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'Phantom Eleans' in Southern Epirus *

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'Phantom Eleans' in Southern Epirus * doi: 10.2143/AWE.14.0.3108190 AWE 14 (2015) 111-143 ‘PHANTOM ELEANS’ IN SOUTHERN EPIRUS * ADOLFO J. DOMÍNGUEZ Abstract The existence of a series of Elean colonies in the region of Cassopaea, in southern Epirus, has been regularly accepted by scholars on the basis of a single piece of written evidence. Despite such limited information, a number of interpretations have been made in an attempt to date the foundation of these colonies, and even to describe their political and institutional development. In this article, I examine the available archaeological evidence for those sites usually identified with these alleged colonies in order to show that there is no proof of colonial occupation or of any urban entities before the middle of the 4th century. Likewise, I attempt to explain how the idea of Elean colonisation may have sprung up, and why only a single reference points to it. Elean Colonies in Southern Epirus? A Consideration of the Evidence It is a known fact that not all Greek territories were involved with equal intensity in the process we know today as ‘Greek colonisation’. Whereas some cities became famous for having founded tens of cities (for example, Miletus with over 90 colonies),1 other regions do not appear to have founded any at all. Aside from the recent debates on the question of ‘Greek colonisation’,2 here I would like to focus on a particularly singular case, for which there is practically only a single refer- ence, namely the colonisation by the Eleans, the inhabitants of Elis, in the north- western Peloponnese. Unlike their northern neighbours, the Achaeans, who led an intensive colonisation process that has been extensively studied in recent times,3 there is no written evidence, other than the case we shall look at presently, of colo- nisation by the inhabitants of Elis.4 * This article has been written as part of Research Project HAR2011-25443 funded by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness. 1 Pliny NH 5. 112; but see Ehrhardt 1983 and, lastly, Avram et al. 2004; Tsetskhladze 2009, 229. 2 Tsetskhladze 2006; De Angelis 2009; 2010; Tsetskhladze and Hargrave 2011; Tsetskhladze 2013b. 3 Morgan and Hall 1996; Lombardo 2002. About a possible continuity between the Bronze Age and the Iron Age, see J.K. Papadopoulos 2001. 4 Naturally, if we ignore the reference by Strabo (8. 3. 32) to the inhabitants of Dispontium who, following the destruction of their city in ca. 575 BC, emigrated to Epidamnus and Apollonia, and which did not constitute, strictly speaking, colonisation but rather the quest for better conditions by those who had lost their city. Of course, in the literal interpretation of legendary traditions that were 997901.indb7901.indb 111111 114/09/154/09/15 009:449:44 112 A.J. DOMÍNGUEZ First of all, let us examine this. In the Ps.-Demosthenes oration On the Halonnesus,5 written and perhaps delivered in 343/2 BC, the hostile actions carried out by Philip II of Macedon are enumerated, among them that: ‘...[he] advanced with his army on Ambracia, razed and scorched the territory of the three poleis of Cassopaea, Pandosia, Boucheta and Elateia, colonies of the Eleans, and taking those cities by force, handed them over to Alexander, his brother-in-law, to be his slaves’ (Demosthenes 7. 32). It is highly probable that this action took place at the same time as the expulsion from the Molossian throne of King Arybbas, first his ally but later his enemy (Demosthenes 1. 13; Justinus Epitome 7. 6. 11–13, 8. 6. 4–8), who ultimately took refuge in Athens where he received (or recovered) Athenian citizen- ship.6 There can be little doubt that this conquest was part of a larger plan, designed by Philip II, in which the kingdom of Molossia would play a role of some importance.7 This, therefore, is the sole source in which an allusion is made to a founding role of the Eleans. Theopompus, who mentions these three cities and another as part of the same group (FGH 115 F 206), does not provide this specific information.8 Cassopaea formed part of Thesprotia, at least from a certain point in time, as testi- fied by Strabo (7. 7. 5) among others. For the time being, we cannot be certain that a relationship exists between this territory and that mentioned by Thucydides, also in Thesprotia, with the name of Elaiatis (Thucydides 1. 46. 4),9 although the latter does appear to be related with the port of Elaia, mentioned in Ps.-Scylax (§ 30. 3–5).10 It is very likely that this port of Elaia is the same that Strabo (7. 7. 