly, this dissertation implements Affect Theory in an attempt to refocus mixed race identity formation as an iterative and recursive process shaped through the constant contact with other bodies, other spaces, and other times. Yet, unfortunately, despite the ways in which affect produces alternative perspectives on the iii development and investment in Millennial Mixed Race Identity, this perspective does not salvage mixed race discourse from being complicit in structures of colonialism or white supremacy in the new millennium. iv Table of Contents INTRODUCTION AFFECTING CRITICAL MIXED RACE STUDIES 1 CHAPTER 1 AFFECTIVE ASPIRATIONS: THE ROLE OF AFFECT AND STATE-SPONSORED RECOGNITION WITHIN THE MIXED RACE IDENTITY MOVEMENT 44 CHAPTER 2 AFFECTIVE OPERATIONS: AFFECT, RECOGNITION, AND HAPA IDENTITY IN THE POSTMILLENNIAL UNITED STATES 90 CHAPTER 3 AFFECTIVE REVELATIONS: RACIAL AFFECT AND THE SIGNIFICANCE OF ENCOUNTER 134 CONCLUSION AFFECTIVE REORIENTATIONS: RETHINKING MILLENNIAL MIXED RACE IDENTITIES IN THE POST-MILLENNIUM 176 BIBLIOGRAPHY 182 v Introduction: Affecting Critical Mixed Race Studies When I was growing up the license plate on my mom’s Dodge minivan read: R3HAPAS. My mom explained to my sister, brother, and me that a Hapa was someone like us—mixed race. Although my mom’s explanation of what Hapa meant implied that there were other people in the world like me, when I looked around me in the predominately white and Jewish part of Los Angeles where I grew up there weren’t any other children who looked like me or families that resembled mine. When I was seven years old, I came home from Hebrew school crying because one of the other kids had pulled his eyes into slits chanting “Ching chong” as I walked by. He laughed and told me that I wasn’t really Jewish because I had “slanty” eyes and dark skin and didn’t look like any of the other Jewish kids at school. Not long after, I went with my mom to a Japanese Obon Festival to listen to folk songs and participate in traditional Japanese dances. I was so excited because we got to wear our kimonos with the big obo sashes around our waists and the little cherry blossom flower clips in our hair. When we arrived, I went over to a group of kids who were lined up to dance. They giggled as I approached and asked me if I was really Japanese. When I just stared at them, they giggled more and told me that I couldn’t be Japanese because I looked so white. I walked back to my mom and cried. These memories are seared into my mind because they made me feel different. In each instance, I perceived that I was asked to assert my ethnic/racial1 identity and then told that 1 I do not mean to conflate the terms race and ethnicity. However, for the purposes of this dissertation, I will be using racial identity in instances where it may seem to be more a question of ethnicity because in relation to Millennial Mixed Race Identity there is often a slippage between these two terms stemming from the establishment of the Office of Management and 1 particular identity did not really belong to me. As a child I was confused because I believed I was receiving different messages at home and in the outside world. In public spaces, I was interrogated about my racial identity with common questions like, “What are you?” or “Where are you from?” Over the years, I had various answers: hapa, mixed race, multiracial, half- Japanese and half-Caucasian, Eurasian, Jewish, my mother is Japanese and my father is white and Jewish. No matter what my answers have been, I have been met with responses such as, “But, you don’t look Japanese” or “Which of your parents is white?” Other comments have been: “But, were you raised Jewish?” or “I knew there was something different about you.” With each of these reactions, I felt increasingly isolated and unusual. By contrast, within the private space of my home, being racially mixed was not only unquestioned but also naturalized by not being discussed at all. I knew my parents did not look the same, their skin colors were different, and they were raised in different cultures and practiced different traditions. In our house, these cultural traditions were melded together seamlessly. We ate sticky rice with our brisket. We lit Hanukkah candles around the Christmas tree. In an attempt to combat the feelings of difference we experienced in the world around us, my mom’s license plate—and the identity it named—was a way in which my family attempted to make public that which was already unquestioned in private. When I was younger, identifying as Hapa gave me a sense of belonging and a sense of wholeness that I didn’t feel in the world around me; it offered me shelter, something “identifiable” and nameable, to combat the questions about my identity. Budget’s ethno-racial pentagon in its Directive 15 (which will be discussed in further detail later). 