FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 1
From Adoration to Impregnation: The Representation of Women and Men in Vogue Magazine
Christie Suyanto
11236833
University of Amsterdam
MA Thesis
Manon van der Laaken
29 June 2017
Word Count: 19644 FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 2
Abstract
The present study is a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of eight interviews with male and female social actors from the British edition of Vogue Magazine. It examines the role allocation (cf. Van Leeuwen, 1996) used in the context of these social actors in the interviews, the processes (cf. Halliday, 1994) in which they are involved and the frames (cf. Van Gorp, 2005; Entman, 1993; Pan & Kosicki, 1993) that are used, with an emphasis on how they contribute to the ways that male and female social actors are represented. It also aims to find out whether the representations adhere to traditional and possibly sexist gender ideals, which has been shown in previous research on women’s magazines. For instance, previous studies have shown that the discourse of women’s magazines promotes the importance of commodities such as clothes, cosmetics and other products (Machin & Thornborrow, 2006; Eggins & Iedema, 1997; Fung, 2000), relationships with men (Temmerman & and Van der Voorde, 2015), and emotion-related traits such as compassion and sensitivity (DeFransisco & Palczewski). The findings show several significant points and ideological implications. Firstly, women and men are portrayed in different contexts, particularly when it comes to the material and relational processes. Processes describing female social actors focus more on the appraisal of their physical appearances and their relationships while the processes describing men tend to focus on personal expressions as well as practicality. Secondly, the use of the different frames also reflect gender differences. The Talented Parent Frame, which is focused on the theme of motherhood and relationships, is only used in interviews with female interviewees whereas The Career-Oriented Genius
Frame, which is focused on ambition and career, is only used in interviews with male interviewees.
Therefore, the present data seems to show that the ways that female and male social actors are represented in the magazine reflects some of the previously-mentioned traditional gender ideals.
Keywords: Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), participants and processes, frame analysis, gender.
FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 3
Table of Contents
Abstract …………………………………………………………………………………………………… 2
Table of Contents …………………………………………………………………………………………. 3
1. Introduction …………………………………………………………………………………………….. 4
2. Theoretical Framework…………………………………………………………………………………. 5
2.1. Activation and Passivation…………………………………………………………………... 5
2.2. Participants and Processes………………………………………………………………...…. 6
2.3. Framing in Media Discourse and Its Relation to Gender………………………...………….. 7
2.4. Previous Studies …………………………..………………………………………………… 9
2.5. Critical Discourse Analysis……………………………………………………..………….. 13
3. Methodology…………………………………………………………………………………………... 13
3.1. Data………………………………………………………………………………..……….. 13
3.2 Method………………………………………………………………..…………………….. 14
4. Results…………………………………………………………………………………………………. 16
4.1. Agent and Patient……………………………………………………..……………………. 16
4.2. Processes…………………………………………………………………...……………….. 17
4.3. Four Different Frames………………………………………………………………………. 18
5. Discussion ……………………………………………………………………………………………...19
5.1. Agency……………………………………………………………………………………… 19
5.2. Frames, Framing Techniques and Gender Ideals…………………………………………… 32
6. Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 56
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1. Introduction
Gender, particularly within the context of the discourse of magazines, has been investigated by numerous studies (cf. Eggins & Iedema, 1997; Fung, 2000; Lazar, 2000; Machin & van Leeuwen, 2003;
Machin & Thornborrow, 2006, Ticknell et al., 2003; Temmerman & Van der Vorde, 2013, Weaver &
Ussher, 1997), which show the prevalence of hegemonic ideologies through representations which adhere to traditional gender ideals. While features for men are typically concerned with topics such as sex, health, interests and their roles in the outside world (Ticknell et al., 2003), features for women tend to focus on commodities such as clothes and beauty products, emotion-related topics, and relationships (Eggins &
Iedema, 1997; Temmerman & Van der Voorde, 2013; Fung, 2000). Few studies, however, have explicitly compared the ways that men and women are represented within the same magazine. The present study attempts to fill this gap and conducts a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of samples from the British edition of Vogue Magazine, a mainstream lifestyle and fashion magazine for women by the Conde Nast group. The samples used in the analysis are interviews which focus on male and female interviewees. The research focuses on the representations of these social actors in the magazine, comparing the ways male and female social actors are represented, as well as the ideological implications.
The notions of role allocation (cf. Van Leeuwen, 1996), processes (cf. Halliday, 1994) and framing
(cf. Van Gorp, 2005; Entman, 1993; Pan & Kosicki, 1993) are particularly relevant to the study. By using these notions, the present research investigates the following research question: How are women and men represented in Vogue Magazine? The question is further divided into the following subquestions:
➢ Does the role allocation of women differ from that of men in the magazine, and if so, how?
➢ Do the processes in which women are involved differ from that of men in the magazine, and if so,
how?
➢ Are the articles that are focused on men on the one hand and women on the other hand framed in
different ways? And if so, in what ways do such differences regarding framing contribute to the
representation of men and women? FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 5
➢ Finally, what are the ideological implications of the differences between the ways men and women
are represented?
2. Theoretical Framework
2.1. Activation and Passivation
The current paper draws upon the idea of the representation of social actors within a given text (van
Leeuwen, 1996). The concept concerns the different ways in which one uses linguistic means to refer to other people, discursively constructing how those people are represented.
Part of this representation is the idea of agency as a sociological notion (van Leeuwen, 1996), which concerns the role allocation of social actors in a text (p. 42). Such a process encompasses the activation and passivization of the actors. When they are activated, they are “represented as the active, dynamic forces in an activity” (p. 43). When they are passivized, they are “represented as ‘undergoing’ the activity, or as being ‘at the receiving end of it’” (p. 44). In other words, the former process depicts a social actor as the performer of an action, whereas the latter depicts them as the undergoer or passive participant.
Activation and passivation, however, are not synonymous with power or its absence. Firstly, the meaning of the activation of a social actor also depends on the nature and context of the activity which the actor performs, particularly when gender is concerned. For instance, the portrayal of a female social actor as a person who “dresses her age” on the one hand, and someone who “manages a team of 10 designers” on the other hand, both Activate the actor, yet they have different ideological implications. While the portrayal of a woman within the context of an action related to the importance of commodities such as clothes might reinforce traditional values regarding gender and sexism, the portrayal of the woman as a leader, manager or creator constructs a more progressive representation.
Secondly, a similar principle applies to the process of passivization, since it can be divided into the subprocesses of subjection and beneficialization, which may have different implications in relation to the representation of the actors. One the one hand, a subjected social actor acts as an object within the Agent’s action, as shown in the sentence “Her father sent her to a boarding school in Stockholm.” On the other FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 6
hand, a beneficialized social actor acts as a third party who benefits from the action performed by the Agent, as shown in the sentence “Her father gave her his support.”
However, the ideological implications of beneficialization might also vary depending on the context. “She received the Nobel prize for science,” for instance, can have different ideological implications from “She received an Oscar for her performance. The former arguably represents the female actor in a more progressive way due to different societal factors, such as the lack of exposure of women in science.
The ideological implications of a description of an actor can only be investigated by considering its context.
Therefore, in order to examine the actions happening in different contexts, this research takes into account the concept of processes (Halliday, 1994) in its discussion of social actors and their representation.
2.2 Participants and Processes
The above discussion has mentioned the significance of the different actions in which social actors, or what Halliday (1994) considers participants, are involved in the understanding of the meaning of their activation and passivization. This points to Halliday’s (1994) concept of processes, which refers to “what is going on” when participants engage with each other. Processes are divided into six types, realized through the use of different kinds of verbs:
Table 1. Different types of processes
Type Definition Example Agent and Patient Material processes Doing “do”, “cook”, “manage”, Actor - Goal “compose” Mental processes Sensing, thinking “Believe”, “Feel”, Senser - “Enjoy”, “See” Phenomenon Behavioral processes Showing certain “Stare”, “Smile”, “Sit”, Behaver behaviors “Stand” Verbal processes Saying, stating “Explain”, “Say” Sayer -Target; Identifier - Identified, Token - value Existential processes Existing, happening “Is” Existent Relational processes Being, attributing or “Is wise” Carrier - Attribute identifying “Is Dr Sherman’s wife” “Has brown hair” FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 7
The processes and their uses within the context of women’s magazines are relevant to gender representation, since different processes are associated with distinctive ideological implications when it comes to gender roles. An example of this is that women are commonly represented within relational processes instead of material processes, thereby emphasizing their roles in society instead of their actions (cf. Eggins & Iedema,
1997). Therefore, the present study makes use of a holistic approach to the representation of social actors not only by investigating multiple aspects of it such as role allocation and processes, but also by interpreting the ideological implications. Part of this is investigating the frames used in the interviews.
2.3. Framing in Media Discourse and Its Relation to Gender
Frame or framing is a term that originated in the fields of cognitive psychology and cultural anthrophology
(Van Gorp, 2005). Since its initial use, however, discussions regarding what constitutes a frame or the process of framing have been prevalent in other fields, prompting different definitions. However, as Pan &
Kosicki (1993) suggest, there are overlaps between these understandings, one of which is the idea that that frames “function as both ‘internal structures of the mind’ and ‘devices embedded in political discourse’”
(Kinder & Sanders cited in Pan & Kosicki, 1993, p. 57). Frame analysis tends to focus on the second function, specifically how different frames are used in discourses within texts.
Entman (1993) suggests that two components, selection and salience, are most significant in media stories. He states that “to frame is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and/or treatment recommendation” (p.52). In other words, framing a text entails the selection of particular details to promote a certain perspective regarding what is going on, including how it should be interpreted by the receiver of the message. The process of framing a text is therefore inherently subjective.
In the context of news discourse, Pan & Kosicki (1993) identifies a frame “as a system of organized signifying elements that both indicate the advocacy of certain ideas and provide devices to encourage certain kinds of audience processings of the texts” (pp. 55-56), a definition which echoes Entman’s (1993) FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 8
emphasis on selection and salience. In other words, a frame consists of devices which perpetuate particular notions and ways of reading.
To identify a frame, Pan & Kosicki (1993) suggest that one needs to examine four structural elements of a text. The first, syntactical structures, refer to “the stable patterns of the arrangement of words or phrases into sentences” (p. 59) and to the overall structure of texts, such as the inverted pyramid structure of most news stories. The second, script structures, are “established and stable sequence[s] of activities and components of an event that have been internalized as a structured mental representation of the event” (p.
60). Therefore, there are certain components, such as a beginning, a climax and an end, that are expected in news stories (p. 60), meaning that news and similar types of content in media are scripturally constrained.
The third, thematic structures, refer to the themes of (different parts of) a text. Finally, the fourth component or the rhetorical structures refer to the stylistic choices, such as metaphors, catchphrases, quantification, or word choices, that are used within a text.
One question, however, remains. How can the identification of frames contribute to the unveiling of ideological issues and values within texts? The process of framing is inherently related to the dissemination of ideologies. The very purpose of the process as articulated by Entman (1993), which is “to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and/or treatment recommendation” (p.52). This implies the raising of a particular point of view and therefore ideologies into the surface so as to influence the parties who receive the message, such as the readers of a magazine.
Although Pan & Kosicki (1993) performed their framing analysis within the tradition of discourse analysis instead of CDA, their framework can also uncover ideological values and ideals. For instance, Pan
& Kosicki mentions the use of the conflict-and-confrontation frame, in the context of a story about abortion.
The frame portrays abortion as an issue that is inseparable from the conflict between those who are against and for the right to access abortion (Pan & Kosicki, 1993). Therefore, it points to particular political and ideological implications. Firstly, as Pan & Kosicki (1993) state, the conflict-and-confrontation frame points to “how public discourse about public policy issues is constructed and negotiated” (p. 70) in society, including how the American justice system requires their citizens’ use of “symbolic devices” (p. 70) such FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 9
as the rally in order to play a role in public policies. Secondly, if one considers the issue of gender, the use of the conflict-and-confrontation frame to discuss female reproductive rights implies that women’s access to abortion is something that must inevitably be negotiated through both symbolic and physical struggles or even the use of violence. Therefore, the female body is constrained by politics and public opinions surrounding it.
In the context of the present research, investigating the use of the structures (Pan & Kosicki, 1993) of a text helps to uncover ideological implications related to gender and gender roles by revealing how different structures are used to construct different frames. Recurring uses of similar structures (Pan &
Kosicki, 1993), including but not limited to similar themes, metaphors or word choices that are used to represent men and women, are particularly relevant, since they indicate certain ways of representing social actors within the texts, which have ideological implications.
