Chen Duxiu's Conversion from a Liberal Democrat to a Marxist-Leninist
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China's Youth in Transition
Teaching About Asia Through Youth Culture CONFUCIAN AND COOL China’s Youth in Transition By Robert Moore and James Rizor Kicking Bird could be considered Qingdao University’s first hippie, at least if one were to judge him by his appearance. He had shoulder-length hair and made a point of pub- licly protesting the university’s rules on grooming.1 That was 1994, and even though young Chinese who looked like Kicking Bird could be found in Beijing and Shanghai at that time, they were all but non-existent in provincial cities like Qingdao. In fact, given the conservative grooming of most young Chinese at the time, Kicking Bird’s appearance was striking to say the least. His inspiration came from Hollywood. He had seen the Kevin Costner film Dances with Wolves and, hav- ing been mightily impressed with a Sioux Indian character in that film, had dropped his Chinese name in favor of the character’s and let his hair grow to shoulder length. The university officials were aghast at his be- havior and told him that until he conformed to a more conservative appearance, he wouldn’t be allowed back on campus. Kicking Bird was saved by what might be called the parent-child bond of an enduring Con- fucian mindset—his parents stood up for him and forced the university to back down. We can regard young Kicking Bird as emblematic of the inroads that American popular culture began to make in China once the barriers to outside influences were brought down by the post-Mao reforms initiated in 1978. -
Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School March 2019 Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927 Ryan C. Ferro University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Scholar Commons Citation Ferro, Ryan C., "Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927" (2019). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7785 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist-Guomindang Split of 1927 by Ryan C. Ferro A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Co-MaJor Professor: Golfo Alexopoulos, Ph.D. Co-MaJor Professor: Kees Boterbloem, Ph.D. Iwa Nawrocki, Ph.D. Date of Approval: March 8, 2019 Keywords: United Front, Modern China, Revolution, Mao, Jiang Copyright © 2019, Ryan C. Ferro i Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………….…...ii Chapter One: Introduction…..…………...………………………………………………...……...1 1920s China-Historiographical Overview………………………………………...………5 China’s Long -
Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution Was Also a Radical Educational Institution Modeled After Socialist 1991 36 for This Information, See Ibid., 58
only by rephrasing earlier problems in a new discourse that is unmistakably modern in its premises and sensibilities; even where the answers are old, the questions that produced them have been phrased in the problematic of a new historical situation. The problem was especially acute for the first generation of intellec- Anarchism in the Chinese tuals to become conscious of this new historical situation, who, Revolution as products of a received ethos, had to remake themselves in the very process of reconstituting the problematic of Chinese thought. Anarchism, as we shall see, was a product of this situation. The answers it offered to this new problematic were not just social Arif Dirlik and political but sought to confront in novel ways its demands in their existential totality. At the same time, especially in the case of the first generation of anarchists, these answers were couched in a moral language that rephrased received ethical concepts in a new discourse of modernity. Although this new intellectual problematique is not to be reduced to the problem of national consciousness, that problem was important in its formulation, in two ways. First, essential to the new problematic is the question of China’s place in the world and its relationship to the past, which found expression most concretely in problems created by the new national consciousness. Second, national consciousness raised questions about social relationships, ultimately at the level of the relationship between the individual and society, which were to provide the framework for, and in some ways also contained, the redefinition of even existential questions. -
Imperialism and Nationalism As May Fourth Movement Discourses