2 Thinking back to the text of the plate, I see now that the letters—the possessive “R”— were more about my parents than they were about my siblings or me. For my parents, an interracial couple whose own parents refused to attend their wedding, Hapa was a term of empowerment, pride, and creation—it embodied their family. Upon first glance, my siblings and I do not look like each other. I do not particularly look like my father or my mother. I notice people staring at me when I walk with my father trying to make sense of a white man and a young ambiguous woman. Hapa gave my parents a way to make visible the kinship that may not have been readily identifiable to outside eyes. Hapa gave them and me a way to reconcile all these feelings of difference. Recently, I asked my paternal aunt why my parents got together in the first place. Her response was shocking: “Well, your dad always had a thing for Asian women.” Once I was able to get over my initial offense, I realized that I am not that child in the minivan any longer sheltered by the supposedly harmonious identification of Hapa.
Recommended publications
  • H.Doc. 108-224 Black Americans in Congress 1870-2007
    “The Negroes’ Temporary Farewell” JIM CROW AND THE EXCLUSION OF AFRICAN AMERICANS FROM CONGRESS, 1887–1929 On December 5, 1887, for the first time in almost two decades, Congress convened without an African-American Member. “All the men who stood up in awkward squads to be sworn in on Monday had white faces,” noted a correspondent for the Philadelphia Record of the Members who took the oath of office on the House Floor. “The negro is not only out of Congress, he is practically out of politics.”1 Though three black men served in the next Congress (51st, 1889–1891), the number of African Americans serving on Capitol Hill diminished significantly as the congressional focus on racial equality faded. Only five African Americans were elected to the House in the next decade: Henry Cheatham and George White of North Carolina, Thomas Miller and George Murray of South Carolina, and John M. Langston of Virginia. But despite their isolation, these men sought to represent the interests of all African Americans. Like their predecessors, they confronted violent and contested elections, difficulty procuring desirable committee assignments, and an inability to pass their legislative initiatives. Moreover, these black Members faced further impediments in the form of legalized segregation and disfranchisement, general disinterest in progressive racial legislation, and the increasing power of southern conservatives in Congress. John M. Langston took his seat in Congress after contesting the election results in his district. One of the first African Americans in the nation elected to public office, he was clerk of the Brownhelm (Ohio) Townshipn i 1855.
    [Show full text]
  • Historical Origins of the One-Drop Racial Rule in the United States
    Historical Origins of the One-Drop Racial Rule in the United States Winthrop D. Jordan1 Edited by Paul Spickard2 Editor’s Note Winthrop Jordan was one of the most honored US historians of the second half of the twentieth century. His subjects were race, gender, sex, slavery, and religion, and he wrote almost exclusively about the early centuries of American history. One of his first published articles, “American Chiaroscuro: The Status and Definition of Mulattoes in the British Colonies” (1962), may be considered an intellectual forerunner of multiracial studies, as it described the high degree of social and sexual mixing that occurred in the early centuries between Africans and Europeans in what later became the United States, and hinted at the subtle racial positionings of mixed people in those years.3 Jordan’s first book, White over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550–1812, was published in 1968 at the height of the Civil Rights Movement era. The product of years of painstaking archival research, attentive to the nuances of the thousands of documents that are its sources, and written in sparkling prose, White over Black showed as no previous book had done the subtle psycho-social origins of the American racial caste system.4 It won the National Book Award, the Ralph Waldo Emerson Prize, the Bancroft Prize, the Parkman Prize, and other honors. It has never been out of print since, and it remains a staple of the graduate school curriculum for American historians and scholars of ethnic studies. In 2005, the eminent public intellectual Gerald Early, at the request of the African American magazine American Legacy, listed what he believed to be the ten most influential books on African American history.