2.4. Previous Studies
2.4.1. Gender Division and Media Studies on media, including women’s magazines, have shown that they are involved in the construction of gender identities (cf. Ticknell et al., 2003; Fung, 2000; Machin &
Thornborrow, 2006). A way through which magazines perform this is by creating distinctions between what defines a woman on the one hand and a man on the other hand. Through such a process, they dictate who they should be in the contemporary society (cf. Ticknell et al., 2003; Fung, 2000; Machin & Thornborrow,
2006). Ticknell et al.’s (2003) investigation on gender in teenage magazines, for instance, shows how these magazines construct “gendered attitudes towards sexuality and power” (p.48), including the naturalization of differences between women and men. Women’s magazines in particular tend to focus on femininity.
DeFransisco & Palczewski (2014) define both masculinity and femininity as stereotypes which prescribe how men and women should behave (pp. 11-12). Similarly, in the contexts of these magazines, femininity seems to be identified as ideals to which women are expected to aspire since they relate to the characteristics that society dictates that women should possess by the virtue of their gender. DeFransisco
& Palczewski (2014) mention that some feminine attributes include “be[ing] emotional, a caretaker, FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 10
sensitive, compassionate [and] revealingly dressed.” Femininity in these magazines seems to match such descriptions, as women tend to be expected perform certain actions such as taking care of their bodies through consuming cosmetics and clothes (Eggins & Iedema, 1997), flaunting their sexuality (Machin &
Thornborrow, 2006), desiring relationships (Temmerman & Van der Voorde, 2015) and caring for and considering others, particularly when they assume the roles of mothers (Lazar, 2000).
These standards are significantly distinct from those of masculinity, which entails the qualities of being “rational, independent, tough, aggressive, comfortably dressed…” (p. 11). It is therefore unsurprising that whereas magazine discourses for women focus on the realization of beauty, sensitivity, relationships and sexuality, magazine discourses targeted at men tend to “combine soft-porn pin-ups with features on sex, health, and leisure activities, including a strong emphasis on outwardly directed, risk-focused ‘extreme sports’ which necessitate the domination of public space” (Temmerman & Van der Voorde, 2015, p. 49).
Therefore, instead of being involved in the public sphere like men, in mainstream media, women are portrayed with a sense of preoccupation with perpetuating femininity as ideals to which women are supposed to adhere. In fact, according to Ticknell et al. (2003), magazines for both teenage girls and mature women represent the idea of femininity as something that “require[es] constant attention, renewal, and concern” (p. 49). However, such magazines do not only emphasize the importance of femininity. They also tend to dictate how it is and should be realized by their female readers.
2.4.2. Women in Women’s Magazines Much research has been done on magazines’ discourse (cf. Stamou
& Paraskevospoulos, 2006; Raja, 2014; Small, Harris & Wilson, 2008), including its relation to gender representation (cf. Fung, 2000; Lazar, 2000; Machin & van Leeuwen, 2003; Machin & Thornborrow, 2006,
Ticknell et al., 2003; Temmerman & Van der Vorde, 2013, Weaver & Ussher, 1997). Many of these studies, however, show that the representation of women in women’s magazines is inseparable from two things in particular: commodities and sexuality (cf. Eggins & Iedema, 1997; Fung, 2000; Machin & Thornborrow,
2006). FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 11
Fung’s (2002) study on women’s magazines in Taiwan shows an inextricable connection between femininit, and consumption. He states that readers of women’s magazines form “imagined communities” which are typically related to norms followed by the members, including the consumption of particular commodities. In order to belong, the reader ultimately has to believe in what Fung (2002) calls “the transforming power of commodities” (p. 330), which the reader obtains in two steps: consuming the magazine itself and consuming the commodities promoted in the magazine, such as clothes and beauty products. The consumption of these products gives the readers the legitimacy and symbolic power that allow them to become part of the community as well as the women they are supposed to be according to traditional ideals. More importantly, femininity is marketed as something achievable through the consumption of material goods.
This connection between commodity and feminity is similarly applicable to the notion of agency in women’s magazines. Machin & Thornborrow (2006) in their investigation of Cosmopolitan and
Glamour, for instance, found that the magazines produce women’s agency through sex/seduction/sexuality, which in turn are realized through consumption. The women featured in the magazines act as Agents.
However, their agency is not directly associated with sociopolitical power, but rather beauty and sexuality.
For instance, in the magazines, women are instructed to “flaunt that gorgeous body” (p. 179) and “[march] in your Manolos” (p. 182) as symbols of their agency and power. Such statements, however, are inseparable from the mentions of commodities and the conformation to traditional femininity. As the authors state, the magazines’ idea of agency is placed within “staged scenarios” (p. 187) in which their agency can only be realized by using “signification through codes of dress and lifestyle that are drawn from consumer culture”
(p. 187). In the magazines, sex and the consumption of commodities are presented as ways to achieve agency and freedom, which, the authors argue, is not realistic outside the fictional world of the magazine.
This is also evident when one considers the processes in which the women are engaged within the magazines: as Machin & Thornborrow (2006) state, the women, though acting as active Agents within material processes, are often involved in “performances”, such as “do[ing] a striptease” (p. 183). They are also represented through mental processes, which are expressed through sentiments such as feeling FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 12
“intrigued” (p. 183), “bizarrely free” (p. 183) and “fantastic” (p. 183). However, such performances, like material goods, are not transposable to the real world. As the authors argue, neither sex nor the act of consumption can provide women with actual equality and political power.
Such a problematic association between women and commodities perpetuates certain ideologies regarding who they are and how they are supposed to behave. Firstly, due to the fact that magazines tend to present women’s agency only in the context of sex and always in connection with commodities, they normalize the idea that women need material in order to achieve agency and power. In other words, such a representation constructs the idea that the connection between commodities and agency is inherent, and that agency cannot exist without commodities and perhaps capitalism. It disregards actual sociopolitical issues that revolve around women’s agency and power (cf. Machin & Thornborrow, 2006). Secondly, it perpetuates the stereotypical idea of femininity which involves preoccupation with material such as cosmetics and clothes (cf. Eggins & Iedema, 1997) and contributes to the naturalization of gender divisions despite them being part of the socially-constructed stereotypes of masculinity and femininity (DeFrancisco
& Palczewski, 2014).
2.4.3. Men in Women’s Magazines Although the ways that men are represented in women’s magazines differ considerably from women’s, they are also involved in the construction of women’s femininity.
According to Ticknell (2003), for instance, men’s presence in the discourse of a magazine intended for female audience is “central to the discursive production of normalized femininity: primarily as potential romantic and sexual partners, but also as owners of social capital and social agency” (p. 59). In a sense, men, just like material goods, are required in the construction of women’s identities, since they also contribute to femininity.
However, this is not to say that men are subordinated within the discourse of magazines. Rather, they are needed as part of the construction of who a woman should be. Temmerman & Van der Vorde
(2013)’s investigation on the way men are represented in Flemish women’s magazines, for instance, shows that even in a magazine from 2008, although men are portrayed in different roles, from family members or FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 13
friends to partners, they seem to hold an important function as those who are able to “complete” women’s lives and persist as a constant central theme in their narratives.
More importantly, Temmerman & Van der Vorde (2013) also mention that women are depicted as wanting a relationship as their main goal. Media naturalize the message that women are required to maintain relationships with men, perpetuating the idea that women are heterosexuals and that they constantly seek relationships with men, especially in the form of a romantic and sexual relationships. It presents the need for a man to complete a woman’s identity as something that is natural, therefore removing women’s agency when it comes to their own independence and sociopolitical relevance (Temmerman & Van der Vorde,
2013).
Studies that explicitly compare the representation of women and men in women’s magazines, however, have been scarce. Existing research has rarely delved into how the ideas of agency, role allocation, or processes operate in conjunction to how different articles are framed. Therefore, the present research aims to contribute to the existing body of research by comparing the representation of men and women in a mainstream women’s magazine. By looking at the differences in the ways in which they are represented, the present research hopes contribute to the discussion regarding the role of media in the production or challenging of dominant ideologies.
2.5 Critical Discourse Analysis
The present research is a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), which is a theoretical perspective which is concerned with “the ways discourse enact, confirm, legitimate, reproduce, or challenge relations of power and dominance in everyday interaction” (van Dijk, 1993). As such, discourse is seen as inseparable from the complex ideologies that both affect and are affected by the way members of society behave (van Dijk,
1993). One aspect of such ideologies is gender.
CDA is significant in the context of gender in media since media outlets produce discourse that can both perpetuate and challenge the gender roles, inequality and power relations. The different ways that FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 14
gender is portrayed influence and are influenced by readers of such media outlets. In other words, the way society sees gender is contingent on, among other factors, media’s representation of it.
3. Methodology
3.1. Data
The data used consist of 8 articles from 4 issues of Vogue. British Vogue is chosen since it is widely available and is a household name when it comes to women’s magazines. The magazine has been in print since autumn 1916 and its monthly circulation has reached more than 190.000 copies1 (Conde Nast).
Moreover, it features interviews with both women and men, making it an ideal candidate for a comparison of the ways they are represented.
The issues chosen were published in October 2014, January 2015, February 2016 and March 2017.
The decision to use the issues is made through qualitative sampling. Firstly, they are chosen because they contain interviews with both men and women. Secondly, only articles written in the format of a third-person interview which explores different aspects of the social actors, such as their roles in their fields, their careers and interests are included. The selected articles are also written in the third-person voice, the reason being that the present research focuses on the way that authors depict social actors within texts more than the ways that such actors depict themselves. Finally, articles that are less than 900 words in length are excluded from the sample to obtain sufficient data. Two articles are taken from each issue, one of them being an article focused on a woman and the other on a man. The articles chosen are as follows:
➢ Interview 1 with Nicolas Ghesquiere (Male), a fashion designer, from British Vogue October 2014
➢ Interview 2 with Rosamund Pike (Female), an actress, from British Vogue October 2014
➢ Interview 3 with Oscar Isaac (M), an actor and musician, from British Vogue January 2015
➢ Interview 4 with Rosetta Getty (F), a fashion designer, from British Vogue January 2015
➢ Interview 5 with A$AP Rocky (M), a musician, from British Vogue February 2016
1 The number is based on both print and online versions. Data was recorded from January to June 2016 by Conde Nast. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 15
➢ Interview 6 with Dakota Johnson (F), an actress, from British Vogue February 2016
➢ Interview 7 with Jonathan Anderson (M), a fashion designer, from British Vogue March 2017
➢ Interview 8 with Elisa Lasowski (F), an actress, from British Vogue March 2017
3.2. Method
Women’s magazines are involved in the creation of different ideological perspectives on who women are and should be through discourse. On the one hand, women’s magazines can reproduce and reinforce the patriarchal, femininity-centric ideas regarding women, such as through the representation of women as dependent on commodities to enact their agency or as social actors who are capable of “being” instead of “doing” (cf. Eggins & Iedema, 1997; Machin & Thornborrow, 2006). On the other hand, they also have the power to challenge such traditional ideas through the discursive construction of women as active Agents who are not bound by patriarchy and gender-biased ideals.
Taking these points into consideration, the present research investigates the following aspects of the representation of women and men in Vogue:
➢ Their roles as Agents and Patients, including their Subjection and Beneficialization (van Leeuwen,
1996)
➢ The processes (Halliday, 1994) in which they are involved
➢ The frame devices and frames used to construct interviews which feature men and women as their
interviewees
➢ The ideological implications of the representation
The analysis of the role allocation and processes is applied to both dependent and independent clauses that directly mention the interviewees Therefore, clauses that only mention objects or people associated with the social actors or their possessions are omitted from the investigation. The present research also conducts a frame analysis to investigate the frames used to represent male and female social actors in the articles, including their ideological implications. The method used follows Pan & Kosicki’s
(1993), which entails analyzing a text’s syntactical structures, script structures, thematic structures and rhetorical structures. After identifying these structures, the author divides the texts into four different frames FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 16
by grouping the texts based on the similarities that they share in terms of the structures (Pan & Kosicki,
1993). Not just clauses which directly mention the interviewees but rather all components of the interviews are included in the frame analysis to arrive at a more comprehensive investigation of the interviews’ frames.
4. Results
4.1. Agent and Patient
In all the texts that were investigated, the interviewees are more commonly portrayed as Agents rather than
Patients. In all eight texts, the majority of clauses Activate the featured interviewees. In fact, as shown in
Table 2, the percentages of the clauses which depict the interviewees as Agents are quite similar in all the texts. There are no considerable differences between the texts with male and female interviewees in regard to their depiction as Agents or Patients.
Table 2. The texts and the different percentages of clauses which depict the interviewees as Agents and as Patients.
