A List of Louies, Part 1
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Review Volume 11 (2011) Page 1
H-France Review Volume 11 (2011) Page 1 H-France Review Vol. 11 (January 2011), No. 31 Karl Heidecker, The Divorce of Lothar II: Christian Marriage and Political Power in the Carolingian World, translated from the Dutch by Tanis M. Guest. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2010. x + 226 pp. Map, genealogical tables, bibliography, and index. $45.00 U.S. (cl.) ISBN 978- 0-8014-3929-2 Review by Sam Collins, George Mason University. Lothar II’s protracted attempt to divorce his wife Theutberga caused a European-wide scandal from 857 to his death in 869, and it is a scandal with an impressively large and detailed source base. In annals, conciliar acta, papal letters, charters, and, most importantly, an extensive tract devoted to the issue by Hincmar of Rheims, the story unfolds in frequently sordid detail. Lothar married Theutberga, a member of a prominent noble family, the so-called ‘Bosonids,’ in 855 for political advantage. What advantage this marriage offered the king seems soon to have departed, a process no doubt accelerated by Theutberga’s childlessness, and by 857 Lothar attempted a divorce from her and a return to his former partner (and possibly first wife), Waldrada, with whom he had a son. The grounds for the divorce were charges of the worst kind leveled at Theutberga: incest, sodomy, an abortion. Theutberga protested her innocence and either she or a proxy proved it through an ordeal of hot water in 858. Lothar, however, persisted, and in a trial at Aachen in 860 coerced Theutberga into a (false, or so many said) confession of her guilt. -
INFORMATION to USERS This Manuscript Has Been Reproduced
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from aiy type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photogrq>hs, print bleedthrou^ substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photogr£q)hs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for aiy photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Information Com pany 300 North Z eeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ivll 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 Order Number 9517109 Unofficial histories of France in the late Middle Ages. (Volumes I and n) Zale, Sanford C., Ph.D. -
The Carolingian Past in Post-Carolingian Europe Simon Maclean
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository 1 The Carolingian Past in Post-Carolingian Europe Simon MacLean On 28 January 893, a 13-year-old known to posterity as Charles III “the Simple” (or “Straightforward”) was crowned king of West Francia at the great cathedral of Rheims. Charles was a great-great-grandson in the direct male line of the emperor Charlemagne andclung tightly to his Carolingian heritage throughout his life.1 Indeed, 28 January was chosen for the coronation precisely because it was the anniversary of his great ancestor’s death in 814. However, the coronation, for all its pointed symbolism, was not a simple continuation of his family’s long-standing hegemony – it was an act of rebellion. Five years earlier, in 888, a dearth of viable successors to the emperor Charles the Fat had shattered the monopoly on royal authority which the Carolingian dynasty had claimed since 751. The succession crisis resolved itself via the appearance in all of the Frankish kingdoms of kings from outside the family’s male line (and in some cases from outside the family altogether) including, in West Francia, the erstwhile count of Paris Odo – and while Charles’s family would again hold royal status for a substantial part of the tenth century, in the long run it was Odo’s, the Capetians, which prevailed. Charles the Simple, then, was a man displaced in time: a Carolingian marooned in a post-Carolingian political world where belonging to the dynasty of Charlemagne had lost its hegemonic significance , however loudly it was proclaimed.2 His dilemma represents a peculiar syndrome of the tenth century and stands as a symbol for the theme of this article, which asks how members of the tenth-century ruling class perceived their relationship to the Carolingian past. -
LECTURE 5 the Origins of Feudalism