IMPERIALISM AND NATIONALISM AS MAY FOURTH MOVEMENT DISCOURSES Tiina H. Airaksinen University of Helsinki This article analyses those imperialist and national discourses that the Chinese and the British constructed, particularly during the May Fourth Movement, in China in the 1910s and 1920s. Moreover, the paper explores the form, content, and impact of May Fourth rhetoric on national identity, concentrating on the cultural, historical, and political dimensions of nationalism presented in China. It is clear that the May Fourth protestors, especially urban and educated men, dominated public articulations of national identities. With their control of knowledge production, and in some cases control of state bureaucracies, elite men were able to make demands for the nation, often combining their own group needs with specific definitions of the nation. British discourse that was constructed during the May Fourth Movement responded to a reality that was infinitely adaptable in its function of preserving the basic structures of imperial power. For the British, the May Fourth demonstrators represented a potential change in the level of existing intellectual, political, social, and economic stability, which for decades had guaranteed the British a privileged position in the country. As result, discussions on nationalism and imperialism became a crucial part of the Sino- British May Fourth Movement discourse. INTRODUCTION On May fourth in 1919, around 3,000 university students gathered together at Tiananmen Square in Beijing and started a series of demonstrations that would later be named the May Fourth Movement (Wusi Yundong). The demonstrators distributed flyers declaring that the Chinese could not accept the concession of Chinese territory to Japan, as stipulated at the Versailles Peace Conference held in the spring of 1919. -
The Comintern in China
The Comintern in China Chair: Taylor Gosk Co-Chair: Vinayak Grover Crisis Director: Hannah Olmstead Co-Crisis Director: Payton Tysinger University of North Carolina Model United Nations Conference November 2 - 4, 2018 University of North Carolina 2 Table of Contents Letter from the Crisis Director 3 Introduction 5 Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang 7 The Mission of the Comintern 10 Relations between the Soviets and the Kuomintang 11 Positions 16 3 Letter from the Crisis Director Dear Delegates, Welcome to UNCMUNC X! My name is Hannah Olmstead, and I am a sophomore at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. I am double majoring in Public Policy and Economics, with a minor in Arabic Studies. I was born in the United States but was raised in China, where I graduated from high school in Chengdu. In addition to being a student, I am the Director-General of UNC’s high school Model UN conference, MUNCH. I also work as a Resident Advisor at UNC and am involved in Refugee Community Partnership here in Chapel Hill. Since I’ll be in the Crisis room with my good friend and co-director Payton Tysinger, you’ll be interacting primarily with Chair Taylor Gosk and co-chair Vinayak Grover. Taylor is a sophomore as well, and she is majoring in Public Policy and Environmental Studies. I have her to thank for teaching me that Starbucks will, in fact, fill up my thermos with their delightfully bitter coffee. When she’s not saving the environment one plastic cup at a time, you can find her working as the Secretary General of MUNCH or refereeing a whole range of athletic events here at UNC. -
OUR FINAL AWAKENING” (1916) by Chen Duxiu
Primary Source Document with Questions (DBQs) “ OUR FINAL AWAKENING” (1916) By Chen Duxiu Introduction Beginning around 1917, Chinese intellectuals began to engage each other in serious discussion and debate on culture, history, philosophy, and related subjects — all with an eye to the bigger problem of China’s weakness and the possible solutions to that problem. This period of intellectual debate, labeled the May Fourth Movement, lasted to around 1921. Chen Duxiu (1879-1942) was one of the leading intellectuals of the May Fourth movement. Dean of Peking University in 1916, and, in 1921, co-founder of the Chinese Communist Party, Chen also edited and published the popular New Youth magazine. The passage below is an excerpt from his article entitled “Our Final Awakening,” published in New Youth in 1916. Document Excerpts with Questions From Changing China: Readings in the History of China from the Opium War to the Present, by J. Mason Gentzler (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1977), 168. ©1977 Praeger Publishers. Reproduced with the permission of the publisher. All rights reserved. “Our Final Awakening” By Chen Duxiu We, having been living in one corner of the world for several decades, must ask ourselves what is the level of our national strength and our civilization. This is the final awakening of which I speak. To put it another way, if we open our eyes and take a hard look at the situation within our country and abroad, what place does our country and our people occupy, and what actions should we take? … Our task today can be said to be the intense combat between the old and the modern currents of thought. -
Topic Guides Pimun 2018