No. Text Agent Clauses Patient Clauses 1. Nicolas Ghesquière (Designer, M) 97% 3% 2. A$AP Rocky (Musician, M) 88% 12% 3. Oscar Isaac (Actor, M) 86% 14% 4. Jonathan Anderson (Designer, M) 92% 8% 5. Rosetta Getty (Designer, F) 93% 7% 6. Rosamund Pike (Actress, F) 86% 14% 7. Elisa Lasowski (Actress, F) 97% 3% 8. Dakota Johnson (Actress F) 98% 2%
In the case of the clauses in which the interviewees are passivized, they are very rarely beneficialized. In fact, only two of the texts, namely the ones featuring A$AP Rocky and Rosamund Pike as interviewees, contain instances of beneficialization, with the numbers being 2 and 1 instances respectively. Therefore, the occurrences of the beneficialization of social actors are highly uncommon in the context of the present data.
4.2. Types of Processes FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 17
As Table 3 shows, the texts share relatively similar patterns of the occurrences of the different types of processes (Halliday, 1994) performed by the interviewees. Firstly, in the majority of the texts, material processes are the most common type of processes. The only exception is the article on Dakota Johnson, in which verbal and relational processes are more common than material ones. However, the texts with female interviewees tend to show relatively lower percentages of material processes compared to the texts featuring male interviewees. This is especially true in the case of the articles on Elisa Lasowski and Dakota Johnson, where material processes make up 28% and 21% of the processes respectively.
Table 3. The texts and the different percentages of clauses which depict the interviewees in the contexts of different types of processes.
No. Text Behavioral Existential Material Mental Relational Verbal 1. Nicolas Ghesquière (M) 5% 3% 37% 7% 19% 29% 2. ASAP Rocky (M) 8% 0% 45% 10% 19% 18% 3. Oscar Isaac (M) 0% 0% 45% 19% 24% 12% 4. Jonathan Anderson (M) 8% 1% 41% 6% 12% 31% 5. Rosetta Getty (F) 3% 3% 40% 20% 10% 23% 6. Rosamund Pike (F) 1% 1% 45% 12% 21% 19% 7. Elisa Lasowski (F) 3% 9% 28% 16% 19% 25% 8. Dakota Johnson (F) 17% 2% 21% 9% 25% 26%
Secondly, existential and behavioral processes are rarely used in the texts. Unsurprisingly, verbal processes are relatively common due to the fact that verbs such as “say” and “state” are commonly used in the texts to signify the interviewees’ opinions in the form of direct quotations.
Relational processes, which have been suggested as common processes in the context of female social actors, occur in similar numbers throughout the texts. These processes are present in texts featuring both male and female interviewees. Mental processes, as signified by verbs such as “believe” or “think,” are also used in similar frequencies in the texts.
FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 18
4.3. Four Different Frames
The frame analysis using the framework created and used by Pan & Kosicki’s (1993) shows four different frames that are used to discuss the interviewees in the texts.
The first frame, the Talented Parent Frame, is characterized by the portrayal of the interviewees as successful public figures who are also parents and partners. However, their roles as parents and partners, including their experiences of parenthood, are emphasized in the discourse as significant facets of their personal identities. This frame is used in two texts, which feature Rosetta Getty and Rosamund Pike.
The second frame, the Career-Oriented Genius Frame, is characterized by the portrayal of the interviewees as dedicated and talented figures who are respected in their fields. It is also characterized by the portrayal of the interviewees as being somewhat controlling and preoccupied with their careers. This frame is used in two texts, which feature Nicolas Ghesquière and Jonathan Anderson as the interviewees.
The third frame, the Rebellious Artist Frame, is characterized by the portrayal of the interviewees as talented and successful figures, particularly artists, whose attitudes and career paths defy societal norms.
It is also characterized by the juxtaposition between who the artists are expected to be and who they are as public figures and people. It is used in two texts, which feature A$AP Rocky and Dakota Johnson.
Finally, the fourth frame, the Rising Star Frame, is characterized by the portrayal of the interviewees as relatively new figures in their fields who are in the process of achieving more success and fame. As public figures, these interviewees are typically depicted as being talented and humble. This frame is used in two texts, which are the texts featuring Elisa Lasowski and Oscar Isaac as the interviewees.
These distinctive frames do not only present different ways in which social actors are represented.
Rather, they often demonstrate the complex societal and ideological notions behind media discourse, including how they contribute to ideals regarding gender representation. Section 5.2 attempts to discuss these notions by using examples taken from the present data.
FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 19
5. Discussion
Section 4 has shown the results of the analysis on role allocation and processes as well as on the interviews’ frames. Such results, however, provide little insight to the ideological implications of the ways men and women are represented in the interviews. The following sections aims to provide more thorough explanations of such representations, particularly in conjunction to existing literature and previous research on gender in media.
5.1. Agency
As the Results section of this paper shows, the majority of the clauses used within the interviews which directly mention the interviewees, both male and female, present them as Activated Agents rather than Passivized Patients. In fact, there does not seem to be any major difference between the male and female social actors featured in the interviews in terms of the frequencies of their activation and passivation.
Despite the similarity shared by the texts in regard to the frequency of social actors’ activation, further examination of the clauses, including the processes used to describe the interviewees, shows some significant points regarding both the differences and similarities between the ways in which male and female interviewees are represented in the texts. The material and relational processes used are particularly significant in this regard.
5.1.1. Material Processes: Social Actors as Doers. Both male and female interviewees are predominantly portrayed as social actors who are capable of “doing” instead of merely “being,” since in the majority of the interviews, material processes dominate. However, in order to achieve a deeper understanding of material processes in the context of the interviews, it is necessary to discuss not just if but rather how these material processes are used.
Previous studies which focus on the discourse of women’s magazines (cf. Eggins & Iedema, 1997;
Machin & Thornborrow, 2006) have shown some examples of the different implications of material and relational processes when it comes to gender representation in discourse. Material processes, which depict FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 20
social actors in the context of “doing,” typically portray them as Agents who are involved in or are capable of performing particular actions, whereas relational processes, which depict actors in the context of “being,” focus on their attributes or identifications. As such, material processes arguably present social actors in a more active role, which is important if a publication intends to portray women in a progressive manner, particularly in the context of the representation and self-representation of their careers (cf. Wagner &
Wodak, 2006).
The presence of material processes, however, does not guarantee a progressive approach to gender and the representation of female figures. Consider Eggins & Iedema (1997)’s analysis of articles from two different magazines for women, New Woman and SHE, for instance. The authors found that mental and material processes were more commonly used in New Woman in comparison to SHE, in which relational processes in the form of “being verbs” are often used. Despite the difference, however, the authors still conclude that the discourse of both magazines tends to focus on traditionally feminine topics and values, with emphasis on topics such as physical appearance and adherence to traditional standards of beauty
(Eggins & Iedema, 1997). Therefore, the difference between the frequencies of material processes in publications does not correlate to the progressiveness of the representations that they construct.
Other studies, such as Machin & Thornborrow’s (2006) and Fung’s (2002) have also shown that the representations of women in mainstream women’s magazines often revolve around commodities, such as beauty products and clothes, sex and sexualization, even when material processes are involved. Machin
& Thornborrow (2006) mention processes which are used in women’s magazines like Cosmopolitan and
Glamour, such as “flaunt that gorgeous body” (p. 179) and “[march] in your Manolos” (p. 182), both of which arguably portray women as sexualized actors whose agency and actions revolve around the importance of commodities and sex appeal. These instances also exemplify how the presence of material processes does not invariably equate to progressive representations.
In comparison to findings of previous research such as Eggins and Iedema (1997) and Machin &
Thornborrow, the female social actors in Vogue’s interviews tend to be portrayed in a more complex manner. In the interviews, many of the material processes are related to the women’s careers and their FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 21
contributions to their fields. Consider the following instances from Getty and Lasowski’s interviews respectively:
(1) She makes clothes for women like her (Getty, Vogue January 2015)
(2) ...she has spent the past two years researching and inhabiting the queen’s world for the
sumptuous, multimillion-pound BBC series Versailles (Lasowski, Vogue March 2017)
In example 1, the interviewer emphasizes Getty’s role as a designer by using the verb “makes,” signifying that she is able to create products “for women like her.” Similarly, example 2 also puts an emphasis on Lasowski’s acting career. Moreover, her abilities as an actress are demonstrated not just through her ability to act, but also to “research” the character that she plays, going as far as “inhabiting [the character’s] world.” The presence of such processes, which are similar to the material processes used to describe the male interviewees’ careers, arguably contributes to representations of female social actors which prioritize their capabilities instead of merely physical appearances, femininity and other facets of a woman’s world which are often discussed in more conservative discourse (cf. Machin & Thornborrow,
2006; Fung, 2002, Ticknell et. al, 2003, Temmerman & Van der Vorde, 2013).
Despite the focus on the social actors’ careers, upon further investigation, it would seem that the common themes of physical appearance, commodities, sex and relationships as part of the realization of femininity, which are reflected in the findings of previous research, are not absent from the texts’ discourse.
In fact, many of the interviews seem to put an emphasis on the relationships of the social actor. Previous research, such as Ticknell et al.’s (2003) Temmerman & Van der Vorde’s (2013) found that in the discourse of mainstream women’s magazines, men are often represented as a significant part of their reality, particularly as women’s partners. In other words, men are typically represented as social actors who complete women’s identities. Many instances from the articles analyzed in the present research certainly confirm such findings. Consider these passages from Pike’s, Johnson’s and Getty’s interviews, for instance:
(3) She met Balthazar, the great-grandson of J Paul Getty (the oil magnate and industrialist who
back then was one of the richest men in the world – the trust built the Getty Museum) at a
mutual friend’s party (Getty, Vogue January 2015). FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 22
(4) I first met Pike in the early Noughties, after she had split up with Woods and before she fell
in love with Wright (Pike, Vogue October 2014).
Despite the fact that such instances make use of material processes such as “meet” and “split up,” the actions described through the processes are undeniably connected to the theme of relationships. In the case of Getty’s interview, as exemplified in (3), her spouse’s role is even emphasized through the mention of his status as the grandson of one of the richest man in the world despite the fact that it is arguably insignificant to the article, which profiles Getty and her career. Such instances recall Ticknell et al.’s (2003) statement that men are not just portrayed as women’s partners, but also as “owners of social capital and social agency” (p. 59). In other words, when female social actors are portrayed in the context of material processes, they are still constrained by traditional ways of representing their identities. Even without the explicit use of “being” verbs in such a context, women are still attributed and identified, particularly as spouses. In Getty’s case, at one point in the interview, she is even described as “the designer wife of the actor Balthazar Getty,” although without the explicit use of “being” verbs. Such a description emphasizes the importance of women’s roles as spouses in the portrayal of their identities.
Of course, this does not imply that the male interviewees are never discussed in the context of their relationships. These discussions, however, particularly in the case of Rocky’s interview, differ from the ways that the theme of relationship is discussed in regard to female interviewees2. As in the case of the female interviewees, the use of material processes in describing relationships is of particular importance, such as in the following passages from his interview:
(5) Would he like to settle down? “I don’t know. The women I really give respect to have the balls
to do how they feel, regardless of society, like Madonna.” (Rocky, Vogue February 2016).
(6) In the past he has dated Iggy Azalea and Rita Ora, but he’s not looking for another entertainer.
“They don’t dress themselves, they don’t think for themselves, they didn’t find themselves –
2 For further investigation on how the interviews discuss the theme of relationship, see section 5.2. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 23
that’s why they became an entertainer. From experience, I bob along better with normal
women. I want children, I just didn’t impregnate anybody yet.” (Rocky, Vogue February 2016).
In (5), the material process that is used to describe a relationship is “settle down,” which is relatively distanced from the emotional or romantic connotations that are more apparent in processes such as “fall in love,” as used in Pike’s interview. The discussion on relationship is focused on what Rocky himself desires, as shown in the use of the process “looking for” in (6), which is followed by Rocky’s judgments on women.
In other words, it focuses on what he wants out of relationships rather than the feelings or commitment attached to them.
Despite the fact that the present research does not focus on the processes used in direct quotations,
Rocky’s use of material processes in his direct quote is certainly important to note. Rocky states that the entertainers that he has dated “don’t dress themselves… don’t think for themselves… didn’t find themselves,” using material processes in order to represent the women’s behaviors through his narrative.
He dictates the way that their behaviors are depicted through his point of view. Similarly, his choice of material process that he uses when describing his future partner, “impregnate,” is equally significant.
Through the use of such a material process, Rocky portrays his future partner as a “vessel” to be
“impregnate[d]” rather than a woman with a complete identity. It is also a process with no romantic connotation. In fact, it discursively constructs the gender dynamics of the hypothetical relationship, situating himself as the only party with agency and power3. That the quote itself is presented without any comment also naturalizes what is considered to be the traditional view that men hold about relationships, which is merely physical and emotionally-distant as opposed to complex and emotionally-intimate.
