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How was historical imagery used in propaganda posters of the European powers of the Second World War? Pat Keely, 1940-45. The National Archives (UK): INF 3-136 MA Thesis in History Jon Loftus Supervisor: Bart van der Boom Universiteit Leiden S2383616 June 2019 1 Contents Introduction - 3 Chapter One: Propaganda Theory and Methodology of Poster Analysis - 10 Chapter Two: Ancient and Medieval Conflicts – 19 Chapter Three: Early-Modern and Modern Conflicts – 32 Chapter Four: Heroes, Ethno-nationalist Representations and Historical Individuals – 52 Conclusion – 69 Bibliography- 72 Poster List – 76 Acknowledgements Thanks to my friends and family who had to suffer me droning on about posters and the epistemic merit model for months on end. Particular thanks goes to my colleagues Heleen Wink, Anastasia Petrovskaya and Bertel Bertelsen, who translated captions from the many languages I cannot read. Vital proof reading and advice giving was done by Kyran Penny, Christopher Bull, Caragh Thomas, Suzanne Hutchinson and Tim Loftus. Special thanks must go to Laurie Venters, who discussed and advised on the writing of this thesis from its inception, while simultaneously completing his own. Finally, thanks to the archivists who put these posters online, without whom, this thesis would not exist. 2 Introduction There was a common visual lexicon of historical imagery shared by the propaganda posters of the major European powers during the Second World War, that transcended their political and historic contradictions. The United Kingdom, Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union all produced propaganda posters that used historical imagery. Posters showed victory in past wars and battles, heroic leaders and imagery from the past; such as swords, shields, ancient warships and religious iconography. Although the nations producing these images were very different, they all used history and historical imagery in strikingly similar ways. There are huge differences and variation in national histories and values between these powers, and yet they still used the past in comparable ways, independently of each other. Clearly, history served as a very useful source for propaganda, because it explicitly linked the state to the national identity of the audience. This thesis will show how history was used in wartime propaganda, and compare the use of historical posters between Britain, Germany and Russia. I show that all three used similar historical motifs, images of past victories (both ancient and more recent) as well as ethno-nationalist representations of populations to persuade their citizens. There were several standard forms of historical poster, of relatively universal design and structure deployed by the three powers. Furthermore, history was chosen and utilised in similar ways. Posters were structurally alike but used different aspects of history determined by national origin, which could then also be framed in different ways, depending on ideology. The three powers posters are alike in structure, and their use of similar examples of history that exalt the national past to manipulate their citizens. They all use recognisable motifs and characters to ensure the audience can relate. Images of the past were used to appeal to citizens, encouraging action or support in the present. There are three main types. The first type is posters that referenced conflicts from the distant past, their original meanings long since faded in favour of semi-mythical ideals that could be adapted for modernity. The second type are posters that called upon wars from the early-modern period, more well remembered in contemporary culture, as well as conflicts in living public memory. The third kind are posters that used historical figures or ethno-nationalist identities, individuals from folklore or history who embodied a nations values and peoples. Despite the wide variety of characters, events and references called upon, the three nation’s historical posters display numerous similarities. I will discuss and compare how each country used these types of poster, the history they chose to use, and the different messages they tried to convey. I aim to prove that historical posters were a transnational genre of propaganda and show how history served as an ideal tool of war. This thesis is a comparative study of historical imagery in the wartime posters of Britain, the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany and the ‘Germanic’ Axis-occupied territories. The Nazi regime produced historical posters in the Netherlands, Denmark and Norway, using the same features seen in German, Russian and British posters. Both fascist, democratic and communist nation states fighting in the Second World War used propaganda posters with figures or events from their respective national histories to buttress civilian morale, reinforce loyalty to the state and inspire soldiers to fight. The importance of state created images to people’s national self- conception is even more pronounced during wartime. I contend historic imagery is so prevalent because shared national histories were both the most emotive themes for the public that the