    [Show full text]
  • (In)Determinable: Race in Brazil and the United States
    Michigan Journal of Race and Law Volume 14 2009 Determining the (In)Determinable: Race in Brazil and the United States D. Wendy Greene Cumberland School fo Law at Samford University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Education Law Commons, Law and Race Commons, and the Law and Society Commons Recommended Citation D. W. Greene, Determining the (In)Determinable: Race in Brazil and the United States, 14 MICH. J. RACE & L. 143 (2009). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl/vol14/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Race and Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DETERMINING THE (IN)DETERMINABLE: RACE IN BRAZIL AND THE UNITED STATES D. Wendy Greene* In recent years, the Brazilian states of Rio de Janeiro, So Paulo, and Mato Grasso du Sol have implemented race-conscious affirmative action programs in higher education. These states established admissions quotas in public universities '' for Afro-Brazilians or afrodescendentes. As a result, determining who is "Black has become a complex yet important undertaking in Brazil. Scholars and the general public alike have claimed that the determination of Blackness in Brazil is different than in the United States; determining Blackness in the United States is allegedly a simpler task than in Brazil. In Brazil it is widely acknowledged that most Brazilians are descendants of Aficans in light of the pervasive miscegenation that occurred during and after the Portuguese and Brazilian enslavement of * Assistant Professor of Law, Cumberland School of Law at Samford University.
    [Show full text]
  • Emerging Paradigms in Critical Mixed Race Studies G
    Emerging Paradigms in Critical Mixed Race Studies G. Reginald Daniel, Laura Kina, Wei Ming Dariotis, and Camilla Fojas Mixed Race Studies1 In the early 1980s, several important unpublished doctoral dissertations were written on the topic of multiraciality and mixed-race experiences in the United States. Numerous scholarly works were published in the late 1980s and early 1990s. By 2004, master’s theses, doctoral dissertations, books, book chapters, and journal articles on the subject reached a critical mass. They composed part of the emerging field of mixed race studies although that scholarship did not yet encompass a formally defined area of inquiry. What has changed is that there is now recognition of an entire field devoted to the study of multiracial identities and mixed-race experiences. Rather than indicating an abrupt shift or change in the study of these topics, mixed race studies is now being formally defined at a time that beckons scholars to be more critical. That is, the current moment calls upon scholars to assess the merit of arguments made over the last twenty years and their relevance for future research. This essay seeks to map out the critical turn in mixed race studies. It discusses whether and to what extent the field that is now being called critical mixed race studies (CMRS) diverges from previous explorations of the topic, thereby leading to formations of new intellectual terrain. In the United States, the public interest in the topic of mixed race intensified during the 2008 presidential campaign of Barack Obama, an African American whose biracial background and global experience figured prominently in his campaign for and election to the nation’s highest office.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Multiracialism Is to Analyze What This Transformation Means Within the Current Racial Politics
    INTRODUCTION Heather M. Dalmage “Almighty God created the races White, Black, Yellow, Malay, and Red, and he placed them on separate continents. The fact that he separated the races shows that he did not intend them to mix.”1 With these words Judge Bazile sentenced Mildred and Richard Loving, an interracial couple from Virginia, to one year in prison in 1950. The crime—marrying across race lines. His ruling reflects the history of racial formation in the United States. Calling upon a mixture of religious and scientific mythology, the judge used his power on behalf of the state to strengthen racial categories and white su- premacy. After living in exile in Washington, D.C., for nearly seventeen years, the Lovings finally had their case heard before the Supreme Court. Buttressed by the strength of the civil rights movement in 1967, more than 240 years since the first codified antimiscegenation law,2 the United States Supreme Court declared intermarriage legal in every state.3 Given the legal green light, multiracial families began to form, leading to what Maria Root has called the “biracial babyboom.”4 Of course, intermixing has occurred throughout history, but this would mark the first time that U.S. law would honor each partner as racially equal in the marriage contract. The Loving decision created the legal, if not the social, space for the growth of multi- racial family organizations and other forms of multiracial expression, which eventually became collectively known as the Multiracial Movement. 1 © 2004 State University of New York Press,
