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The Institutionalisation of Discrimination in Indonesia
In the Name of Regional Autonomy: The Institutionalisation of Discrimination in Indonesia A Monitoring Report by The National Commission on Violence Against Women on The Status of Women’s Constitutional Rights in 16 Districts/Municipalities in 7 Provinces Komnas Perempuan, 2010 In the Name of Regional Autonomy | i In The Name of Regional Autonomy: Institutionalization of Discrimination in Indonesia A Monitoring Report by the National Commission on Violence Against Women on the Status of Women’s Constitutional Rights in 16 Districts/Municipalities in 7 Provinces ISBN 978-979-26-7552-8 Reporting Team: Andy Yentriyani Azriana Ismail Hasani Kamala Chandrakirana Taty Krisnawaty Discussion Team: Deliana Sayuti Ismudjoko K.H. Husein Muhammad Sawitri Soraya Ramli Virlian Nurkristi Yenny Widjaya Monitoring Team: Abu Darda (Indramayu) Atang Setiawan (Tasikmalaya) Budi Khairon Noor (Banjar) Daden Sukendar (Sukabumi) Enik Maslahah (Yogyakarta) Ernawati (Bireuen) Fajriani Langgeng (Makasar) Irma Suryani (Banjarmasin) Lalu Husni Ansyori (East Lombok) Marzuki Rais (Cirebon) Mieke Yulia (Tangerang) Miftahul Rezeki (Hulu Sungai Utara) Muhammad Riza (Yogyakarta) Munawiyah (Banda Aceh) Musawar (Mataram) Nikmatullah (Mataram) Nur’aini (Cianjur) Syukriathi (Makasar) Wanti Maulidar (Banda Aceh) Yusuf HAD (Dompu) Zubair Umam (Makasar) Translator Samsudin Berlian Editor Inez Frances Mahony This report was written in Indonesian language an firstly published in earlu 2009. Komnas Perempuan is the sole owner of this report’s copy right. However, reproducing part of or the entire document is allowed for the purpose of public education or policy advocacy in order to promote the fulfillment of the rights of women victims of violence. The report was printed with the support of the Norwegian Embassy. -
Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
Peran Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh Dalam Pemberontakan Di Aceh 1953-1962
PERAN TEUNGKU MUHAMMAD DAUD BEUREUEH DALAM PEMBERONTAKAN DI ACEH 1953-1962 SKRIPSI Diajukan kepada Fakultas Adab dan Humaniora Untuk Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Humaniora (S. Hum.) Disusun Oleh: Muhammad Illham NIM: 1111022000012 K O N S E N T R A S I A S I A T E N G G A R A JURUSAN SEJARAH DAN KEBUDAYAAN ISLAM FAKULTAS ADAB DAN HUMANIORA UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 1438 H/2016 M ABSTRAK Muhammad Illham Peran Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh Dalam Pemberontakan di Aceh 1953-1962. Masa awal kemerdekaan di Aceh tahun 1953-1962 menjadi awal meletusnya peristiwa berdarah yang dipimpin oleh Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh dalam menegakkan Syariat Islam di Aceh. Perjuangan yang dianggap suatu pemberontakan timbul akibat kekecewaan rakyat Aceh terhadap Pemerintah Pusat akibat dari janji-janji semu yang di ucapkan oleh Soekarno yang menjabat Presiden saat itu tidak kunjung terwujud. Rakyat Aceh yang sebelumnya berjuang mempertahankan kedaulatan RI dengan seluruh jiwa raganya, sangat geram karena salah satu keinginan untuk mendirikan negara yang berlandaskan Syariat Islam tidak kunjung tercapai, dan berujung pada pemberontakan rakyat Aceh dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI). Pasca kemerdekaan, konflik terjadi antar kedua belah pihak yaitu pemerintah pusat dan rakyat aceh dibawah pimpinan Daud Beureueh bertikai mempertahankan ideologinya untuk dijadikan sebuah landasan suatu negara. Sesuatu hal yang sangat menarik, dan dalam kajian ini penulis ingin mengetahui bagaimana latar belakang pemberontakan serta usaha dan upaya yang dilakukan pihak Daud Beureueh dalam memperjuangkan dan mempertahankan ideologi Islam yang menjadi cita-cita rakyat Aceh. i KATA PENGANTAR Alhamdulilahi robbi al‟alamin, segala puja dan puji syukur ke hadirat Allah SWT yang telah memberikan rahmat dan inayah-Nya kepada penulis, sehingga penulis dapat menyelesaikan penulisan skripsi ini sebagaimana mestinya. -