state can access, and national mythology was something states could claim ownership of. Furthermore, Europe’s tumultuous history provided more than enough events with 3 parallels to the modern war that could be used in propaganda. These posters represent history as a tool of nation building in its most clear and prominent form. Posters were often the most direct link between citizens and the states they live in. The importance of visual sources in this period cannot be understated: in Britain the nostalgia for wartime posters has become a cottage industry, and the infamous photograph of the ‘Times Square kiss’ is universally recognised. Discussing that famous image, Hariman and Lucaites have argued that posters and visual material were an important part of how people saw themselves and their society: “people form, maintain, and continually revise their conception of themselves as a people by looking at images in the public media.” 1 Conscious of the nature of propaganda, there is often an element of subtle, if not outright manipulation of the intended audience. The purpose of these posters was to inspire a devotion to fight and inspire hatred of the enemy. My hypothesis is that posters in differing national contexts contain historic imagery because history was used to reinforce national identity, and could be easily integrated into wartime propaganda. In the posters of each country there are general themes that come through that reflect various national attitudes and approaches to propaganda. It is important to explore these national differences, as well as the distinct methodology and histories their propaganda drew upon. In understanding the phenomenon of historic posters, it is necessary to engage in why a given nation included specific historic or cultural motifs. Kathleen Ryan has shown that “understanding a culture (and its cultural products) is crucial to understanding how, or if, propaganda will work.”2 As the aim of states was to produce effective propaganda, they looked to national historic culture, as well as the values of the public, to manipulate opinion. The broad themes present in each corpus of national posters, as well as their approach to propaganda will be briefly outlined below. In the posters of the United Kingdom the general public were treated as errant children who had to be submitted to constant hectoring by the state. The majority of posters held in the National Archives and British Library are related to domestic life, condescending examples such as “Potato Pete says “I’m great in soup!””, ‘Take care coming out of brightly lit tube stations during the blackout’ and ‘address your letters plainly’ etcetera. As Finch has noted, propagandists’ insistence that all state produced messages conveying war information “had to be disguised as entertainment, contains an underlying philosophy that the people cannot be assumed to have even a basic level of cerebral capacity or, indeed, intellectual curiosity.”3 The Ministry of Information created and distributed huge amounts of posters during the war. Condescending they may have been, but they were of a decidedly less authoritarian tone than their counterparts in Germany and Russia. Jo Fox has shown that the British public considered perceived state infringement on the rights of the individual - freedom of opinion, speech and assembly - as tantamount to the behaviour of the Gestapo : the British public idealised freedom and liberty, as well as their vaunted parliamentary democracy. 4 In a Mass Observation report from September 1941, it was reported that “there was a strong correlation 1 Robert Hariman & John L. Lucaites, “The Times Square kiss: Iconic Photography and Civic Renewal in US Public Culture.” The Journal of American History ( 2007) 94 (1): p. 122 2Kathleen M. Ryan, ‘Don't Miss Your Great Opportunity’: Patriotism and Propaganda in Second World War Recruitment’, Visual Studies , 27:3, (Oct 2012), p. 249 3 Lynette Finch, “The Man in the Street and Second World War Propaganda ”, Journal of Australian Studies , 23:60 (1999) , p.100 4 Jo Fox, “Careless Talk: Tensions within British Domestic Propaganda during the Second World War”, Journal of British Studies, Vol. 51, No. 4 (October 2012), pp. 943-48 4 between ‘Britishness’ and “liberty, love of home, tolerance and justice,” which was so important to British ‘national ideology’ that Mass Observation surmised “freedom and tolerance are looked on by many people almost as a British monopoly.”5 Although the Ministry of Information produced thousands of posters set in modernity, the British created far less historical posters than Russia or Germany. This is likely because of the backlash against propaganda that resembled posters used in the last war, in which historic imagery of knights and saints was common. Vital to the British psyche in this period was the still present tragedy of the First World War, framed by the Church and State as a glorious ‘sacrifice,’ but largely remembered for the high casualties and horrendous conditions. The ‘Great War’ was still an open wound on the public consciousness, its trauma a crucial part of understanding the mind-set of the British public.

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