5.1.2. Relational Processes, Material Processes and The Importance of Fashion. Another important point of discussion in the interviews is the use of relational processes. Although relational processes are used in various ways in the articles, the present discussion focuses on the most important use of such
3 See also section 5.2.1. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 24
processes, which is to describe the social actors in the interviews in the context of their physical appearances. In this regard, there are noticeable differences in the ways that male and female interviewees are described, not just by the interviewees themselves but also by the authors of the texts.
In the interviews taken from Vogue, the ways in which the female interviewees’ physical appearances are portrayed, both in context of how they look and what they wear, differ from those of male interviewees. Due to their function to attribute and signify, relational processes (Halliday, 1994) play a particularly important role in these descriptions. Consider the following passages focusing on the interviewees’ appearances:
(7) Her glossy raven hair is perfectly pulled back into a neat ponytail and she’s pristinely dressed
in an all-white ensemble comprising a crisp cotton apron dress, cashmere T-shirt and clogs.
She looks a million dollars. Thanks, in part perhaps, to the Million Dollar Lunch Box diet that
she’s currently following (she swears by it). But there’s no doubt it has a lot to do with the
clothes… Getty prizes ease and wearability above all else… (Getty, Vogue January 2015).
(8) Tall, blonde and yes, unbelievably beautiful in a languid, faintly aristocratic way, Pike is
dressed today in a little black flouncy sheath (“from Maxfield’s in LA, that’s all I know, I
swear”), black lace-up brogues and bare legs. In one ear she wears a gold safety pin and spread
across her fingers is a fierce-looking knuckleduster by Elena Votsi – Mitford sister meets
metalhead, if you like. Her big, red-leather-framed sunglasses from Armani add a nice geeky
touch, as does the teeny camera case she wears cross-body, again provenance unknown (Pike,
Vogue October 2014).
(9) Stripped of the bespoke jewel-toned corsets and vertiginous wig she wears for work, Lasowski
cuts a low-key figure in the Soho restaurant where we’re having breakfast… Certainly she
looks less regal than her on-screen persona, but no less lovely (Lasowski, Vogue March 2017).
Firstly, the descriptions of attributes of the female social actors, particularly what they wear, tend to be elaborate, involving several adjectives which provide almost poetic descriptions of their physical appearances. Passage (7), for instance, describes Getty as having “glossy raven hair [that] is perfectly pulled FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 25
back into a neat ponytail” while being “pristinely dressed in an all-white ensemble comprising a crisp cotton apron dress, cashmere T-shirt and clogs.” Similarly, in (8) Pike is depicted as a woman who is “tall, blonde and yes, unbelievably beautiful in a languid, faintly aristocratic way.”
Such examples are not merely elaborate, but also show aspects of their physical appearance which are typically appraised and judged with regard to traditionally feminine values and standards of beauty.
Hair and figures, which are typical parameters of beauty, for instance, are mentioned, with Getty described as having “glossy raven hair” and Pike described as “tall [and] blonde.” Clothes, which are also traditionally associated with attractiveness and femininity (cf. Eggins & Iedema, 1997; Machin and Thornborrow, 2013), are also described in detail, with Getty being “pristinely dressed in an all-white ensemble comprising a crisp cotton apron dress, cashmere T-shirt and clogs” and Pike wearing “a little black flouncy sheath,… black lace-up brogues and bare legs… a gold safety pin and… a fierce-looking knuckleduster by Elena Votsi.”
Secondly and perhaps more importantly, the female social actors are not merely described, but rather appraised or judged in regard to a specific point: their beauty. The use of relational processes in these passages is particularly significant. They are used in order to show either the attribution or the identification of a social actor (Halliday, 1994). As such, when used in the context of one’s physical appearance, relational processes can often become tools for appraisal and judgment, especially when situated in conjunction to adjectives or nouns which emphasize attractiveness and aesthetic values. This certainly is the case for the passages from the female interviewees’ interviews. The interviewer appraises Getty by saying that “looks a million dollars” due to her diet and clothes. Similarly, in (9), Lasowski’s interviewer mentions that she
“cuts a low-key figure” and “looks less regal than her on-screen persona, but no less lovely.” In such cases, relational processes are used as a means to appraise social actors’ beauty and, in conjunction to that, her sexuality. Simply put, they do not only describe how they look, but also how good they look.
However, the appraisal of the female social actor does not signify that they are only described in terms of their fashion sense without being given the chance to discuss or express their views on it. The opportunities to voice their own views are present in a few instances, particularly in passages involving other types of processes, such as mental processes. Getty’s interview, for instance, mentions that she values FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 26
“ease and wearability” and discusses her design in length, whereas in (10) Johnson exclaims that the clothes in which she was dressed are clothes she “would actually wear.”
(10) …Arriving finally at the restaurant, Dakota takes off her wool Gucci overcoat. A green-
and-red bird in flight, iridescent with silvered thread, is intricately embroidered on the back…
For the final shot she posed on the pavement on the edge of West Chelsea resplendent in an
Alexander Wang slip dress and oversized trench (“Clothes I would actually wear,” she grins
amiably)… (Johnson, Vogue February 2016).
The ways that male social actors are depicted, particularly through relational processes, are considerably different from those of female ones. Although the appearances of the male interviewees are often described, the descriptions tend to have several particular characteristics which set them apart from those of the female interviewees. Firstly, they tend to be relatively brief, focusing on the interviewees’ behaviors and thoughts rather than the minute details of their appearances. Consider these instances:
(11) … Rocky talks about the jigginess of “Italian shit”, specifically a silk Valentino shirt, and
the “magnetism” he sometimes experiences out shopping… He has a few beloved designers,
but is generally agnostic about labels… He wore a Topman tailcoat to the Met Ball. “And my
Alexander Wang boots that I wear every day. I like to put my own twist on things. I don’t buy
clothes, I buy pieces, each rare in its jigginess…” (Rocky, Vogue February 2016).
(12) Despite his easy uniform – Nike trainers, blue sweater and pale denim – he looks itchy and
restless in his own skin, his face flushed from a hacking cough… (Anderson, Vogue March
2017).
(13) He likes clothes which are grey or blue and functional… (Isaac, Vogue January 2015).
In (11), the relational process “wear” is used to describe Rocky’s clothes. The items themselves, however are described with minimal adjectives and descriptive phrases, focusing solely on the item’s brands, such as “a Topman tailcoat” and “[Rocky’s] Alexander Wang boots.” Adjectives that explicitly express both the aesthetic values of the items and Rocky himself are rarely used in the passage. Similarly, in (12), Anderson’s attire is simply described as “Nike trainers, blue sweater and pale denim,” with no FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 27
adjective which explicitly judges the aesthetic value of said items apart from “easy uniform.” Instead, the relational process “looks” in this sentence is used to describe Anderson’s behavior of being “itchy and restless,” adjectives which support the depiction of his persona as an anxious, eccentric artist who is preoccupied with his work.
Secondly, the use of relational processes in the case of the male interviewees tends to focus on personal expression and practicality. “Has” and “is” for instance, are used in the sentence “he has a few beloved designers, but is generally agnostic about labels” to describe Rocky’s opinions on designer labels, including the emphasis on uniqueness and his agnostic attitude towards brands, both of which are aspects that are inseparable from the clothes he wears. This exemplifies how the descriptions of the male interviewees’ clothes are often placed within the context of the discussions of their personal style and their preferences in regard to fashion instead of the role that they play in contributing to the social actor’s attractiveness. The passage which discusses Anderson’s clothes is focused on the practicality and functionality. Anderson’s clothes are described as an “easy uniform,” emphasizing ease instead of beauty.
Similarly, example (13) exemplifies the previously mentioned emphasis on practicality and functionality in regard to fashion. It also discursively construct aspects of Isaac’s public personality, such as practicality and humbleness4.
Processes, particularly relational processes, in the case of the interviews with male social actors, therefore, are used to describe their physical appearances, but with an underlying focus on their personal expressions, attitudes and behaviors. These processes are rarely used to appraise or to pass judgment on the interviewees’ attractiveness or beauty, which seems to be common in the case of the female interviewees.
Although the male interviewees are sometimes appraised in terms of their beauty as well, as in examples (14), (15) and (16), the appraisals are not as detailed nor direct as those of the female interviewees.
In (14), the interviewer describes Isaac as having physical features which adhere to traditional standards of beauty, such as “sculpted cheekbones” but his attractiveness is implied instead of explicitly stated. Also, in
4 See also section 5.2.4. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 28
cases in which a male social actor’s attractiveness is directly mentioned, it is usually rather brief and not followed nor preceded by the detailed description of their figures. In (15) and (16), for example, Anderson is simply described with the adjective “handsome” and Rocky “the prettiest.” In Rocky’s case, the appraisal on his appearance comes as an addition to the mention of his visionary status. This is different from the use of the metaphorical expression “looks a million dollars,” for instance, which is used to describe Getty’s appearance and is followed by a mention of her diet.
(14) Of the red carpets and photo shoots to which his wide-set eyes and sculpted cheekbones
lend themselves so well… (Isaac, Vogue January 2015).
(15) ….the slight, handsome 32-year-old Northern Irish designer. (Anderson, Vogue March
2017).
(16) Rocky is the most visionary member of the Harlem rap collective known as the A$AP Mob
– and the prettiest (Rocky, Vogue February 2016).
As mentioned, previous research on mainstream women’s magazines has found an emphasis on commodities, such as clothes, in their discourses. Machin & Thornborrow (2006) mention that women’s agency tends to be represented through beauty, sexuality, consumption and commodity. Similarly, Fung
(2002) mentions that in women’s magazines, commodities, including clothes, are “endowed with symbolic values of femininity” (p. 330). The emphasis on such factors is certainly echoed in the articles with female interviewees in the present data, in which the physical is considered significant. The depictions of the female interviewees are fleshed out through the detailed descriptions of what they look like and, more importantly, what they wear, which could potentially persuade the magazine’s readers to consume the same commodities.
This is not to say that the depictions of the female social actors in the present data, particularly in relation to their clothes and fashion, are completely one-dimensional, with no regard to their personal styles.
The depictions of what the female actors wear are also inseparable from their public identities. Lasowski’s bare face and her preference to dress as a “low-key figure” in (9) for instance, although undoubtedly related FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 29
to femininity, also supports the portrayal of the actress as a modest rising star5. However, the data show that the attribute of being conventionally attractive seems to be given more importance in the interviews with female social actors in comparison to their male counterparts. In other words, clothes are a significant part of the discourse of both the male and female social actors’ interviews because they contribute to the construction of their agency and their public personas. However, the female interviewees are more often discursively appraised and judged in regard to what they look like and what they wear in comparison to male interviewees.
Perhaps the most important issue in regard to the discussions of the interviewees’ physical appearance is that in the case of the female interviewees, the physical is always mentionable, whether it adheres to or deviates from traditional feminine values. From Getty’s traditionally feminine style to
Lasowski’s “makeup-free” face, every aspect of the female interviewees’ physical appearances seems to be detailed, which is not the case for male interviewees. Furthermore, fashion in the context of the female interviewees is portrayed as something that is inseparable from beauty, which is also not the case for male interviewees. Such a depiction of social actors supports the division of the ways that women and men are represented. Specifically, it strengthens the notion that the values of women are dependent on their beauty.
These findings regarding how male and female social actors are described in the contexts of material and relational processes in Vogue’s interviews also reflect the findings of previous research, specifically the idea that in magazines, material for men is concerned with interests, the outside world and the public space (Temmerman & Van der Voorde, 2015), whereas material for women is concerned with the maintenance of their femininity through relationships, sexuality and commodities such as cosmetics or clothes (Eggins & Iedema, 2997, Machin and Thornborrow, 2006). For instance, when it comes to their physical appearances, particularly their attires, the male social actors’ descriptions tend to focus on personal expression and practicality, both of which reflect the social actors interests, careers and the projection of their public identities to the outside world. T he female social actors’ descriptions revolve around how
5 See also section 5.2.4. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 30
clothes and other commodities contribute to their beauty as well as sexuality, which are part of the realization of their femininity.
5.1.3. Other Processes. The interviews featuring male and female interviewees tend to share similar mental processes, most of which express ideas regarding the interviewees’ experiences or preferences. Some of the processes that are commonly used are “like” and “know,” as shown in the following instances:
(17) …Lasowski likes to keep her wardrobe neutral… (Lasowski, Vogue March 2017)
(18) Not that he would know much about bad shows (Anderson, Vogue March 2017).
However, despite the fact that there is no major difference in number between the interviews, there are instances in which mental processes appear in ways which might signify differences in regard to gender and gender roles. Consider, for instance, the following sentence:
(19) She adores being pregnant (Pike, Vogue October 2014).
The process “adore” is exceptional since it does not appear is in the interviews save for Pike’s.