TOPIC GUIDES PIMUN 2018 The Historical Crisis 1 The Manchurian Crisis and Chinese Civil War - PIMUN 2018 2 Letter from the Directors Dear Delegates, On behalf of the entire crisis team and the PIMUN secretariat, it is an absolute pleasure to welcome you to this year’s PIMUN 2018 Historical Crisis. This year’s topic is the Manchurian Crisis, Chinese Civil War and its corresponding events that dominate the East Asian Theatre during the 1930s. The crisis is framed around three cabinets: Imperial Japan, the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), where actions and events can be infinitely defined by combinations of either cooperation or factionalism and loyalty or treachery in the arena of high politics, the harrowing fields of battle or even the diverse strata and hierarchies within society. Both domestic and foreign affairs will therefore shape the scenario and set the markers for which you can flourish. As such, it is very much up to you what you think is best for your faction and the beliefs/ideologies that may define you, but ultimately what is also best for your nation. It is therefore key to maintain not only interpersonal relations within your cabinet, but also inter-cabinet relations to obtain your main goals. This study guide acts as an introduction, but not sole resource, to the situation the crisis revolves around. It acts as the primary structure and system that can be constantly referred to when researching the topic. However, this does not mean you are limited to the information provided within this study guide. -
Hu Shih and Education Reform
Syracuse University SURFACE Theses - ALL June 2020 Moderacy and Modernity: Hu Shih and Education Reform Travis M. Ulrich Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/thesis Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Ulrich, Travis M., "Moderacy and Modernity: Hu Shih and Education Reform" (2020). Theses - ALL. 464. https://surface.syr.edu/thesis/464 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abstract This paper focuses on the use of the term “moderate” “moderacy” as a term applied to categorize some Chinese intellectuals and categorize their political positions throughout the 1920’s and 30’s. In the early decades of the twentieth century, the label of “moderate” (温和 or 温和派)became associated with an inability to align with a political or intellectual faction, thus preventing progress for either side or in some cases, advocating against certain forms of progress. Hu Shih, however, who was one of the most influential intellectuals in modern Chinese history, proudly advocated for pragmatic moderation, as suggested by his slogan: “Boldness is suggesting hypotheses coupled with a most solicitous regard for control and verification.” His advocacy of moderation—which for him became closely associated with pragmatism—brought criticism from those on the left and right. This paper seeks to address these analytical assessments of Hu Shih by questioning not just the labeling of Hu Shih as a moderate, but also questioning the negative connotations attached to moderacy as a political and intellectual label itself. -
Research Report Learning to Read Lu Xun, 1918–1923: the Emergence
Research Report Learning to Read Lu Xun, 1918–1923: The Emergence of a Readership* Eva Shan Chou ABSTRACT As the first and still the most prominent writer in modern Chinese literature, Lu Xun (1881–1936) had been the object of extensive attention since well before his death. Little noticed, however, is the anomaly that almost nothing was written about Lu Xun in the first five years of his writing career – only eleven items date from the years 1918–23. This article proposes that the five-year lag shows that time was required to learn to read his fiction, a task that necessitated interpretation by insiders, and that further time was required for the creation of a literary world that would respond in the form of published comments. Such an account of the development of his standing has larger applicability to issues relating to the emerg- ence of a modern readership for the New Literature of the May Fourth generation, and it draws attention to the earliest years of that literature. Lu Xun’s case represents the earliest instance of a fast-evolving relationship being created between writers and their society in those years. In 1918, Lu Xun’s “Kuangren riji” (“Diary of a madman”) was published in the magazine Xin qingnian (New Youth).1 In this story, through the delusions of a madman who thought people were plotting to devour other people, the reader is brought to see the metaphorical cannibalism that governed Chinese society and tradition. It was a startling piece of writing, unprecedented in many respects: its use of the vernacular, its unbroken first person narration, its consistent fiction of madness, and, of course, its damning thesis. -
