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The Foundations of Mao Zedong's Political Thought 1917–1935

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The Foundations of Mao Zedong's Political Thought 1917–1935 The Foundations of Mao Zedong’s Political Thought The Foundations of Mao Zedong’s Political Thought 1917–1935 BRANTLY WOMACK The University Press of Hawaii ● Honolulu Open Access edition funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities / Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. Licensed under the terms of Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 In- ternational (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which permits readers to freely download and share the work in print or electronic format for non-commercial purposes, so long as credit is given to the author. Derivative works and commercial uses require per- mission from the publisher. For details, see https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. The Cre- ative Commons license described above does not apply to any material that is separately copyrighted. Open Access ISBNs: 9780824879204 (PDF) 9780824879211 (EPUB) This version created: 17 May, 2019 Please visit www.hawaiiopen.org for more Open Access works from University of Hawai‘i Press. COPYRIGHT © 1982 BY THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF HAWAII ALL RIGHTS RESERVED For Tang and Yi-chuang, and Ann, David, and Sarah Contents Dedication iv Acknowledgments vi Introduction vii 1 Mao before Marxism 1 2 Mao, the Party, and the National Revolution: 1923–1927 32 3 Rural Revolution: 1927–1931 83 4 Governing the Chinese Soviet Republic: 1931–1934 143 5 The Foundations of Mao Zedong’s Political Thought 186 Notes 203 v Acknowledgments The most pleasant task of a scholar is acknowledging the various sine quae non of one’s research. Two in particular stand out. First, the guidance of Tang Tsou, who has been my mentor since I began to study China at the University of Chicago. The direction and quality of this research owe as much to him as to me. Second, the very high quality of existing research con- cerning Mao. Without Takeuchi Minoru’s Collected Works of Mao Zedong the search for texts would have made my research either incomplete or impossible. Just as importantly, the work of Benjamin Schwartz, Stuart Schram, Jerome Chen, Frederic Wakeman, and many others have created a starting point for current studies which is already much higher than any single scholar could attain on his own. On the more personal level, the friendship and encourage- ment of my colleagues have helped me persist in this project. A number of friends were helpful specifically with this book: Frederic Wakeman, Philip Lilienthal, John Starr, Peter Lee, Bob Bradley, David Chu, Murray Leaf, William Liu, Ed Hammond, Stuart Kiang, and Lowell Dittmer. It has been made more readable by the editing of Don Yoder, and owes its index to John Owens. The project was originally undertaken as a dis- sertation, and it owes its initial encouragement, shaping, and survival to Tang Tsou, Philip Kuhn, and Leonard Binder, who composed the dissertation committee. The research has been partially supported by the Center for Chinese Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, and by a research grant from the University of Texas at Dallas. The sacrifices of Ann, David, and Sarah for the book are be- yond recounting. vi Introduction This study traces the development of Mao Zedong’s political thought from his earliest writings to the beginning of the Long March. It thus covers the first forty-two years of Mao’s life, during which he participated in the May Fourth Movement of 1919, helped found the Chinese Communist Party, originated his political-military strategy of base areas, and administered the government of the Chinese Soviet Republic in Jiangxi. Although overshadowed by his later accomplishments, these experiences and activities were of considerable importance in themselves, and they were accompanied by writings which reflect Mao’s judgment of their significance. The arguments, values, and methods revealed in his writings helped shape Mao’s contribu- tions to Chinese politics and are indeed themselves a significant part of his contribution. The purpose of the study is to draw upon the practical nature of Mao’s writings and their political context in order to produce an interpretation of his early political thought in vivo. I attempt to present emerging political concepts with their original referents and to discuss the subjects which Mao depicts as urgent and important in terms of the practical decision points he was facing as a political actor. This approach is particularly well suited for Mao because his theoretical concepts tend to emerge from a course of practical experience rather than an ab- stract program. Mao’s explicit theorizing was a reflection of his experience, and the gestation of his concepts in practice pro- vided the referents and the connotative significance of his more theoretical statements. This can be seen in the style of his the- oretical discussions after 1949, in which he constantly refers to his own experience and belittles any role which theory might play apart from such practice. 