More importantly, unlike “like,” which is commonly used in many of the interviews, it is a verb that is laden with emotional connotations. In Pike’s interview, it is used to describe her role as a mother. The use of the process in such a context would seem to support the naturalized notion that women are expected to think highly of motherhood. It is challenging, however, to provide any conclusive statement regarding this due to the limitation of the data and the frequency of the process’ occurrence.
Existential processes are very rarely used in the texts, being entirely absent in two of them.
Therefore, it is impossible to determine whether they contribute to differences in the ways in which female and male social actors are represented. The existential processes that are typically used are “live” and “grow up,” as shown in the following instances:
(20) …so she lived here throughout her twenties (Pike, Vogue October 2014).
(21) He grew up in the small town of Magherafelt in Northern Ireland... (Anderson, Vogue
March 2017). FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 31
Similarly, behavioral processes are relatively rarely used in most of the interviews and absent in
Isaac’s. When they are used, however, they typically serve the purpose of describing the interviewee’s body language and actions when the interviews take place, with verbs such as “laugh” and “sigh.” However, they also seem to serve the purpose of emphasizing the interviewees’ characters, particularly their points of view on certain topics. In (22), for instance, the use of “laughs” emphasizes Johnson’s rebellious approach to responding to hypothetical situations with media representatives. In (23), the use of “sighs” helps to illustrate Rocky’s attitude towards relationships with women. Similarly, in (24), “shrugs” seems to emphasize Pike’s casual, nonchalant attitude towards the topic that she is discussing with the interviewer.
(22) And if a question comes up she doesn’t like? She laughs and responds: “I’ll just be, ‘I’m
not going to answer that, motherfucker!’” (Johnson, Vogue February 2016)
(23) OK: girlfriends. He sighs. “It’s been a long time since I spoke to a woman who can
introduce me to some shit about fashion,” he says wistfully. (Rocky, Vogue February 2016).
(24) “I’ve always been an outsider,” she shrugs (Pike, Vogue October 2014).
In regard to the use of behavioral processes, there does not seem to be any considerable difference between the male and female interviewees whose interviews were investigated. It should be noted, however, that as in the case of existential processes, the infrequent use of behavioral processes also prevents conclusive statements regarding gender differences in the interview’s discourse.
Verbal processes, which are typically present in interviews, signify the opportunity for social actors to express their views, particularly through direct quotations. In the data, verbal processes are used in very similar average percentages in both articles with male and female interviewees, which indicates that the degrees of the social actors’ opportunity to voice their views tend to be similar, gender notwithstanding.
The processes are shown through the use of a small array of verbs in the texts, such as “admit” and “tell.”
“Admit” is typically used to describe (semi-) controversial statements from the interviewers, such as in
Anderson’s description of how it is to work in the fashion industry in (25) and Pike’s description of fans recognizing and staring at her on public transport in passage (26): FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 32
(25) Jonathan admits that it is isolating at the top [of the fashion industry] (Anderson, Vogue
March 2017).
(26) It is, she admits, becoming increasingly tricky to travel by Tube (Pike, Vogue October
2014).
Unsurprisingly, the most common verb used to describe a verbal process is “say,” as shown in the following passages:
(27) “I worked at the local store and did odd jobs like wash horses and babysit,” she says (Getty,
Vogue January 2015).
(28) “I discovered the shit those guys were talking about in the Sixties,” he says (Rocky, Vogue
February 2016).
Despite the fact that the verbal processes that are used in the texts do not seem to vary between interviews, the interviewees certainly differ in terms of the topics that they discuss. In order to achieve a deeper understanding of these topics and other facets of the interviews, the present paper also takes into consideration the results of the frame analysis. The following analysis of the four frames used to represent the interviewees aims to provide a distinctive and perhaps more fine-grained, detailed and comprehensive approach to discovering how male and female social actors are represented in the interviews.
5.2. Frames, Framing Techniques and Gender Ideals
5.2.1. The Talented Parent Frame. An integral point regarding the Talented Parent Frame in the present data, is that it is used in interviews with female interviewees. Therefore, it suggests the tendency of portraying women, especially older women, as mothers, in women’s magazines. More importantly, it involves particular ways of discursively constructing this representation.
One important facet of the frame is the discursive construction of the experience of motherhood, particularly how it is related to the idea of love. Weaver & Ussher (1997) in their discourse analysis of interviews with mothers name a few underlying themes mentioned by the interviewees when discussing their experiences with motherhood, one of them being the theme of “overwhelming love” (pp. 60-62). The FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 33
Talented Mother Frame through which Rosetta Getty and Rosamund Pike are represented seems to feature this theme. In fact, this idea of overwhelming affection for their children is depicted as a significant part of their identities, not just as mothers or women in general, but also as a designer and an actress respectively.
In Getty’s case, love is a theme realized through the mention of parental anxieties and worries about her children’s future, along with the responsibility which comes with these issues. Consider the following instance from:
(29) They have four children together – three daughters: Grace, Violet and June Catherine, and
a son, Cassius Paul, who is the eldest at 14. “For the first time last night he asked, ‘What am I
going to do when I grow up?’ I don’t want to groom my children into fashion or film – they’re
terrible industries! I’m trying to get my daughter to go to Stanford and be a businesswoman.”
(Getty, Vogue January 2015).
As the passage shows, Getty is concerned about her children’s future careers, despite them being relatively young. More importantly, she is also depicted as being compelled to involve herself personally in her children’s aspirations and interests. The phrases “I don’t want to groom my children…” and “I’m trying to get my daughter…,” for instance, indicate Getty’s assumption of the responsibility of involvement that comes with motherhood.
In Pike’s case, however, the idea of overwhelming love is depicted in a more explicit way and with a greater emphasis on the strength of her affection. In fact, it is presented as part of her definition of motherhood. Consider the following passage:
(30) She’s in love with motherhood, also… She adores being pregnant. (“The love I felt for my
other half when I was pregnant with Solo was strong,” I remember her telling me. “The idea of
having a bit of him inside me, that I was making something.”) (Pike, Vogue October 2014).
Interestingly, as (30) shows, the theme of overwhelming love is constructed as the affection directed to the role of a mother itself instead of her children. In the passage, she is represented as someone who is “in love” with her role as a mother. The idea that motherhood is inextricable from affection is also shown in the choice of using the word “adores” when describing Pike’s view of her pregnancy. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 34
The underlying theme of overwhelming love in the interviews, however, is not limited to love for a woman’s role or for her offspring, but also her partner. This is emphasized in the direct quotation in (30), in which Pike states that during her last pregnancy, her love for her partner “was strong.” She goes as far as describing the experience of her pregnancy by using the metaphorical expression “having a bit of him inside me” as part of the interview’s rhetorical structure (Pan and Kosicki, 1993). It emphasizes an important part of the Talented Parent Frame, which is the understanding that an individual’s roles as both a partner and a mother are inseparable from their identity, which is also supported by her use of the phrase
“my other half” to describe her partner. Instead of someone who is separate from her, he is depicted as her
“half”, therefore a fragment of her being.
This finding supports what previous research on the discourse of women’s magazines has found, which is that women are commonly depicted as wanting relationships and that this desire is a significant part of their identities (cf. Temmerman & Van der Vorde, 2013). Admittedly, Getty and Pike’s relationships are not depicted as end goals in their lives. The woman are describes as figures who are actively involved in their pursuit of other goals, including their careers as a fashion designer and actress respectively. The interviews, however, emphasize the role of relationships in the construction of their identities by placing the women’s identities in the context of their families, emphasizing how their roles as not only partners but also as mothers impact their personal identities.
The importance of relationships is further exemplified in other instances within the interviews.
Consider these passages from Getty and Pike’s interviews respectively:
(31) She met Balthazar, the great-grandson of J Paul Getty (the oil magnate and industrialist
who back then was one of the richest men in the world – the trust built the Getty Museum) at
a mutual friend’s party. “We fell completely in love, it was love at first sight – although,” she
points out, “we are total opposites.” (Getty, Vogue January 2015).
(32) Every time Uniacke comes into the conversation her composure softens a little. It is quite
heartening to see how truly, madly, deeply she is still in love (Pike, Vogue October 2014). FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 35
These passages, which both precede discussions of family and children, show the naturalization of the idea that relationships are part of a woman’s identity. In Pike’s case, her partner is even depicted as someone who visibly affects her “composure” and behavior even without his presence. Such passages also show how the Talented Parent Frame frames relationships as a subject that is undeniably connected to love.
Getty’s relationship with her partner began because they “fell completely in love” and experienced “love at first sight.” Similarly, the author of Pike’s interview mentions “how truly, madly, deeply she is still in love.” Within the frame, relationship and love are two sides of the same coin and one is assumed to be inextricable to the other.
Furthermore, relationships are always appraised positively and by using explicitly emotion-related language. The author of the interview with Pike, for instance, uses the word “heartening” to describe Pike’s feelings for her partner Uniacke, attaching a positive connotation to the description of Pike’s relationship.
This is followed by the author’s comment on “how truly, madly, deeply in love she is,” another part of the article’s rhetorical structure (Pan & Kosicki, 1993) which exemplifies the use of emotion-related to language and word choices to describe a relationship. Such a portrayal of female figures has some ideological consequences, since it perpetuates particular gender ideals regarding the place of relationships within the female identity. Firstly, it naturalizes the need for the theme of relationships within the discursive construction of the female identity in the context of women’s magazines through the use of positive appraisal of relationships as well as emotion-related language. Secondly and in relation to the first point, such a naturalization may translate to the world of the magazine readers outside of media. As previously discussed, Fung (2002)’s study shows that female magazine readers tend to bond and form “imagined communities” which are typically associated with activities and norms that members follow, including the act of consuming particular products or commodities. Although personal relationships are not commodities, they can be marketed as such, meaning that readers may feel the need for relationships since relationships are regarded as part of the norms of an imagined community. Moreover, such a portrayal of relationships also suggest that women, including the magazine’s readers, need to define themselves and each other through relationships. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 36
This finding regarding the role of relationships in the discourse of women’s magazines is also in line with Ticknell et al.’s (2013) finding that men, especially in the context of women’s magazines, are
“central to the discursive production of normalized femininity: primarily as potential romantic and sexual partners, but also as owners of social capital and social agency” (p. 59). Getty and Pike’s partners are portrayed as part of what defines them as women, but also as people who have the agency to define their personalities and identities, as shown in (31) and (32). Although such a way of representing heterosexual relationships does not necessarily reaffirm Temmerman & Van der Vorde’s (2013) statement that women are often depicted as wanting a romantic relationship as their goal in the discourse of women’s magazines, it does support the hegemonic idea that romantic (heterosexual) relationships are fundamental parts of femininity (cf. Ticknell et al., 2013).
Furthermore, the portrayal of womanhood in the discourse of the Talented Parent Frame is based on what Lazar (2000) calls “the-othercenteredness” or “women’s acute consciousness (or consideration) of their husbands and their children in the enactment of their motherhood identity” (pp. 388-389). Although
Lazar (2000) herself examines the-othercenteredness in the context of parenthood in visual advertisements, it also seems to be a characteristic of the discourse of parenthood in written texts in women’s magazines.
In the interviews, Getty and Pike usually discuss their own feelings regarding pregnancy in of the context of their partners’ or children’s influence. In (30), for instance, the affection that Pike felt during her pregnancy is described in conjunction to the fact that she had “a bit of” her husband inside of her.
The focus on romantic relationships and family, however, does not signify that the articles written through the Talented Parent Frame do not mention the interviewees’ career. In fact, Getty and Pike’s careers, ambitions and talents are quite extensively discussed in the interviews as some of the main points of discussion. However, what marks them as different from the discussions on such individual-oriented topics within the confines of the other frames is that within the two women’s interviews, discussions on their careers are often represented as being influenced, or even undermined by familial matters. Consider the following instances: FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 37
(33) So keen to start earning, she began waitressing as young as 13… “I was industrious. I was
always a go-getter, a hustler…” (Getty, Vogue January 2015).
(34) Getty prizes ease and wearability above all else. “That is everything to me,” she continues.
“How clothes feel on the body, how practical they are to sit down in and move in throughout
the day... I don’t want a full production just to go from being with the kids, to work, to an
evening event.” (Getty, Vogue January 2015).
In (33), Getty’s description of her hardworking and industrious personality seems to fit within the
Career-Oriented Genius Frame. When her fashion design and philosophy are discussed in (34), however, it becomes apparent that the choices that she makes as part of her career are also influenced by her role as a mother and the factor of practicality that she needs to take into account because of it.
The influence of family on career is more apparent in Pike’s interview. Consider the following passage:
(35) Perhaps she will pick up again on the screenplay she started a year or so ago… Perhaps she
will pursue the idea she has about a documentary on body image… Or maybe she’ll do nothing
at all. “Being pregnant does absolve me from making decisions about what to do, work-wise. I
can sort of release it to the world, put it into the melting pot and see what comes out. It takes
less time to make a film than it does to make a child. That’s always sort of put things in
perspective.” (Pike, Vogue October 2014).