Muhammadiyah Cosmopolitan from Teo- Anthropocentris Toward World Citizenship
JOURNAL OF CRITICAL REVIEWS ISSN- 2394-5125 VOL 7, ISSUE 05, 2020 Muhammadiyah Cosmopolitan From Teo- Anthropocentris Toward World Citizenship Isa Anshori, Muhammad, Arfan Mu’ammar Universita Muhammadiyah Surabaya, Indonesia Corresponding email: [email protected] Received: 28 February 2020 Revised and Accepted: 06 March 2020 Abstract Muhammadiyah as a social-religious movement in Indonesia has been was over century and has many faces like Nakamura saids. A lot of activities that have been carried out by Muhammadiyah as a socio- religious movement based on tauhid ( aqidah Islamiyah) through Islamic purification (tajrid) and in the other sides through modernity (tajdid) that’s puts forward enjoining whats is right and forbidding whats is wrong (amar ma’ruf nahi mungkar) as a theological bases (teologi al-ma’un). Have a lot of evidences shown in Muhammadiyah socio- religious movement in Indonesia, but the biggest challages is the ability to maintain the existence of and answered a range of challenges that are local and global (relations between islam and democration), pluralism, human rights and the marginals. Through tajdid Muhammadiyah has proven ability in respond of Islamic problems in Indonesia since before the independence of up to the twenty-first century.in a way to do interpretation of his base theologious through a shift paradigm in theologies and socio- religious movement (Thomas Kuhn). In fact, Muhammadiyah move forward with transformation of theological bases from theocentris to antrophocentris (Hasan Hanafi).Thus various issues on religious movement,political like nation-state wich is local or global had answered by Muhammadiyah with his theological bases and the charity efforts like educations, hospitals and the orphanage. -
Staggering Political Career of Jokowi's Running Mate Cleric Ma'ruf Amin
Staggering Political Career of Jokowi’s Running Mate Cleric Ma’ruf Amin [Antonius Herujiyanto AH0908_090818] Wondering about Jokowi’s decision to choose cleric Ma’ruf Amin as his running mate in the coming Presidential race, many people start to be curious, questioning who the cleric is. Not only is the 75-year-old cleric [he was born on 11 March 1943 in Tangerang, Banten province, Java] the general chairman of the Indonesian Ulema Council [MUI], but he is also the spiritual adviser or Rais Amm to NU [the largest Islamic community organization in the country]. Jokowi seems to expect the cleric to protect him against the criticism that he lacks sufficient Islamic credentials. Having chosen cleric Ma’ruf as his running mate, Jokowi must have thought that he would attract and provide Indonesian voters with his nationalism and cleric Ma’ruf Amin’s Islamism. [It is beside the many “radical” actions conducted by the cleric such as, among others, playing his influential adversary, backing the 2016 massive street protests by conservative Muslims and fuelling a campaign that led to Jokowi’s ally and successor as Jakarta’s governor, Ahok, to be jailed for blaspheming Islam; having pushed behind the scenes for restrictions on homosexuals and minority religious sects while seeking a greater role for Islam in politics.] The cleric was graduated from Tebuireng pesantren [Islamic boarding school] in Jombang, East Java. He earned his bachelor's degree in Islamic philosophy from Ibnu Khaldun University, Bogor, West Java. He was elected as a member of the House of Representatives [DPR], representing the (conservative Islamic) United Development Party or PPP and served as leader of the PPP caucus from 1977 to 1982. -
Rituals of Islamic Spirituality: a Study of Majlis Dhikr Groups