    [Show full text]
  • Multiracial in America Proud, Diverse and Growing in Numbers
    NUMBERS, FACTS AND TRENDS SHAPING THE WORLD FOR RELEASE JUNE 11, 2015 Multiracial in America Proud, Diverse and Growing in Numbers FOR FURTHER INFORMATION ON THIS REPORT: Kim Parker, Director of Social Trends Research Rich Morin, Senior Editor Juliana Menasce Horowitz, Associate Director Mark Hugo Lopez, Director of Hispanic Research Molly Rohal, Communications Manager 202.419.4372 www.pewresearch.org RECOMMENDED CITATION: Pew Research Center. 2015. “Multiracial in America: Proud, Diverse and Growing in Numbers.” Washington, D.C.: June 1 PEW RESEARCH CENTER About This Report This report, produced by Pew Research Center, examines the attitudes, experiences and demographic characteristics of multiracial Americans. The findings are based on data from two primary sources: A nationally representative survey of 1,555 multiracial Americans ages 18 and older, conducted online from Feb. 6 to April 6, 2015, and Pew Research analyses of data collected by the U.S. Census Bureau. Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan “fact tank” that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping America and the world. It does not take policy positions. The center conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, content analysis and other data-driven social science research. It studies U.S. politics and policy; journalism and media; internet, science and technology; religion and public life; Hispanic trends; global attitudes and trends; and U.S. social and demographic trends. All of the center’s reports are available at www.pewresearch.org. Pew Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts, its primary funder. While Pew Research Center is solely responsible for the content of this report, we received invaluable advice from Ann Morning, associate professor of Sociology at New York University; Aliya Saperstein, assistant professor of sociology at Stanford University; and Taeku Lee, professor of political science and law at the University of California, Berkeley.
    [Show full text]
  • Asian American and Pacific Islander Women in the U.S. Economy Looking Beneath the Aggregate Numbers
    FACT SHEET Asian American and Pacific Islander Women in the U.S. Economy Looking Beneath the Aggregate Numbers By Kaitlin Holmes and Shilpa Phadke June 9, 2016 In 2014, Asian American women were paid just 84 cents for every dollar paid to white, non-Hispanic men.1 At first glance, this statistic might suggest that Asian American women are doing better than all other women—women overall were paid 79 cents for every dollar earned by men in 2014. But there is more to the story, particularly when one looks behind the numbers and explores differences within the Asian American and Pacific Islander, or AAPI, community. Although data that combine all ethnicities of AAPI women can make it seem as if they are generally better off economically than other groups, it is important to under- stand what the overall numbers obscure. Aggregate numbers tend to hide not only the incredibly diverse ethnic backgrounds within the AAPI community—which includes more than 50 ethnic groups and 100 languages2—but also the vast economic, educa- tional, and occupational differences among AAPI women and the challenges facing key subpopulations of AAPI women and families. As a result, these aggregate numbers can effectively erase from the public discourse the facts that many Asian American women are often paid significantly less than their white male counterparts and that wage gap actually widens when controlling for educational differences. This fact sheet provides a snapshot of the economic diversity within the AAPI community.3 The wage gap • Asian American women were paid, on average, just 84 cents for every dollar paid to white, non-Hispanic men in 2014.4 • Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander women made just 62 cents for every dollar paid 5 to white, non-Hispanic men.