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Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France Diana King Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2017 © 2017 Diana King All rights reserved ABSTRACT Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France Diana King In “Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France,” I examine how the two countries translated each other’s revolutions during critical moments of political and cultural crisis (the 1911 Revolution, the May Fourth Movement (1919), the Cultural Revolution (1966-76), and May 1968 in France), and subsequently (or simultaneously), how that knowledge was mobilized in practice and shaped the historical contexts in which it was produced. Drawing upon a broad range of discourses including political journals, travel narratives, films and novels in French, English and Chinese, I argue that translation served as a key site of knowledge production, shaping the formulation of various political and cultural projects from constructing a Chinese national identity to articulating women’s rights to thinking about radical emancipation in an era of decolonization. While there have been isolated studies on the influence of the French Revolution in early twentieth-century China, and the impact of the Chinese Cultural Revolution on the development of French Maoism and French theory in the sixties, there have been few studies that examine the circulation of revolutionary ideas and practices across multiple historical moments and cultural contexts. In addition, the tendency of much current scholarship to focus exclusively on the texts of prominent French or Chinese intellectuals overlooks the vital role played by translation, and by non-elite thinkers, writers, students and migrant workers in the cross-fertilization of revolutionary discourses and practices. -
How to Review for 185B
How To Review for 185B • Go through your lecture notes – I will put overviews of lectures at my history department’s website – Study guide will be sent out at the end of this week • Go through your textbook • Go through your readings • Extended Office Hour Next Wednesday Lecture 1 Geography of China • Diverse, continent-sided empire • North vs. South • China’s Rivers RIVERS Yellow 黃河 Yangzi 長江 West 西江/珠江 Beijing 北京 Shanghai 上海 Hong Kong (Xianggang) 香港 Lecture 2 Legacies of the Qing Dynasty 1. The Qing Empire (Multi-ethnic Empire) 2. The 1911 Revolution 3. Imperialisms in China 4. Wordlordism and the Early Republic Qing Dynasty Sun Yat-sen 孙中山 Queue- cutting: 1911 The Abdication of Qing • Yuan Shikai – Negotiation between Yuan (on behalf of the Republican) and the Qing State • Abdication of Qing: Feb 12, 1912 • Yuan became the second provisional president Feb 14, 1912 China’s Last Emperor Xuantong 宣统 (Puyi 溥仪) Threats to China Lecture 3 Early Republic 1. The Yuan Shikai Era: a revisionist history 2. Yuan Shikai’s Rule 3. The Beijing Government 4. Warlords in China Yuan Shikai’s Era The New Republic • The New Election – Guomindang – Progressive Party • The Yuan Shikai Era – Challenges –Problems Beijing Government • Chaotic • Constitutional Warlordism • Militarists? • Cliques under Constitutional Government • The Warlord Era Lecture 4 The New Cultural Movement and the May Fourth 1. China and Chinese Culture in Traditional Time 2. The 1911 Revolution and the Change of Political Culture 3. The New Cultural Movement 4. The May Fourth Movement -
Engaging with Socialism in China: the Political Thought and Activities of Chen Gongbo and Tan Pingshan, 1917-1928
Engaging with Socialism in China: The Political Thought and Activities of Chen Gongbo and Tan Pingshan, 1917-1928 Xuduo Zhao PhD University of York History May 2019 1 Abstract This thesis investigates Chen Gongbo (1892-1946) and Tan Pingshan (1886-1956), two significant Cantonese Marxists who helped found the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1921. I use Chen and Tan as a lens to re-examine the dissemination of Marxism in May Fourth China and the underlying tensions in 1920s Chinese revolution. My study demonstrates that it was in the changing educational system in the early 20th century that Chen and Tan gradually improved their positions in the cultural field and participated in the intellectual ferment during the May Fourth period. At Peking University they became familiarised with Marxism. Their understanding of Marxism, however, was deeply influenced by European social democracy, as opposed to many other early communist leaders who believed in Bolshevism. This divergence finally led to the open conflict within the CCP between Guangzhou and Shanghai in the summer of 1922, which also embodied the different social identities among early Chinese Marxists. After the quarrel, Chen quit while Tan remained within the party. During the Nationalist Revolution, both Tan and Chen became senior leaders in the Kuomintang, but they had to face yet another identity crisis of whether to be a revolutionary or a politician. Meanwhile, they had to rethink the relationship between socialism and nationalism in their political propositions. This study of Chen and Tan’s political thought and activities in the late 1910s and 1920s offers a different picture of Chinese radicalism and revolution in the early Republican period.