Rituals of Islamic Spirituality A STUDY OF MAJLIS DHIKR GROUPS IN EAST JAVA Rituals of Islamic Spirituality A STUDY OF MAJLIS DHIKR GROUPS IN EAST JAVA Arif Zamhari THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY E P R E S S E P R E S S Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/islamic_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Zamhari, Arif. Title: Rituals of Islamic spirituality: a study of Majlis Dhikr groups in East Java / Arif Zamhari. ISBN: 9781921666247 (pbk) 9781921666254 (pdf) Series: Islam in Southeast Asia. Notes: Includes bibliographical references. Subjects: Islam--Rituals. Islam Doctrines. Islamic sects--Indonesia--Jawa Timur. Sufism--Indonesia--Jawa Timur. Dewey Number: 297.359598 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU E Press Printed by Griffin Press This edition © 2010 ANU E Press Islam in Southeast Asia Series Theses at The Australian National University are assessed by external examiners and students are expected to take into account the advice of their examiners before they submit to the University Library the final versions of their theses. For this series, this final version of the thesis has been used as the basis for publication, taking into account other changesthat the author may have decided to undertake. -
Vice President's Power and Role in Indonesian Government Post Amendment 1945 Constitution
Al WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Volume 1 No. 2 Oktober 2020: 61-78 VICE PRESIDENT'S POWER AND ROLE IN INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POST AMENDMENT 1945 CONSTITUTION Roziqin Guanghua Law School, Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract Politicians are fighting over the position of Vice President. However, after becoming Vice President, they could not be active. The Vice President's role is only as a spare tire. Usually, he would only perform ceremonial acts. The exception was different when the Vice President was Mohammad Hata and Muhammad Jusuf Kalla. Therefore, this paper will question: What is the position of the President in the constitutional system? What is the position of the Vice President of Indonesia after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution? Furthermore, how is the role sharing between the President and Vice President of Indonesia? This research uses the library research method, using secondary data. This study uses qualitative data analysis methods in a prescriptive-analytical form. From the research, the writer found that the President is assisted by the Vice President and ministers in carrying out his duties. The President and the Vice President work in a team of a presidential institution. From time to time, the Indonesian Vice President's position has always been the same to assist the President. The Vice President will replace the President if the President is permanently unavailable or temporarily absent. With the Vice President's position who is directly elected by the people in a pair with the President, he/she is a partner, not subordinate to the President. -
Downloaded from Brill.Com09/27/2021 05:58:04PM Via Free Access 130 Book Reviews
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Vol. 165, no. 1 (2009), pp. 129–189 URL: http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv URN:NBN:NL:UI:10-1-100095 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 0006-2294 Book reviews Johnny Tjia, A grammar of Mualang; An Ibanic language of West Kalimantan, Indonesia. Leiden: LOT (Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics), 2007, 438 pp. ISBN 9789078328247. Price: EUR 32.27 (paperback). ALEXANDER ADELAAR Asia Institute, University of Melbourne [email protected] The traditional languages in Indonesia’s West Kalimantan Province are pre- dominantly Malayic and Bidayuhic (although some other language groups are also represented). Mualang belongs to the Ibanic branch of the Malayic lan- guage group and is spoken in the Belitang Hulu, Belitang Hilir and Belitang districts of Sekadau Regency (formerly part of Sanggau Regency). Based on purely linguistic criteria, it is clearly in a dialect relation with Iban, one of the main languages in Sarawak and a minority language in West Kalimantan. It is probably even more like Iban than some other Ibanic languages, which have not developed the diphthongs that are so typical of Iban and Mualang (for example, datay ‘come’; jalay ‘road’; tikay ‘mat’). Notable differences between the two varieties are that Iban does not exhibit nasal preplosion and postplo- sion (see below), and that Iban has acquired a transitive suffix –ka, whereas in Mualang this element is still a preposition. According to Tjia, another dif- ference is that in Iban mid vowels are phonemic whereas in Mualang they are allophones of high vowels, but this is just a matter of analysis, as Scott (1957) was able to show that Iban high and mid vowels were still allophones, in spite of the rather non-phonemic Iban spelling conventions. -