    [Show full text]
  • Loving's Children and the Genocide of the White Race
    FEAR OF A MULTIRACIAL PLANET: LOVING’S CHILDREN AND THE GENOCIDE OF THE WHITE RACE Reginald Oh* INTRODUCTION Fifty years after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Loving v. Virginia1 that prohibitions against interracial marriages were unconstitutional, strong cultural opposition to interracial couples, marriages, and families continues to exist. Illustrative of this opposition is the controversy over an Old Navy clothing store advertisement posted on Twitter in spring 2016.2 The advertisement depicted an African American woman and a white man together with a presumably mixed-race child. The white man is carrying the boy on his back. It is a clear depiction of an interracial family. Although seemingly innocuous, this advertisement sparked a flood of comments expressing open hostility and outrage at the depiction. The response to the advertisement is a clear reminder that interracial relationships, particularly a white-black pairing, still do not have uncontroverted acceptance in American society. However, I believe what sparked the outrage was not merely the depiction of an interracial couple but specifically the depiction of an interracial family. The placement of the child in the photograph with his presumed parents is what provoked such a strong backlash. Telling is this comment: “Old Navy supports the GENOCIDE of the White race! It takes a White mother and a White father to make a White baby.”3 This tweet implicates the underlying fear of interracial families— that their proliferation will lead to the destruction of whiteness and white people as a race. * Professor, Cleveland-Marshall College of Law. This Article was prepared for the Fordham Law Review Symposium entitled Fifty Years of Loving v.
    [Show full text]
  • BUILDING the AMERICAN MOSAIC a Report from the President’S Advisory Commission on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders
    BUILDING THE AMERICAN MOSAIC A Report from the President’s Advisory Commission on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders August 2014 an Am asi eri n ca o n e s v i a t n d a i P t a i c n i I f i e c s I u s o l a H n e d t e i r h s W an Am asi eri n ca o n e s v i a t n d a i P t a i c n i I f i e c s I u s o l a H n e d t e i r h s W BUILDING THE AMERICAN MOSAIC Report from the President’s Advisory Commission on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders First Published May 2014 Revised August 2014 This report was produced under U.S. Department of Education Kiran Ahuja Contract No. ED-OOS-13-P-0028 with Ignatius Bau. Cindy Dixon Executive Director served as the contracting officer’s technical representative. The White House Initiative on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders views expressed herein do not necessarily represent the positions or policies of the Department of Education. No official endorsement by May 2014 the U.S. Department of Education of any product, commodity, service or enterprise mentioned or linked to in this publication is intended or This report is in the public domain. Authorization to reproduce should be inferred. it in whole or in part is granted. While permission to reprint this publication is not necessary, the citation should be: White House Arne Duncan Initiative on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders,Building the Chair American Mosaic: Report from the President’s Advisory Commission on White House Initiative on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • A Community of Contrasts: Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians And
    2015 A COMMUNITY OF CONTRASTS Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders in the West ARIZONA HAWAI‘I LAS VEGAS OREGON SEATTLE CONTENTS Welcome 1 OREGON 46 Introduction 2 Demographics 47 Executive Summary Economic Contributions3 49 Civic Engagement 50 WEST REGION Immigration 5 51 Demographics 6 Language 52 ARIZONA 10 Education 53 Demographics 11 Income 54 Economic Contributions 13 Employment 55 Civic Engagement 14 Housing 56 Immigration 15 Health 57 Language 16 SEATTLE METRO AREA 58 Education 17 Demographics 59 Income 18 Economic Contributions 61 Employment 19 Civic Engagement 62 Housing 20 Immigration 63 Health 21 Language 64 HAWAI‘I 22 Education 65 Demographics 23 Income 66 Economic Contributions 25 Employment 67 Civic Engagement 26 Housing 68 Immigration 27 Health 69 Language 28 Policy Recommendations 70 Education 29 Glossary 73 Income 30 Appendix A: Population, Population Growth 74 Employment 31 Appendix B: Selected Population Characteristics 80 Housing 32 Technical Notes 85 Health 33 LAS VEGAS 34 METRO AREA Demographics 35 Economic Contributions 37 Civic Engagement 38 Immigration 39 Asian Americans Advancing Justice Language 40 Asian Americans Advancing Justice is a national affiliation of five leading organizations advocating for the civil and Education 41 human rights of Asian Americans and other underserved Income 42 communities to promote a fair and equitable society for all. Employment 43 Housing 44 Advancing Justice | AAJC (Washington, DC) Health 45 Advancing Justice | Asian Law Caucus (San Francisco) Advancing Justice | Atlanta Advancing Justice | Chicago Advancing Justice | Los Angeles All photos in this report were taken by M. Jamie Watson unless otherwise noted. Data design and layout were provided by GRAPHEK.