Despite the fact that Pike’s career is extensively discussed in the article, ultimately, at the end of it, the importance of her role as a mother is emphasized. The passage describes how Pike’s pregnancy takes precedence over her career. In fact, it has the ability to change the way she operates as an actress and moviemaker. At the end of her interview, Pike states that “it takes less time to make a film than it does to make a child,” a fact which “put things in perspective,” implying that pregnancy is more time-consuming, more complex and therefore more important than film-making. This emphasis on Pike’s role as a mother is presented in the article without any comment, which naturalizes the importance motherhood to women. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 38
It is interesting to view this in conjunction with another aspect of the discourse of motherhood that
Weaver & Ussher (1997) mention, which is the tension between the ideas of whether women are changed or unchanged by motherhood. According to Weaver & Ussher (1997), the women that they interviewed
“position themselves as unchanged by motherhood, and at other times describe ways in which they had changed” (p. 63), noting conflicting aspects of their discursive self-representation. Although the topic of change itself is not explicitly discussed in the interviews with Getty and Pike, this tension is present, particularly in Pike’s interview:
(36) “I like being connected to people as a mother rather than actress,” she says. “I love that
feeling of being in the same boat, being able to ask frank advice. Sometimes I wish actresses
could be like mothers, being able to share insecurities like that. I mean, we must all have them,
right?” (Pike, Vogue October 2014).
Whereas the women in Weaver & Ussher’s (1997) study “[reconcile] this contradiction [between them being changed and unchanged by motherhood] by positioning themselves as changed in the eyes of others but unchanged to themselves” (p. 63), the interview reconciles them by comparing Pike’s different unchanged status as an actress and changed status as a mother. She is still represented in the context of her career, yet such a representation is not free from the influence of motherhood. In the end, Pike tries to reconcile the differences between the roles by bringing them closer and saying that she wishes that actresses were more similar to mothers. However, her role as a mother is ultimately put above her role as a successful woman with career as motherhood is depicted as motivating a change in the way that Pike perceives her profession. Therefore, the interview paints a picture in which Pike prioritizes the importance of motherhood above that of her career as an actress in the film industry. It also naturalizes the idea that this emphasis on motherhood is normal through the absence of any questioning comments on Pike’s insistence to prioritize motherhood over her career.
The other-centered, emotion-oriented depiction of relationships in the Talented Parent Frame is different from the depiction of romantic relationships in the other frames, which tends to be separate, even isolated, from emotions, particularly love. When romantic relationships are mentioned as part of the FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 39
thematic structures (Pan and Kosicki, 1993) in other frames, they are typically discussed in relation to other connotations. Despite the interviewees’ mentions of their partners, their identities do not seem to be dependent upon their children or partners. In the case of the texts with male interviewees in particular, the theme of parenthood itself is never mentioned let alone discussed, except in Rocky’s interview. When
Rocky mentions a hypothetical daughter in his interview, his description of her is very different from Getty and Pike’s descriptions of their children:
(37) “I want children, I just didn’t impregnate anybody yet. But I definitely want a daughter
because she is going to be the flyest, jiggiest young lady on this planet.” (Rocky, Vogue
February 2016)
Rocky’s hypothetical fatherhood, shown in (37), is not presented as a role that is inseparable from his identity. It is an aspect that adds to it. Moreover, there is no mention of love. Rather than emotions, parenthood in his case seems to be about ideals. His idea of fatherhood is a platform onto which he projects the values of being “fly” and “jiggy,” which are characteristics that he appreciates in people.
Furthermore, this discussion of parenthood outside the Talented Parent Frame is detached from commitment to one’s partner. In the discourse of Rocky’s interview, the depiction of parenthood is something that is desired but separate from a spouse and a family. In (37), Rocky himself states that he hasn’t “impregnate[d] anybody yet,” showing that the idea of pregnancy is separate from anyone in particular. The word he chooses to describe having a child, “impregnate,” is detached from romantic relationship and almost medical in its connotation. It also simply depends on what he is willing to do.
The roles of female social actors in the context of Rocky’s statement is an especially interesting factor to observe. On the one hand, Rocky does not portray the female body as something that belongs to a partner who deserves affection, but rather merely as a vessel of “impregnation”. On the other hand, neither is the female child an object of affection or parental love. Instead, she is a canvas onto which Rocky projects his ideals. Interestingly, Rocky specifically states that he wants a daughter instead of a son, creating a statement in which a male social actor implicitly dictates how a female social actor is supposed to behave. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 40
The contrast between how relationships are discussed in Getty and Pike’s interviews on the one hand and Rocky’s on the other hand support DeFrancisco & Palczewski’s (2016) descriptions of what constitute femininity and masculinity. Whereas to be feminine means to be “emotional, a caretaker, sensitive [and] compassionate…” (p. 11) to be masculine means to be “rational, independent, tough, aggressive…” (DeFrancisco & Palczewski’s, 2016, p. 11). Whereas the depictions of Getty’s and Pike’s relationships revolve around their emotions, compassion and roles as caring mothers, the depiction of
Rocky’s relationships focuses on himself as an independent figure who dictates what he wants out of relationships. Language focusing on emotions and sensitivity is rarely used in his interview.
Similarly, the other interviews rarely discuss the interviewees’ partners in great details. Though
Anderson’s partner is mentioned in his interview, for instance, he is merely mentioned in the context of his taste in art and his behavior, but not discussed extensively6. Dakota simply refuses to talk about her partner, although he is mentioned in the interview, which also has some different implications7.
5.2.2. The Career-Oriented Genius Frame. While the Talented Parent Frame is characterized by an emphasis on the interviewees’ roles as parents and partners, the Career-Oriented Genius Frame emphasizes their individuality and career-driven personalities. Whereas the Talented Parent Frame is used with female interviewees, the Career-Oriented Genius Frame only appears in the context of interviews with men, namely
Jonathan Anderson and Nicolas Ghesquière.
Career identity, including aspects such as career trajectory and one’s position or role within an organization, is often discursively constructed through narrative (cf. LaPointe, 2010; Ford, 2006). LaPointe
(2010), in her discussion of career identity, defines it as “a practice of articulating, performing and negotiating identity positions in narrating career experiences,” (p. 1) meaning that one can position one’s self within one’s narration in order to illustrate one’s place in relation to one’s career. In all the interviews, the interviewees are given the space to describe their career trajectory, from their backgrounds to their
6 See also section 5.2.2. 7 See also section 5.2.3. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 41
current projects. Though all the interviewees are involved in such a narration, it is especially significant in the Career-Oriented Genius Frame, since the interviewees are depicted as extremely focused on their careers. Anderson, for instance, narrates the details of the developments of his carrer as a fashion designer, creating a success story.
(38) Jonathan earned money collecting eggs after school to fund his fashion buys from TK
Maxx, be it Gucci shoes or a Dolce & Gabbana jacket… But he credits his true education as
working in the visual merchandising department at Prada during college, under the influential
Manuela Pavesi. “I did windows, and ultimately by doing windows I was aware of the end of
the process, which does steep the whole thing in some sort of reality.” (Anderson, Vogue March
2017).
In (38), Anderson narrates a portion of his trajectory, namely the early years of his career. By narrating his experience of creating window displays, he positions himself as a learner of fashion design, citing how the experience changed him as designer by making fashion design more realistic. At the same time, the portion of the narration also acts as a preamble to Anderson’s success, building the success story by highlighting Anderson’s journey to accomplish his current success. In other words, through the narrative, he discursively constructs his career trajectory to readers. As previously stated, however, Anderson is not the only party who is involved in the narration. The interviewer also states “he credits his true education as working in the visual merchandising department at Prada during college, under the influential Manuela
Pavesi.” The use of the phrase “true education” to describe the experience, for instance, emphasizes its importance to Anderson’s success. The discourse of the Career-Oriented Genius Frame, however, does not only show the use of success narratives to discursively construct the interviewees’ career identity. Rather, there are features of the articles which set them apart from other frames.
Firstly, the featured interviewers are typically portrayed as figures who are not just hardworking, talented and successful, but also extraordinary. This emphasis on extraordinariness is often illustrated through the rhetorical structures of the articles, particularly the word choice and metaphors that are used to describe the interviewees. Consider the following instances: FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 42
(39) It’s a new dawn for Nicolas Ghesquière, Louis Vuitton’s recently appointed visionary…
(Ghesquière, Vogue October 2014).
(40) Hard work does not even come close. More like insanity. (Anderson, Vogue March 2017).
(41) And at the centre is Jonathan, like a maniacal Lego master builder, dreaming up fantastical
new worlds we can buy into. (Anderson, Vogue March 2017).
In (39), for instance, Ghesquière is not described as a regular designer, but rather a “visionary,” a word which distinguishes him from his peers. In fact, it portrays him as someone who is ahead of his time and is oriented towards the future due to his talent and creativity. Similarly, Anderson’s extraordinariness is emphasized in the context of his dedication. For instance, the article states that in order to succeed in the fashion industry, one requires not just hard work but “insanity,” an attitude that Anderson possesses. Similar to Ghesquire, Anderson is not merely depicted as a designer. In fact, the article describes him as “a maniacal
Lego master builder” who is capable of creating “fantastical new worlds.” Such examples illustrate that strong dedication that borders on abnormality and vision are both required by social actors in order to be considered as Career-Oriented Geniuses.
Other important facets of the articles are the elements of control and leadership, which both
Anderson and Ghesquière exhibit. Not just talented, the male interviewees of the Career-Oriented Genius
Frame are also described as team leaders who are in charge of both their design teams and the success of their brands. Consider the following instances from Ghesquière’s interview:
(42) The man charged with keeping Louis Vuitton at the very top of the fashion game bounces
into our meeting room… He looks energised and vibrant… (Ghesquière, Vogue October 2014).
(43) Long-time friend and colleague Ronnie Cooke Newhouse, creative director of HOUSE
AND HOLME, says of Nicolas’s closeness with the group he has brought to Vuitton, “the
control is very much there. But he has a team that really understands, innately… He’s one of
the strongest people I’ve met in the business…” (Anderson, Vogue March 2017).
Example (42), for instance, emphasizes the importance of Ghesquière’s role within Louis Vuitton by calling him “the man charged with keeping [the brand] at the very top of the fashion game.” The function FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 43
of this particular description is twofold. Firstly, it illustrates the ability and responsibility that Ghesquire himself has. Secondly, it implies his leadership role in the context of the brand. The passage also illustrates his energy and enthusiasm, which are important to his role as a leader This is further supported in (43), in which Newhouse emphasizes his control over the team, by saying that “the control is very much there.” His role is further emphasized by Newhouse saying that “he’s one of the strongest people” that she has encountered in the field.
Interestingly, however, this depiction of control and leadership frequently borders at opportunism and dominance. Such a characteristic can be seen in the following passages from Anderson’s interview:
(44) Jonathan is notoriously adept at collecting talent, stitching together the creativity of others
to bolster his own talents and create a new whole, deftly charming anyone who will further his
goals... (Anderson, Vogue March 2017).
(45) “He’s also a perfectionist and expects everything to be just so. Meetings are fast, which we
love; he just says what he wants and it’s done. And then we go away and we panic about
everything!” he says, laughing. (Anderson, Vogue March 2017).
The description in (44) recalls the metaphor used to describe Anderson in the piece, “maniacal
Lego Master builder.” As a leader, he is depicted more as an opportunistic figure who controls what is outside himself to achieve what he wants instead of someone who works closely with his team. Similarly, in (45), one of his co-workers describes him as “a perfectionist” who “just says what he wants and [the meeting]’s done,” emphasizing control and dominance.
Such a depiction is in conjunction with what Ford (2006) calls the macho-management discourse, which he found in the context of interviews with people in managerial position. He defines it as an approach based on “hegemonic masculinist discourses of leadership, reinforced through the subject position of a competitive, controlling and self-reliant individualist” (p. 84). The emphasis on control in the discourse of
Anderson’s interview reflects such an approach to a managerial position. Moreover, it is also further supported by the division between Anderson himself and his team. In (45), for instance, Anderson’s coworker states that after meetings, “we [the staff] go away and panic about everything,” excluding FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 44
Anderson from the statement. The portrayal reinforces the division between the staff as the more subordinate party and Anderson as the more dominant party. Such a division is also notably a characteristic of the masculine macho-management discourse that Ford (2006) mentions.
The sense of masculine leadership is also shown in the following description of Anderson’s relationship with a work partner, Bruno, with whom he had a screaming match before the interview:
(46) “In the beginning we used to get physical… and chase each other down the corridor...”