Nasionalisme Islam: Telaah Pemikiran Dan Kiprah Hadji Agus Salim
NASIONALISME ISLAM: TELAAH PEMIKIRAN DAN KIPRAH HADJI AGUS SALIM Novizal Wendry [email protected] Dosen Jurusan Syariah STAIN Padangsidimpuan Abstrak Hadji Agus Salim adalah salah seorang tokoh nasionalis Islam yang hidup dalam tiga zaman, Belanda, Jepang, dan awal kemerdekaan. Pemikiran nasionalisme Islam Salim dipengaruhi oleh pendidikan sekuler Belanda dan interaksinya dengan tokoh pembaharu lintas Negara seperti Jamaluddin al-Afgani dan karya-karya tokoh pembaharu Negara lainnya ketika ia menjadi penerjemah pada konsulat Belanda di Jeddah tahun 1906. Nasionalisme Islam yang digusung oleh Salim berkeinginan untuk memperjuangkan hak-hak kemerdekaan yang telah dirampas oleh Pemerintah Hindia Belanda berdasarkan asas-asas Islam. Nasionalisme Islam ini berbeda dengan nasionalisme sekuler yang digusung oleh Soekarno dan Hatta, karena memisahkan antara nasionalisme dengan agama. Haji Agus Salim is one of Islamic nationalist leaders who lived in three regimes; the Netherlands, Japan, and early Indonesian independence. Salim’s thought was influenced by the Dutch secular education and his interaction with transnational reformers like Jamaluddin al-Afgani and the works of other reformers when he became a translator at the Dutch consulate in Jeddah in 1906. Islamic Nationalism formulated by Salim wanted to fight the rights of freedom that has been seized by the Dutch government based on Islamic principles. Islamic nationalism was different from secular nationalism formulated by Sukarno and Hatta, when the second separated between nationalism and religion. Kata Kunci: Nasionalis Islam; Nasionalis Liberal; Agus Salim. Pengantar Hadji Agus Salim adalah sosok yang populer bagi masyarakat Indonesia. Nama ini telah dikenalkan kepada seluruh anak bangsa ini semenjak duduk di bangku Sekolah Dasar hingga Sekolah Menengah Atas sebagai salah seorang Pahlawan Nasional. -
The Formation of Liberal and Anti-Liberal Islamic Legal Thinking in Indonesia Akh
Akh. Muzakki IS EDUCATION DETERMINANT? The Formation of Liberal and Anti-liberal Islamic Legal Thinking in Indonesia Akh. Muzakki The University of Queensland, Australia Abstract: Liberalism and anti-liberalism are two increasing- ly prominent but staunchly opposing streams of Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia. This article analyses the formation of each of the two through an examination of the role of formal education. It focuses on organic intellectuals during two periods, the New Order and the reformasi. Challenging the strongly-held thesis of the determinant role of education, this article argues that both liberal and anti-liberal Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia is a result of not only the intellectual formation in the sense of academic training and access to education and knowledge, but also the sociological background and exposure in building a new epistemic community in an urban context. As a theoretical understanding of sociolo- gical background and exposure, the concept of epistemic community deserves to be taken as an analytical framework in addition to education for the analysis of the formation of the two contesting bents of Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia. Keywords: Liberalism, anti-liberalism, Islamic legal think- ing, education, epistemic community. Introduction In his controversial speech entitled “The Necessity of Islamic Renewal Thinking and the Problem of the Integration of the Ummah” on 2 January 1970, Madjid argued for a dynamic approach to Islam which requires reinterpretation of Islamic teachings in context with place and time. In more elaborate ways, he further argued that Islamic values move in line with the spirit of humanitarianism which promotes 280 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Volume 01, Number 02, December 2007 Is Education Determinant? the dignity of Mankind. -