OUTLINE — LECTURE 5 The Origins of Feudalism A Brief Sketch of Political History from Clovis (d. 511) to Henry IV (d. 1106) 632 death of Mohammed The map above shows to the growth of the califate to roughly 750. The map above shows Europe and the East Roman Empire from 533 to roughly 600. – 2 – The map above shows the growth of Frankish power from 481 to 814. 486 – 511 Clovis, son of Merovich, king of the Franks 629 – 639 Dagobert, last effective Merovingian king of the Franks 680 – 714 Pepin of Heristal, mayor of the palace 714 – 741 Charles Martel, mayor (732(3), battle of Tours/Poitiers) 714 – 751 - 768 Pepin the Short, mayor then king 768 – 814 Charlemagne, king (emperor, 800 – 814) 814 – 840 Louis the Pious (emperor) – 3 – The map shows the Carolingian empire, the Byzantine empire, and the Califate in 814. – 4 – The map shows the breakup of the Carolingian empire from 843–888. West Middle East 840–77 Charles the Bald 840–55 Lothair, emp. 840–76 Louis the German 855–69 Lothair II – 5 – The map shows the routes of various Germanic invaders from 150 to 1066. Our focus here is on those in dark orange, whom Shepherd calls ‘Northmen: Danes and Normans’, popularly ‘Vikings’. – 6 – The map shows Europe and the Byzantine empire about the year 1000. France Germany 898–922 Charles the Simple 919–36 Henry the Fowler 936–62–73 Otto the Great, kg. emp. 973–83 Otto II 987–96 Hugh Capet 983–1002 Otto III 1002–1024 Henry II 996–1031 Robert II the Pious 1024–39 Conrad II 1031–1060 Henry I 1039–56 Henry III 1060–1108 Philip I 1056–1106 Henry IV – 7 – The map shows Europe and the Mediterranean lands in roughly the year 1097. -
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Of Palaces, Hunts, and Pork Roast: Deciphering the Last Chapters of the Capitulary of Quierzy (a. 877) Martin Gravel Politics depends on personal contacts.1 This is true in today’s world, and it was certainly true in early medieval states. Even in the Carolingian empire, the larg- est Western polity of the period, power depended on relations built on personal contacts.2 In an effort to nurture such necessary relationships, the sovereign moved with his court, within a network of important political “communication centres”;3 in the ninth century, the foremost among these were his palaces, along with certain cities and religious sanctuaries. And thus, in contemporaneous sources, the Latin term palatium often designates not merely a royal residence but the king’s entourage, through a metonymic displacement that shows the importance of palatial grounds in * I would like to thank my fellow panelists at the International Medieval Congress (Leeds, 2011): Stuart Airlie, Alexandra Beauchamp, and Aurélien Le Coq, as well as our session organizer Jens Schneider. This paper has greatly benefited from the good counsel of Jennifer R. Davis, Eduard Frunzeanu, Alban Gautier, Maxime L’Héritier, and Jonathan Wild. I am also indebted to Eric J. Goldberg, who was kind enough to read my draft and share insightful remarks. In the final stage, the precise reading by Florilegium’s anonymous referees has greatly improved this paper. 1 In this paper, the term politics will be used in accordance with Baker’s definition, as rephrased by Stofferahn: “politics, broadly construed, is the activity through which individuals and groups in any society articulate, negotiate, implement, and enforce the competing claims they make upon one another”; Stofferahn, “Resonance and Discord,” 9. -
The Loss of Constantinople and Imagining Crusade at the Fifteenth-Century Court of Burgundy
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DSpace at New York University TheLossofConstantinopleandImagining CrusadeattheFifteenth-Century CourtofBurgundy David Joseph Wrisley* This article concerns aspects of the manuscript production of the fifteenth-century EuropeancourtofBurgundyduringthereignofthedukePhiliptheGood(1419–67)and theperformancesofpower,identityandprophecyinthedocumentscreatedatthatcourt. Manyworksfoundinthatcourt’slibrary,eithercommissionedbythedukehimselforby noble families close to the court, had to do with the idea of crusading, both past and future,whichhadgrownverycomplexbythefourteenthandfifteenthcenturies.1Those works recast a past of contact and conflict in the Mediterranean in a variety of modes (fiction,eyewitness,history,geography)andthroughspecificideologicallenses.Textual performances in Burgundy have multiple functions: they reactivate and reinvent a centuries-oldEuropeanconceptofcrusade,theyinscribeducalpretensionsaspartof,but alsodistinctfrom,theirFrenchroyallineage,andtheyhelptoarticulatepartofthestate- buildingprojectoftheyoungValoisdynasty.Inthisway,thecourtofBurgundyespecially underPhiliptheGoodoccupiesanimportantandconspicuousplaceinalongtraditionof crusadepropaganda. The relationships between the constitution of a ducal library, the collection, reproduction and illumination of numerous manuscripts by a highly professionalized * David Joseph Wrisley is an Assistant Professor in the Civilization Sequence Program at the American UniversityofBeirut. ThisarticleoriginatedinapaperwrittenforaMellonSeminarinthehistoryofPre-ModernIslamgivenby -
Possibilities of Royal Power in the Late Carolingian Age: Charles III the Simple