(Anderson, Vogue March 2017).
This passage is another instance which emphasizes the need for dominance and control which is prevalent in the discourse of Anderson’s interview. Moreover, the mention of the physical component within his work relationship in (46) also highlights a traditionally masculine approach to the discourse of leadership and management, which emphasizes the struggle for dominance (Ford, 2006).
In Ghesquière’s interview, however, the macho-management approach is juxtaposed with what
Ford (2006) calls the postheroic leadership discourses, which is typically “presented as a more distributed or feminine style of leadership that assumes a more relational, local and shared understanding of leadership and organization” (p. 87). In other words, a leadership that requires less dominance and a greater sense of shared responsibility.
(47) “You have to try to listen to people, hear what they bring to the table and then you have to
keep yourself raised above it […]” This, from Nicolas Ghesquière, well known as one of the
most controlling and exacting figures in the industry? He laughs when I query the statement.
“[…] I used to be pushing, pushing, pushing everyone until – oof – it was there. But it’s another
moment of my life now.” (Ghesquière, Vogue October 2014).
In (47), Ghesquière himself compares his previous approach of “pushing, pushing, pushing everyone,” which arguably reflects the macho-management type of discourses, with his current approach, which includes listening to his staff and considering his ideas, and is reflective of the postheroic perspective.
Similarly, the words that the interviewer uses to describe him, “one of the most controlling and exacting figures in the industry,” are juxtaposed with the designer’s description of his new leadership, which does FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 45
not seem to reflect dominance-oriented values. In fact, Ghesquiere says that he is past the controlling phase of his career.
However, characteristics that are in conjunction with the macho-management is not absent from the interview’s depiction of Ghesquière’ leadership,, as shown in this instance:
(48) “If you don’t seduce at the beginning, then there is less chance that you will create desire
with your fashion proposition. Sometimes when they disagree, when they dislike, I am pushing
it, saying ‘You didn’t get it. You must look at it different.’” He mimics his taunting. “In a way
they are making me confident to defend my ideas.” (Ghesquière, Vogue October 2014).
In the context of his collaborations as shown in (48), the designer emphasizes the importance of
“defend[ing] [his] ideas.” Within this dynamics, he exhibits the controlling and exacting features that he denies when talking to the interviewer. As such, part of his depiction is also in line with the macho- management discourses’ emphasis on control and dominance. It should be noted, however, that in this instance, Ghesquiere’s need for dominance is emphasized when he has to collaborate with female partners.
This portrayal of Ghesquière’s relationship with his collaborators might suggest gender-dynamics which situates women, at least his collaborators, in a subordinate position in comparison to Ghesquière himself, whose ideas are naturalized as superior, therefore warranting his defense and persuasion. However, this should not be taken as conclusive, as it is unclear from the text whether Ghesquiere assumes a superior position because his collaborators are female.
The idea of commitment and dedication, which the Career-Oriented Geniuses seem to possess in relation to their brands, does not extend to commitment to partners in the context of romantic relationships or families. The mention of such a commitment to partners is one of the characteristics which distinguish the Career-Oriented Genius Frame from the Talented Parent Frame. In fact, none of the two articles mentions parenthood and only one of them, Anderson’s interview, mentions the presence of a romantic partner. Even so, in the context of Anderson’s interview, his relationship is discussed in a different manner compared to the discussion within the Talented Parent Frame. Consider these passages: FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 46
(49) “I have a boyfriend who works in art, so he’s been very influential [to my artistic choices],”
he admits (Anderson, Vogue March 2017).
(50) He is also about to move into a new house in London, “which is going to be incredibly
cluttered”. How does his boyfriend cope with the clutter? “He’s just as bad,” he shoots back,
laughing (Anderson, Vogue March 2017).
Firstly, there is the absence of any mention of love or romantic feelings. Relationships, within this frame, are not depicted in conjunction to such factors. Anderson’s partner is portrayed as a companion who influences his stylistic choices and “cope[s]” with his quirks, but not someone who inspires strong emotions and feelings. In comparison, while Pike’s interview does not necessarily put her partner on a pedestal, it does emphasize her infatuation with him. Consider, for instance, how she mentions the happiness she derives from having “a bit of him” within her in (30). Anderson’s interview, however, emphasizes the idea that his partner is someone who is “just as bad” as him. Although this description can be seen as affectionate, it does not involve the mention of strong emotions as in Pike’s description of her partner. However, when his boyfriend does affect him, he is described with the word “influential,” is markedly different from the words used to describe Pike’s partner. Moreover, the word itself refers to Anderson’s partner’s influence on his career rather than his emotions or personality as in Pike’s case, which contributes to the article’s representation of Anderson as a career-driven figure within the context of the Talented Genius Frame.
Secondly, the details of the interviewees’ discussions of their relationships also differ. Pike’s interview mentions how “her composure softens” when she talks about her partner and that she is “truly, madly, deeply in love with him.” Anderson’s relationship, however, seems to be depicted in a more casual light, with him “shoot[ing] back” at the interviewer, remarking that his partner is as cluttered as he is.
5.2.3. The Rebellious Artist Frame.
The Rebellious Artist Frame is characterized by the representation of interviewees as public figures whose behaviors or personalities defy societal standards or conventional values. The interviews with A$AP FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 47
Rocky and Dakota Johnson are framed with the Rebellious Artist Frame, although the interviews exhibit several significant differences as well as similarities in characteristics.
The most important characteristic that is shared by the two interviews is the theme of rebel against authoritative voices. Consider, the following instances:
(51) Next year he’s planning to present fine art at the Frieze fair. “I’m a Renaissance man. Frieze
is fucking amazing. But with contemporary art there’s no telling – it could all be bullshit.”
(Rocky, Vogue February 2016).
(52) “I’m invited to every fucking fashion show. But I usually don’t go I’m not here to affiliate
myself with brands, I’m here to inspire and be inspired and fuck shit up.” (Rocky, Vogue
February 2016).
(53) And if a question comes up she doesn’t like? She laughs and responds: “I’ll just be, ‘I’m
not going to answer that, motherfucker!’” (Johnson, Vogue February 2016)
In (51), Rocky admits that although the Frieze Fair is incredible, contemporary art in general “could all be bullshit.” The importance of this statement in regard to the Rebellious Artist Frame is twofold. Firstly, the theme of the statement offers a harsh juxtaposition between the typical view of the Frieze Fair as an authoritative party in art and Rocky’s controversial view that contemporary art could be nonsense, directly challenging the authoritative voice of both highbrow art and Frieze itself. Secondly, the rhetorical structures of the article, as shown through the unorthodox word choices such as “bullshit” and “fucking” provide another layer of norm-defiance. By using words that are associated with informal speak and have an underlying sense of taboo, he subverts the authority of highbrow art and Frieze, keeping himself separate from them and “above their judgment” while still admiring them. Therefore, Rocky uses these words in order to discursively construct his identity as a deviant. The interviewer also represents him in the context of that identity by choosing to quote him literally and including the profanities he uses.
The need to separate himself from authoritative voices is further exemplified in (52), in which
Rocky explicitly mentions that he does not want to “affiliate [himself] with brands.” Rather, he emphasizes his desire “to inspire” as well as to “be inspired,” placing himself outside of the authoritative realm of FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 48
mainstream high fashion as an institution. Similarly, his word choices, such as “fuck” and “shit,” attempt to subvert the authority of high fashion through highly informal speech and contribute to the article’s depiction of Rocky as a rebel who defies societal or even artistic norms.
In (53), similar to Rocky, Johnson expresses her disregard of media by stating that she will not answer questions she does want to. Johnson also uses the word “motherfucker,” which is subversive towards authority. She does not use it as an expletive, but rather to refer to the hypothetical person who works on behalf of mainstream media, therefore deliberately and explicitly challenging the norm that an actress must cooperate with mainstream media outlets.
Johnson’s article further exemplifies her counternormative views through the discussion of her opinion regarding women in the film industry, as shown in the following passage:
(54) Why are a lot of women not in movies?” Dakota asks. Her placid demeanour breaks and
she raises her voice. “Why isn’t my mother in movies? She’s an extraordinary actress! Why
isn’t my grandmother in movies? This industry is fucking brutal…” (Johnson, Vogue February
2016)
Similar to (53), (54) emphasizes Johnson’s defiance to authority, particularly the film industry. In fact, she directly challenges the institution by calling them “fucking brutal.” Johnson’s attitude is reflected by the rhetorical structure (Pan & Kosicki, 1993) of the article, particularly the terms used to describe her actions, such as the mention of “her placid demeanour break[ing]” and how the actress “raises her voice.”
More importantly, the thematic structure of the passage, which is protest against the traditional, normative and possibly sexist treatments of female actors in the industry, particularly its reluctance to employ older women, adds another aspect to Johnson’s defiance.
Rocky and Johnson’s interviews, however, also differ in multiple ways. An especially significant aspect in which they differ is the ways that the two interviews discuss the theme of relationships, particularly the interviewees’ romantic relationships. As a result of their differences, the interviews also provide very different representations of gender, gender dynamics and heterosexual relationships. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 49
Rocky’s interview provides a view on relationships that is different from that of the previously discussed interviews, particularly those within the Talented Parent Frame. Unlike Getty and Pike’s interviews, Rocky’s does not frame relationships in conjunction with “falling in love” but rather in the context of “settling down” and finding the woman who is good enough for him to do it. Consider the following instances:
(55) OK: girlfriends. He sighs. “It’s been a long time since I spoke to a woman who can
introduce me to some shit about fashion,” he says wistfully (Rocky, Vogue February 2016).
(56) Would he like to settle down? “I don’t know. The women I really give respect to have the
balls to do how they feel, regardless of society, like Madonna…” (Rocky, Vogue February
2016).
(57) She has to have tough skin. Metaphorically, I mean. I like soft skin.” (Rocky, Vogue
February 2016).
As previously discussed, the difference between the love-focused narrative of Getty and Pike’s interviews on the one hand and the settling down-focused narrative of Rocky’s interview shows a difference between how female and male social actors are shown to approach their relationships. In the context of male social actors, relationships are not typically framed in the context of the completion of one’s identity through one’s partner. In Rocky’s case, it is framed in terms of demands and wants. In (55) and (56), for instance, he explicitly expresses what he wants out of his relationships. His potential partners have to benefit him in particular ways and fit his requirements. As such, love does not seem to be a factor he considers.
Therefore, unlike Getty and Pike’s other-centered discourse, the discursive construction of Rocky’s experiences tend to be centered on himself.
Such a difference also demonstrates the contrast between the representations of men and women when they assume the roles of partners. Getty’s, Pike’s and Anderson’s partners, all of whom are male, are appraised relatively positively. Getty, for instance, emphasizes that even though her partner is different from her, their relationship works. Uniacke, Pike’s partner, makes “her composure [soften]” every time she talks about him. Anderson’s partner is describe as being “influential” to his work. These instances differ FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 50
highly from Rocky’s descriptions of his past relationships, in which he emphasizes that the women he met have not “introduced [him] to some shit about fashion.” He also mentions that the majority of the female entertainers he has dated “don’t think for themselves.” Although it is challenging to make any conclusive remark since Rocky’s interview is the only interview which discusses female romantic partners in the data, it seems that in the discourse of these interviews, male partner are appreciated, whereas (potential or hypothetical) female partners are often judged.
Rocky’s interview, particularly these passages, shows a difference between how men and women are portrayed in media. As Temmerman & Van der Voorde (2013) argue, in the narrative of women’s magazines, men are often placed as important figures who possess agency as well as complete women’s identities. This is particularly true in the context of relationships. Women, however, are very rarely portrayed as having the power to complete men’s “requirements,” let alone their identities. In (55), for instance, Rocky complains that no woman has been able to introduce new things to him. Similarly, in (57), they are portrayed not as complex individuals but rather figures to fill the requirements Rocky provides, which removes their agency and power. Moreover, the focus on not just the mental (“tough skin”) but also the physical (“soft skin”) exemplifies how the typical objectification of female actors. This is also shown in (37), in which the female body is depicted as a vessel to be impregnated by Rocky.
Johnson’s interview, however, depicts the theme of relationship in a distinctive way, not only compared to Rocky’s interview but also compared to other interviews with different frames. Unlike other interviewees, particularly Getty and Pike, Johnson refuses the interviewer’s request to discuss her romantic relationship. Her refusal is explicit, as shown in the following passage:
(58) When the subject of romance comes up, Dakota’s normally expressive face turns blank.
She pauses. “I don’t want to speak about my personal life,” she intones clearly. “With an
exclamation point!” she adds, more vigorously. (Johnson, Vogue March 2017).