Pondok Pesantren: Changes and Its Future
Journal of Islamic and Arabic Education 2(2), 2010 45-52 Pondok Pesantren: Changes and Its Future GAMAL ABDUL NASIR ZAKARIA ABSTRACT The tradition of education at Pondok Pesantren in Indonesia and in the Malay world possesses a long history and represents a portion of the history of the growth and spread of Muslims in the region. Pondok Pesantren is not only associated with the meaning of Islam but also incorporates the symbol of authenticity of the Malay community. This educational institution functions as an organization for the study of religious knowledge, preserves Islamic traditions, and produces both Muslim scholars as well as leaders. Pondok Pesantren, during its long history, has successfully proven itself to be an Islamic educational institution which is prestigious, of quality and self-supporting. Although its existence has not been influenced by sociopolitical, economical or cultural changes, this does not mean that Pondok Pesantren does not face problems and challenges, be they internal or external ones. This paper will discuss some issues such as the survival of Pondok Pesantren today and in the future with the fast-paced challenges which are happening around us. Key words: Pondok Pesantren, Islamic Educational Institution, Muslim Scholars, Challenges, Survival. ABSTRAK Tradisi pendidikan pondok pesantren di Indonesia dan di dunia Melayu memiliki sejarah yang san- gat panjang dan merupakan sebahagian daripada sejarah pertumbuhan dan perkembangan umat Islam di rantau ini . Pondok Pesantren tidak hanya dikaitkan dengan makna keislaman sahaja tetapi juga mengandungi simbol keaslian masyarakat Melayu. Institusi pendidikan ini berperanan sebagai wadah untuk mendalami ilmu-ilmu agama, memelihara tradisi keislaman, melahirkan ulama dan pemimpin umat. -
Mei 2019 Edisi 9 1 Journal of Islamic Law Studies, Center of Islamic And
Mei 2019 Edisi 9 ADAT INSTITUTIONS IN ACEH GOVERNMENT: A CONSTITUTIONAL PERSPECTIVE Yunani Abiyoso, Ali Abdillah, Ryan Muthiara Wasti, Ghunarsa Sujatnika and Mustafa Fakhri All Authors are Lecturer at Faculty of Law, Universitas Indonesia Corresponding author email: [email protected] Acknowledgement This paper based on research titled “Adat Constitution in Indonesia: Analysis on Form of Government in Aceh in Indonesia Constitutional System”, funded by Research Grant Faculty of Law, Universitas Indonesia, 2017. Abstracts The existence of adat (customary law) in Indonesia becomes a source of value for the survival of the nation. Each region in Indonesia has different adat that can be used as a reference for the form of governmental system in Indonesia. The 1945 Constitution has recognized the existence of adat government that consisting of various forms of adat that have been adopted long before the 1945 Constitution existed. The existence of adat cannot be separated from national and Islamic values. This research was conducted to find out form of adat institution in Aceh and how the integration of such adat governance in local government system based into national law. Thus, to achieve the objectives, this study was conducted by normative juridical research method with historical approach and comparison with other indigenous peoples in Indonesia. Keywords: constitution; adat government; Aceh INTRODUCTION Adat (custom) in Indonesia is an integral part of the national constitutional system. Adat became the forerunner of the existence of this state since the character of the nation is formed from customs that have been built by each region. Adat in every region in Indonesia varies, usually in accordance with the values left by the ancestors in the region.