Possibilities of royal power in the late Carolingian age: Charles III the Simple Summary The thesis aims to determine the possibilities of royal power in the late Carolingian age, analysing the reign of Charles III the Simple (893/898-923). His predecessors’ reigns up to the death of his grandfather Charles II the Bald (843-877) serve as basis for comparison, thus also allowing to identify mid-term developments in the political structures shaping the Frankish world toward the turn from the 9th to the 10th century. Royal power is understood to have derived from the interaction of the ruler with the nobles around him. Following the reading of modern scholarship, the latter are considered as partners of the former, participating in the royal decision-making process and at the same time acting as executors of these decisions, thus transmitting the royal power into the various parts of the realm. Hence, the question for the royal room for manoeuvre is a question of the relations between the ruler and the nobles around him. Accordingly, the analysis of these relations forms the core part of the study. Based on the royal diplomas, interpreted in the context of the narrative evidence, the noble networks in contact with the rulers are revealed and their influence examined. Thus, over the course of the reigns of Louis II the Stammerer (877-879) and his sons Louis III (879-882) and Carloman II (879-884) up until the rule of Charles III the Fat (884-888), the existence of first one, then two groups of nobles significantly influencing royal politics become visible. -
Capetian France (987–1328)
FORUM Capetian France (987–1328) Introduction Damien Kempf If “France is a creation of its medieval history,”1 the rule of the Cape- tian dynasty (987–1328) in particular is traditionally regarded as the beginning of France as a nation.2 Following the narrative established by Joseph Strayer’s influential bookOn the Medieval Origins of the Mod- ern State, historians situate the construction of the French nation- state in the thirteenth century, under the reigns of Philip Augustus (1180– 1223) and Louis IX (1226–70). Territorial expansion, the development of bureaucracy, and the centralization of the royal government all con- tributed to the formation of the state in France.3 Thus it is only at the end of a long process of territorial expansion and royal affirmation that the Capetian kings managed to turn what was initially a disparate and fragmented territory into a unified kingdom, which prefigured the modern state. In this teleological framework, there is little room or interest for the first Capetian kings. The eleventh and twelfth centuries are still described as the “âge des souverains,” a period of relative anarchy and disorder during which the aristocracy dominated the political land- scape and lordship was the “normative expression of human power.”4 Compared to these powerful lords, the early Capetians pale into insignifi- cance. They controlled a royal domain centered on Paris and Orléans and struggled to keep at bay the lords dominating the powerful sur- rounding counties and duchies. The famous anecdote reported by the Damien Kempf is senior lecturer in medieval history at the University of Liverpool. -
The Story of the Nation's
' THE STO RY O F TH E NATIO NS. r c mum 800 Cla/h [Hm/mud 68. La g C , , , ' 73: Volume: are aimbe}! in [I nfol/mmng Special B indings ' al Pfru an ( Io/lo ill to F u m 110 exlra ” l , g p ll y, 1/ , r 0 d s Tree ( al ill d s o d ol ma /1a! e ge f. g e ge , g l r l imidc u ilt MM . , f ll g x P G NI IA. l w 8. H O f. B O 8 01112 . Anrnuu G u u G . 1 . By , By Pro R W LINSO N. MA . A m “W S. B f. K. 1 . MEDI A. ZBNMDB . 9 . y Pro J 9 By A R GO ZIN. Ma nn . A exa m . Rev . S. 2 0. TH E H ANSA T WNS. 3. B O By — i “A . H B LB N Z IMNERN. B agu o 000m . f. A un t) n EARL Y R T . By Pro . B I AIN By Prof R A LF ED J . CH URCH . TH E R Y . as. BAR BA COR SAIR S STA NLEY N - O O By LA E P LE. U 2 . R SS . W . By 3 IA By R . MO R y Prot mws UNDER TH E W . Do u R OM ANS. By vc xs Amm Mo nmso n. Prof. C T ND . O H N M AC 2 5 . S O LA By J xmro su LL D. an a n o ue. -
Charlemagne Empire and Society