5) calls the ‘Glykys Limen’ (Fig. 1). This is clearly the territory of the Eleans (Eleaioi), a Thesprotian ethnos which, in due course, would establish a polis named Elea as their capital,11 at the time when they frequent in the 19th century, colonies from Elis and many other territories were accepted. See, for instance, Raoul-Rochette 1815 I, 218–22, II, 228–29, III, 345–54. 5 I will not discuss here the authorship of this speech, but ancient authors such as Libanius (Arg. Dem. 7. 3–5) raised doubts over its being Demosthenes’ and attributed it, instead, to Hegesippus. See, however, Photius Bibliotheca 491a; Gibson 1999, 192–96. 6 IG II2 226; Rhodes and Osborne 2003, 348–55 (no. 70). 7 Domínguez 2014. 8 FGH 115 F 206: ‘Consequently, Theopompus says [in his book] 43 that there are four cities of the Cassopeans ... Elatreia, Pandosia, Bitia and Boucheta’. 9 ‘They ... anchored at Cheimerium in the territory of Thesprotia. It is a harbour, and above it lies a city away from the sea in the Eleatic district of Thesprotia, Ephyra by name. Near it is the outlet into the sea of the Acherusian lake; and the River Acheron runs through Thesprotia and empties into the lake, to which it gives its name.’ 10 ‘There is a harbour whose name is Elaia. In this harbour Acheron discharges’. Cf. Hammond 1967, 478: ‘Elaeatis takes its name from the olive’. See, in this same sense, Franke 1961, 300. Other scholars, however, relate this name to swampy areas (ta helea) (Riginos and Lazari 2007, 24). 11 Funke et al. 2004, 344–45. 997901.indb7901.indb 111212 114/09/154/09/15 009:449:44 ‘PHANTOM ELEANS’ IN SOUTHERN EPIRUS 113 Fig. 1: Map showing sites mentioned in the text (drawn by M.S. Milán, UAM). began to issue coinage.12 Intensive prospection and excavation undertaken in the territory of Elea, extending along the River Cocytus until it meets the Acheron, and thence to its outfall into the Glykys Limen or port of Elaia,13 has unearthed no 12 The foundation of the city took place slightly before the mid-4th century BC (Riginos and Lazari 2007, 25; Spanodimos 2014, 109–38); the coinage of Elea would have begun to be minted ca. 360 BC: Franke 1961, 40. 13 Besides the already mentioned reference in Ps.-Scylax, Ptolemy (3. 13. 3) mentions also an Elaias limen. 997901.indb7901.indb 111313 114/09/154/09/15 009:449:44 114 A.J. DOMÍNGUEZ significant urban traces from before the middle of the 4th century BC,14 finding few remains of other types of occupation and hardly any material evidence of items imported from other parts of the Greek world during the Archaic and Classical periods.15 Hitherto, we have been referring to the Eleans, their territory and to Elea. Let us examine the evidence available to us referring to centres classified as Elean colo- nies (or colonies from Elis), within a territory, Cassopaea, that would in time become part of Thesprotia, although initially separated therefrom by the River Acheron.16 N.G.L. Hammond located Pandosia in Trikastron,17 in the area of the gorges of the Acheron. Nowadays, however, the preferred identification is that advanced by S.I. Dakaris, who placed it in Kastri, near the mouth of the Acheron and the Ach- erusian lake.18 Considerable geomorphological change has taken place in this region since, and recent studies on the evolution of the outfall of the Acheron have given us a comprehensive vision of the physiognomy of the region in antiquity, confirm- ing the location of Pandosia in Kastri.19 The first important study on this site was performed by Dakaris, who concluded that ‘no data is available as regards the size and population of the settlement in the First Period (730/700–end 5th cent. BC)’, while dating the initial walls at the site between the late 5th century and 343/2 BC.20 Nevertheless, besides some information regarding the walls, to which he assigns several chronologies without providing precise facts, very little significant evidence is advanced. Moreover, within the activities of the Nikopolis Survey Project, the site at Kastri was subjected to an ‘intensive urban survey’ in 1994 covering 11 ha of the overall 33 ha the site is calculated to occupy. Over 85,000 artefacts were counted, including more than 15,000 pottery sherds and in excess of 70,000 tile and brick fragments, i.e., on average, over 7700 artefacts per hectare. In addition, several architectural elements were discovered that were unknown before. Regrettably, the results are as yet unpublished.21 The only known data from the survey refer to the moderate amount of Bronze Age material: 41 pottery sherds, of which one is Mycenaean, 14 Excluding, of course, the remains of the Bronze Age that we mention below. 15 Riginos and Lazari 2007, passim. 16 Besonen et al. 2003, 205. 17 Hammond 1967, 478.
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