1 vii Introduction Attention to the unity of theory and practice is the basic principle of Mao’s political thought, and I have argued else- where that this is also a major innovation within both the Chinese and the Marxist political traditions. 2 Thus the primary task in understanding Mao’s thought is grasping its practical context. The secondary tasks of logical interpolation and extrap- olation, formulation of history of ideas, and comparison with other thinkers depend on this type of in vivo interpretation. To view Mao simply as a theoretician, or to abstract his theory from his political life, not only runs a serious risk of distorting Mao’s views by taking them out of context. It also presumes the incor- rectness of one of Mao’s fundamental tenets—that theory and practice are inseparably interwoven. Mao’s theoretical development has never been simply an explication of earlier convictions; developing experience and shifting political contexts have led to continual recastings of his thinking. Hence a study of any particular period of Mao’s thought cannot be a survey of all the roots of all his thought; to be comprehensive, therefore, this study would have to continue to 9 September 1976. The reason this is not attempted here is primarily practical: the development from alpha to omega of Mao’s thought in its political context is too vast a subject. The period covered in this study is the first of three major periods. I call it the “foundations of Mao’s political thought” because it was during this time that most of his important political con- cepts germinated. His subordinate role in the party at this time did not require Mao to make official, comprehensive pronounce- ments, but his practical political tasks induced the development and confirmation of a distinctive epistemology, political thought, and political style. In the next major period, 1936–1940, Mao’s new responsibil- ities of general leadership required him to state his views authoritatively. Mao’s confidence in his own correctness vis-à- vis the Stalinist ideologues in the Comintern and the party was greatly strengthened by the lessons of the Chinese Soviet Re- public in Jiangxi, but the transformed political context of the Anti-Japanese War required an abstraction of his political prin- ciples from their practical roots. The results of this abstraction and reapplication are Mao’s theoretical works of the late 1930s (“On Practice” and “On Contradiction” are the best known) and his strategic analyses of the war and the Second United Front with the Kuomintang. As the war persisted, the rectification of the party and the political economy of the communist-con- trolled areas required new authoritative statements on matters viii Introduction of revolutionary administration. Most of these statements also have clear precedents in the “foundations” period. Finally, in the civil war the accumulated revolutionary experience and mil- itary power were applied to the task of final victory in China. The third period is that of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). This stage is first characterized by Mao’s relinquishing of active direction of the revolution (for instance, the estab- lishment of “first and second” lines of leadership in the Central Committee). Mao had stepped down because of his assumption that the new postliberation stage would be radically different from his accumulated experience and because of his desire to continue the vitality of the revolution by allowing other leaders to develop their experience. But certain problems of the new China turned out to be quite similar to those of Mao’s ex- perience, and other truly novel problems were presented by the leadership to which he had entrusted the management of China. These developments led Mao to reintroduce the politics of revolutionary struggle (the Great Leap Forward and, most im- portant, the Cultural Revolution) but with far more complex re- sults than in the original struggle for liberation. Whereas Mao’s leadership before 1949 prevailed because of the timeliness of his politics, his two major interventions into the politics of the PRC were of a different sort. The “revolutionary romanticism” of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution involved a distinctive opposition of revolutionary will and the processes of history. The experiential foundations of Mao’s values and policies are evident, but to a great extent they are the retro- spective experiences of Yanan and Jiangxi attempting to pre- serve, shape, and push onward a revolutionary present. Mao’s lifelong concern for the survival of the revolutionary movement shifted away from the pre-1949 problem of physical survival to the more difficult ethical and political ones of preserving revo- lutionary identity. The “Gang of Four” brought the self-destructive tendencies of unlimited moral critique to a fever pitch and thereby contributed greatly to the ease of their own removal.
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