    [Show full text]
  • Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(S), 1957-1965
    Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(s), 1957-1965 Joshua Pritchard This thesis interrogates traditional understandings of race within Zimbabwean nationalism. It explores the interactions between socio-cultural identities and belonging in black African nationalist thinking and politics, and focuses on the formative decade between the emergence of mass African nationalist political parties in 1957 and the widespread adoption of an anti- white violent struggle in 1966. It reassesses the place of non-black individuals within African anti-settler movements. Using the chronological narrative provided by the experiences of marginal non-black supporters (including white, Asian, coloured, and Indian individuals), it argues that anti-colonial nationalist organisations during the pre-Liberation War period were heavily influenced by the competing racial theories and politics espoused by their elite leadership. It further argues that the imagined future Zimbabwean nations had a fluid and reflexive positioning of citizens based on racial identities that changed continuously. Finally, this thesis examines the construction of racial identities through the discourse used by black Zimbabweans and non-black migrants and citizens, and the relationships between these groups, to contend that race was an inexorable factor in determining belonging. Drawing upon archival sources created by non-black 'radical' participants and Zimbabwean nationalists, and oral interviews conducted during fieldwork in South Africa and Zimbabwe in 2015, the research is a revisionist approach to existing academic literature on Zimbabwean nationalism: in the words of Terence Ranger, it is not a nationalist history but a history of nationalism. It situates itself within multiple bodies of study, including conceptual nationalist and racial theory, the histories of marginal groups within African nationalist movements, and studies of citizenship and belonging.
    [Show full text]
  • Cultural Inversion and the One-Drop Rule: an Essay on Biology, Racial Classification, and the Rhetoric of Racial Transcendence
    05 POST.FINAL.12.9.09.DOCX 1/26/2010 6:50 PM CULTURAL INVERSION AND THE ONE-DROP RULE: AN ESSAY ON BIOLOGY, RACIAL CLASSIFICATION, AND THE RHETORIC OF RACIAL TRANSCENDENCE Deborah W. Post The great paradox in contemporary race politics is exemplified in the narrative constructed by and about President Barack Obama. This narrative is all about race even as it makes various claims about the diminished significance of race: the prospect of racial healing, the ability of a new generation of Americans to transcend race or to choose their own identity, and the emergence of a post- racial society.1 While I do not subscribe to the post-racial theories 1 I tried to find the source of the claims that Obama “transcends” race. There are two possibilities: that Obama is not identified or chooses not to identify as a black man but as someone not “raced” and/or that Obama is simply able to overcome the resistance of white voters who ordinarily would not be inclined to vote for a black man. While these sound as if they are the same, they are actually different. If the entire community, including both whites and blacks, no longer see race as relevant, then the reference to “transcendence” or to a “post- racial” moment in history is probably appropriate. If, however, the phenomenon we are considering is simply the fact that some whites no longer consider race relevant in judging who is qualified, if racial bias or animus has lost some of its force, then race may still be relevant in a multitude of ways important to both whites and blacks.
    [Show full text]