CHARLEMAGNE EMPIRE AND SOCIETY editedbyJoamta Story Manchester University Press Manchesterand New York disMhutcdexclusively in the USAby Polgrave Copyright ManchesterUniversity Press2005 While copyright in the volume as a whole is vested in Manchester University Press, copyright in individual chaptersbelongs to their respectiveauthors, and no chapter may be reproducedwholly or in part without the expresspermission in writing of both author and publisher. Publishedby ManchesterUniversity Press Oxford Road,Manchester 8113 9\R. UK and Room 400,17S Fifth Avenue. New York NY 10010, USA www. m an chestcru niversi rvp ress.co. uk Distributedexclusively in the L)S.4 by Palgrave,175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010,USA Distributedexclusively in Canadaby UBC Press,University of British Columbia, 2029 West Mall, Vancouver, BC, CanadaV6T 1Z? British Library Cataloguing"in-PublicationData A cataloguerecord for this book is available from the British Library Library of CongressCataloging-in-Publication Data applied for ISBN 0 7190 7088 0 hardhuck EAN 978 0 7190 7088 4 ISBN 0 7190 7089 9 papaluck EAN 978 0 7190 7089 1 First published 2005 14 13 1211 100908070605 10987654321 Typeset in Dante with Trajan display by Koinonia, Manchester Printed in Great Britain by Bell & Bain Limited, Glasgow IN MEMORY OF DONALD A. BULLOUGH 1928-2002 AND TIMOTHY REUTER 1947-2002 13 CHARLEMAGNE'S COINAGE: IDEOLOGY AND ECONOMY SimonCoupland Introduction basis Was Charles the Great - Charlemagne - really great? On the of the numis- matic evidence, the answer is resoundingly positive. True, the transformation of the Frankish currency had already begun: the gold coinage of the Merovingian era had already been replaced by silver coins in Francia, and the pound had already been divided into 240 of these silver 'deniers' (denarii). -
University of Southampton Research Repository
University of Southampton Research Repository Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis and, where applicable, any accompanying data are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non- commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis and the accompanying data cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content of the thesis and accompanying research data (where applicable) must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder/s. When referring to this thesis and any accompanying data, full bibliographic details must be given, e.g. Thesis: Katarzyna Kosior (2017) "Becoming and Queen in Early Modern Europe: East and West", University of Southampton, Faculty of the Humanities, History Department, PhD Thesis, 257 pages. University of Southampton FACULTY OF HUMANITIES Becoming a Queen in Early Modern Europe East and West KATARZYNA KOSIOR Doctor of Philosophy in History 2017 ~ 2 ~ UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History Doctor of Philosophy BECOMING A QUEEN IN EARLY MODERN EUROPE: EAST AND WEST Katarzyna Kosior My thesis approaches sixteenth-century European queenship through an analysis of the ceremonies and rituals accompanying the marriages of Polish and French queens consort: betrothal, wedding, coronation and childbirth. The thesis explores the importance of these events for queens as both a personal and public experience, and questions the existence of distinctly Western and Eastern styles of queenship. A comparative study of ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ ceremony in the sixteenth century has never been attempted before and sixteenth- century Polish queens usually do not appear in any collective works about queenship, even those which claim to have a pan-European focus. -
The Political Function of the Esther Tapestries: on the Image Strategy of Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, for His Marriage Ceremony in 1468*
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE (163) The Political Function of the Esther Tapestries: On the Image Strategy of Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, for his Marriage Ceremony in 1468* Sumiko IMAI 1. The Esther Tapestries and the Duke of Burgundy The Duchy of Burgundy, ruled first by Philip the Bold from a branch of the French Valois family, which reigned from 1363 to 1404, was known for its magnificent court cul- ture.(1) The palaces built everywhere within the Duchy were gorgeously adorned and hosted a great number of magnificent jousts, joyous entries, processions, and feasts. They not only provided aesthetic enjoyment for viewers but also impressed them with the great power of the Dukes of Burgundy.(2) Among numerous ornaments displayed at the palaces, large tap- estries woven with gold and silver threads were particularly striking, powerfully conveying their owners’ wealth and authority. One typical example was the set of Alexander Tapes- tries, depicting the life of the ancient ruler Alexander the Great (356 BC-323 BC).(3) Although the set of Alexander Tapestries is no longer complete, it is believed to have con- sisted of six large tapestries, measuring more than eight meters in width. They were fre- quently on display during meetings and feasts held by the third Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, who reigned from 1419 to 1467 (see Fig. 8)(4) and his son Charles the Bold, who became the fourth Duke of Burgundy, reigning from 1467 to 1477 (Fig. 9).(5) They won par- ticularly high praise when exhibited at the palace of the Duke of Burgundy in Paris.