Johnson’s interview shows a tension between a common characteristic of the discourse of women’s magazines, the emphasis on heterosexual relationships, on the one hand and Johnson’s representation as a rebellious artist who in some ways defies societal norms on the other hand. The focus on heterosexual FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 51
relationships is emphasized through the interview’s description of the position of the topic of relationships as a part of the thematic structure (Pan and Kosicki, 1993) of the interview. The use of the phrase “comes up” to describe the topic of relationships naturalizes its occurrence in the discourse, framing it as something expected within a conversation, specifically with a female figure. It removes the explicitness of the role of the interviewer, who compelled Johnson to respond and positions the need for a relationship as a significant part of how a woman is represented, as many female-oriented publications do (cf. Temmerman & Van der
Voorde, 2013).
Moreover, the focus on the representation of Johnson as a rebellious artist is shown in the piece’s inclusion of Johnson’s overt statement that she does not want to discuss her romantic relationship in an interview. As answering questions regarding romantic relationships is regarded as the norm, particularly for female actresses and public figures, Johnson’s refusal to do so illustrates her role as a rebellious artist who defies certain facets of societal norms. The phrases used to describe her statement, such as “intones clearly” and “vigorously,” also support the article’s representation of Johnson as someone who is willing to defy what mainstream media expects of her. Johnson’s response is unsurprising, since other parts of the article also emphasize her role as a Rebellious Artist who has strong opinions and is confident to express them, as previously discussed.
One could say that the article’s portrayal of Johnson as a Rebellious Artist contributes to a relatively more progressive representation of a woman, that which excludes the common emphasis on the dependence on men to complete a woman’s depiction. Perhaps more importantly, Johnson’s refusal demonstrates her agency in influencing how the interview is performed. However, it should be noted that even though
Johnson’s unwillingness to talk about relationships influences how the interview is performed, it does little to influence how it is written. The fact that her unwillingness to discuss her personal life and her “vigorous” emphasis on it are mentioned means that the absence of the discussion on relationship in a female social actor’s interview is portrayed as something that is unnatural and defies the norms. A truly progressive representation would perhaps have eliminated the topic of relationships altogether, simply focusing on other aspects of her life and career. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 52
Moreover, Johnson’s interview does not offer a completely non-stereotypical representation of a female figure. Rather, it also presents a few characteristics of the discourse of mainstream women’s magazines, including the emphasis on the importance of material commodities which have been discussed in previous research (cf. Fung, 2002; Machin & Thornborrow, 2016), particularly in the form of fashion.
Consider the following instances:
(59) Arriving finally at the restaurant, Dakota takes off her wool Gucci overcoat. A green-and-
red bird in flight, iridescent with silvered thread, is intricately embroidered on the back
(Johnson, Vogue March 2017).
(60) …For the final shot she posed on the pavement on the edge of West Chelsea resplendent
in an Alexander Wang slip dress and oversized trench (“Clothes I would actually wear,” she
grins amiably), seemingly unfazed by gruff New Yorkers brushing past her, hurrying home
from the office… (Johnson, Vogue March 2017).
As shown by (59) and (60), the discourse of the interview is inseparable from the message of the mainstream media’s regarding the importance of commodities to the construction and maintenance of femininity. Johnson’s clothes are named with great attention to details. The rhetorical structures which are used to describe both Johnson and her clothes, such as “iridescent” and “resplendent,” construct an image in which traditional feminine aesthetical values are prioritized. Moreover, as previously discussed in the subsection on processes, similar to the other female interviewees, her attire is described in greater detail than those of the male interviewees. The discursive representation of rebelliousness is, therefore, inextricable from traditional feminine values. In this case, such a representation might also reinforce the magazine’s readers’ belief in what Fung (2002) terms “the transforming power of commodities” (p. 330).
The depiction of fashion as something that is significant to Johnson’s identity and has the power to contribute to her femininity can also influence the readers of the magazine. The article’s inclusion of
Johnson’s positive statement that the garments used for the shoot are “clothes [that she] would actually wear” supports this, potentially persuading readers to adopt the same way of approaching clothes and fashion. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 53
5.2.4. The Rising Star Frame. The Rising Star Frame is applicable to two articles in the present data, namely the interviews with Oscar Isaac and Elisa Lasowski, who are both actors working in the television and film industries. The frame is characterized by the description of the interviewees as emerging figures who are on their way to achieving more fame and popularity within their fields.
(61) Starring in sci-fi thriller Ex Machina (out next month) and Star Wars: Episode VII (out
later this year), this old soul will be propelled into new futuristic realms, and a little bit further
into the spotlight - - not that the latter will interest him much (Isaac, Vogue January 2015).
(62) Isaac, now 35 years old (Inside Llewyn Davis was his big break, and it came when he was
33), has a silky, melodic voice… (Isaac, Vogue January 2015).
The depiction of the interviewees as emerging figures is evident through both the thematic content and rhetorical structures of the interview. In (61), for instance, Isaac is described as an actor who “will be propelled into new futuristic realms, and a little bit further into the spotlight” by his latest endeavors, emphasizing his rising success and fame in the film industry. His relatively young fame is also highlighted in (62), which emphasizes that his “big break,” in the form of a movie, came just two years before the interview took place. In other words, he is not yet a household name in the industry, but he is in the process of becoming more successful.
Despite their rising fame, however, the interviewees are also depicted as humble figures. Consider the following instances:
(63) But even at this level of a turkey, he remains curiously credible… Stardom is not Isaac's
end goal. (Isaac, Vogue January 2015).
(64) Stripped of the bespoke jewel-toned corsets and vertiginous wig she wears for work,
Lasowski cuts a low-key figure in the Soho restaurant where we’re having breakfast.
(Lasowski, Vogue March 2017).
Isaac’s reluctance to embrace his fame is exemplified in (63). The passage emphasizes that as an actor, “stardom is not Isaac’s end goal.” It is further elaborated upon through the metaphor used in (64), FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 54
which emphasizes that despite his success, he remains a genuine figure. The article, however, also explicitly mentions that “stardom is not Isaac’s end goal,” since he is depicted as being more focused on his work in the industry instead of the fame that comes with it. Similarly, (64) depicts Lasowski’s humble personality by juxtaposing the role that she plays with the fact that she is “a low-key figure.” Paradoxically, however, such disregard of fame makes the interviewees extraordinary figures.
Another important facet of the Rising Star Frame is the budding, exploratory nature of the interviewees’ relationship with the film industry itself. Since they are not considered established actors within the field, they are depicted within the process of exploring both the possibilities that they encounter in the industry along with how they perceive their career in the industry. Such exploration is realized through many facets of their career, particularly the tie to the fashion industry and fashion labels, which is typically considered as a given for actors and actresses.
In both Lasowski and Isaac’s narratives, however, fashion is less a matter of personal expression or vanity than it is of professionalism. Instead of personal preferences, most of the interviewees’ fashion choices seem to be depicted as a means of transformation which facilitates the interviewees in their acting careers. In fact, the idea that fashion is related to acting abilities instead of vanity is emphasized in both texts, such as in the following instances:
(65) “The more glamorous side of my work is fairly new,” says Lasowski, who seems slightly
bemused, albeit grateful, at the attention from [Chanel]. “I think like most women I love
clothes, but I’m an actress, so the relationship with clothes is costumes, it’s about
transformation.” (Lasowski, Vogue March 2017).
(66) He has been clean-shaven, bearded, long-haired, foppish-fringed, a skinhead. None of
which is down to vanity; instead these are his tools to get into a part, or to "jump out" of it.
(Isaac, Vogue January 2015).
Indeed, both articles emphasize the transformative ability of the actors’ garments. Instead of the superficial transformative power of clothes that is common in women’s magazines (cf. Fung, 2002), in the FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 55
case of these interviewees, clothes can actually transform them as part of their careers. However, it should be noted that Lasowski is appraised differently than Isaac, with relatively more emphasis on her beauty8.
Furthermore, unlike the articles that fall into the categories of the other frames, the articles with the
Rising Star Frame also seem to focus on the actors’ career backgrounds and previous experiences instead of personal relationships. The articles tend to focus on the interviewees’ career, including their relationship with it and their opinions in regard to different facets of it. There is no mention of the interviewees’ romantic, platonic or familial relationships. Neither do the articles mention their explicit opinions on the opposite gender. Lasowski, however, does briefly yet explicitly discuss the issue of gender in the context of the show in which she appears during her interview:
(67) But Lasowski insists the women in Versailles, especially in the second series, are much
more than mere objects to be enjoyed by men. “It’s still male-driven – as it would have been at
the time and how the world largely still is today, although that is changing. But they are
interesting female parts. We play full people, not just a representation of a male fantasy.”
Lasowski’s mention of the female characters who are “more than mere objects” as opposed to “a representation of a male fantasy” highlights a facet of sexism in the television industry. By emphasizing that the show has interesting female parts, she highlights that this fact itself is still outside of the norms of the industry. Furthermore, Lasowski also compares the condition to the real world, mentioning that the world is still male-driven, “although that is changing.” Through the explicit mention of gender equality and sexism in society by the interviewee, the article discusses the issue of female agency in a relatively productive and progressive manner. Such a representation of female agency which puts emphasis on concrete roles in an industry differs from the use of commodities in discursively constructing a superficial sense of female agency (Machin & Thornborrow, 2006). By explicitly mentioning such an issue, the article brings the matter of gender onto the forefront, though briefly.
8 See the discussion on relational processes. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 56
However, it is important to note that it is challenging to discuss any ideological factors regarding gender when it comes to the Rising Star Frame, since the two texts are relatively short, particularly compared to the other samples in the data9. Therefore, the particular interviews also provide less room for discussions regarding sociopolitical, ideological issues related to gender compared to the other interviews.
This discussion on the frames used in the interviews has shown several differences in the ways that female and male social actors are represented, with several particularly significant points of discussion. The
Talented Parent Frame, in which themes such as motherhood and relationships dominate, is only used in interviews with female interviewees, thereby supporting the stereotypical representation of women which relates to motherhood and love for their children and spouses (cf. Lazar, 2010) as well as relationships (cf.
Temmerman and Van der Voorde, 2015). The Career-Oriented Genius Frame, in which ambition, career, independence and control dominate, is only used in interviews with male interviewees, which distance them from traditionally feminine topics such as parenthood, emotions and relationships. In the case of the
Rebellious Artist and the Rising Star Frame, which are used in interviews with both male and female interviewees, there are different, gender-related ways to portray the interviewees.
6. Conclusion
This research aims to investigate how women and men are represented in Vogue Magazine, with focus on role allocation, processes and frames as well as their ideological implications. According to the findings, in terms of role allocation and processes, though men and women are portrayed in the context of Activation,
Passivation and the different processes in similar frequencies, the ways these mechanisms are used differ between the genders. Though material processes are used to describe the social actors’ careers in both cases, they are also used to highlight heterosexual, romantic relationships when it comes to the female interviewees. Similarly, when it comes to the use of relational processes, the female interviewees are typically appraised in terms of their attractiveness, which is rarely the case for the male interviewees.
9 However, there are gender differences between the interviews, as shown in 5.1. FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 57
The results of the investigation of the different frames also shows gender-related differences. The
Talented Mother Frame, for instance, exemplifies media’s tendency to portray women in the context of emotions, care-taking duties and motherhood whereas the Career-Oriented Genius Frame exhibits representations of men who revolve around independence, ambition and career-oriented commitment. Even in the context of the Rebellious Artist Frame and the Rising Star Frame, men and women are portrayed in different manners, with the former’s portrayal being typically focused on independence and practicality, the latter’s on beauty and relationships.
Moreover, the findings of the present research reflect many aspects of the findings of previous research. Firstly, previous studies founds that the representations of male social actors typically focus on independence, interests and roles in the public space (cf. Temmerman & Van der Voorde, 2015), whereas the representations of female social actors tend to revolve around the maintenance of their femininity through beauty, commodities such as clothes or cosmetics, sexuality and their relationships with men (cf.
Temmerman & Van der Voorde, 2015; Eggins & Iedema, 1997; Machin & Thornborrow, 2006). This research finds that the portrayals of men are indeed typically situated in the context of their personal expressions, ambitions and independence, whereas the representations of women are constrained within the standards of femininity.
Despite the fact that the present research shows significant results, there are several limitations in regard to its method. Firstly, the framework used in the analysis, which was created by Pan & Kosicki
(1993), is in its initial stage and needs more refining. Secondly, Pan & Kosicki (1993) constructed the framework for the purpose of analyzing news items related to public policies, whereas the present research is focused on interviews. It should also be noted that although this research shows many differences in how women and men are represented in Vogue Magazine, including what they signify, it does not delve into how factors such as the interviewees’ race or professions play a role in their representations. Further research on the discourse of women’s magazines should take such issues into consideration.
FROM ADORATION TO IMPREGNATION Suyanto 58
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