Notes

Introduction 1. Nancy Mitford, Christmas Pudding (1932; New York: Carroll & Graf, 1998), 60, 124. 2. William J. Parker, The Detective and Mr. Dickens (New York: St. Martin’s, 1990). 3. In 2001, the Call for Papers for a conference on diaries announced that “diaries and journals have tended to be neglected by research” (Jonathan Hughes, “CFP: The Diary Genre,” 26 June 2001, Literary Call for Papers Mailing List, 22 November 2004, http://cfp.english.upenn.edu/archive/2001-06/0107.html). Searching for the keywords “diary” and “diaries” in the MLA Online Index in 2007 brought up 3,413 articles. 4. For an excellent overview of diary criticism through the mid-1990s, see Stuart Sherman, Telling Time: Clocks, Diaries, and English Diurnal Form 1660–1785 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 13–14, 283–84. Landmark texts in the fi eld include Arthur Ponsonby, English Diaries (London: Methuen, 1923); Robert Fothergill, Private Chronicles: A Study of English Diaries (London: Oxford University Press, 1974); Thomas Mallon, A Book of One’s Own: People and Their Diaries (New York: Ticknor & Fields, 1984); Lawrence Rosenwald, Emerson and the Art of the Diary (New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988); and Felicity Nussbaum, The Autobiographical Subject: Gender and Ideology in Eighteenth-Century England (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989). Feminist diary scholarship has its own landmarks, including, besides Nussbaum, Elizabeth Hampsten, Read This Only to Yourself: The Private Writings of Midwestern Women: 1880–1910 (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1982); Lillian Schlissel, Women’s Diaries of the Westward Journey (New York: Schocken Books, 1982); Harriet Blodgett, Centuries of Female Days: Englishwomen’s Private Diaries (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1988); and Suzanne L. Bunkers and Cynthia A. Huff, eds., Inscribing the Daily: Critical Essays on Women’s Diaries (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1996). Important diary scholarship has been produced by diary editors, especially Robert Latham and William Matthews who super- vised the production of the magisterial scholarly edition, The Diary of Samuel Pepys (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1970–1983). Among 190 ● Notes

numerous articles, some of the most useful include William Matthews, “The Diary: A Neglected Genre,” Sewanee Review 85.2 (Spring 1977): 286–99; Judy Nolte Lensink, “Expanding the Boundaries of Criticism: The Diary as Female Autobiography,” Women’s Studies 14 (1987): 39–53; and Suzanne L. Bunkers, “Subjectivity and Self-Refl exivity in the Study of Women’s Diaries as Autobiography,” a/b: Auto/Biography Studies 5.2 (Fall 1990): 114–23. 5. Fothergill, Private Chronicles, 34; P. A. Spalding, Self-Harvest: A Study of Diaries and Diarists (London: Independent Press, 1949), 65. 6. For the one, see Sherman, Telling Time, and Nussbaum, The Autobiographical Subject. For the other, see Fothergill, Private Chronicles, and Elizabeth Podnieks, Daily Modernism: The Literary Diaries of Virginia Woolf, Antonia White, Elizabeth Smart, and Anaïs Nin (Montreal and Kingston; London; Ithaca: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2000). 7. See Hampsten, Read This Only to Yourself; Schlissel, Women’s Diaries of the Westward Journey; Lensink, “Expanding the Boundaries of Criticism”; and Bunkers, “Subjectivity and Self-Refl exivity.” 8. Martin Hewitt, “Diary, Autobiography, and the Practice of Life History,” in Life Writing and Victorian Culture, ed. David Amigoni (Aldershot; Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate, 2006), 21–39; Cynthia Huff, British Women’s Diaries: A Descriptive Bibliography of Selected Nineteenth-Century Women’s Manuscript Diaries (New York: AMS Press, 1985); Catherine Delafi eld. Women’s Diaries as Narrative in the Nineteenth-Century Novel (Surrey: Ashgate, 2009). Nineteenth- century diaries appear in signifi cant numbers in thematically organized books, like those of Ponsonby, Mallon, and Blodgett, but such works are largely ahis- torical in their interests. 9. See William Matthews, British Diaries: An Annotated Bibliography of British Diaries Written Between 1442 and 1942 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1950); John Stuart Batts, British Manuscript Diaries of the Nineteenth Century (Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefi eld, 1976); Patricia Pate Havlice, And So To Bed: A Bibliography of Diaries Published in English (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1987); and C. S. Handley, An Annotated Bibliography of Diaries Printed in English (CD-ROM. Tyne and Wear: Hanover Press, 2003). While such works cannot account for destroyed or as-yet-undiscovered diaries, their fi gures can be taken as an approximate if imprecise guide. 10. Cinthia Gannett, Gender and the Journal: Diaries and Academic Discourse (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1992), 114; Frederick Locker-Lampson, “Letts’s Pocket Diary and Almanac for 1862,” HM 45378, vol. 2, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 11. In his introduction to The Shorter Pepys (1985; Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1987), Robert Latham states broadly that “the practice of keeping diaries seems to have become increasingly common in England from Elizabethan times, and had several specifi c origins, apart from the growth of literacy in general. In many cases it was a development from the keeping of household accounts. In other cases it refl ected an interest in travel—a favorite subject. But perhaps it was the habit of self-examination encouraged by Protestantism, and the growing Notes ● 191

interest in public affairs, that more than anything else stimulated the practice” (xxxiii). While Latham is talking about the mid-seventeenth century, his description could easily apply to the nineteenth. 12. Frances Burney, The Early Journals and Letters of Fanny Burney, ed. Lars Troide, vol. 1 (Kingston; Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1988), 2. For a discussion of privacy in Burney’s early diaries, see Patricia Spacks, Privacy: Concealing the Eighteenth-Century Self (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 190–95. 13. Nussbaum, The Autobiographical Subject, 24; Sherman, Telling Time, 21, 25, 26; Spacks, Privacy, 167–95. 14. Critical works aimed at establishing the diary as art or literature include Fothergill, Private Chronicles; Steven E. Kagle’s three-volume series, American Diary Literature (Boston: G. K. Hall; Twayne, 1979–1988); and, in a feminist vein, Judy Simon, Diaries and Journals of Literary Women from Fanny Burney to Virginia Woolf (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1990), and Podnieks, Daily Modernism. 15. Rosenwald, Emerson and the Art of the Diary, 27–28. 16. Manuscript research is only gradually becoming the norm in diary scholarship, which for decades rested almost wholly upon published texts, perhaps due to a general acceptance of Blodgett’s assumption: “I suspect that manuscript diaries will largely sustain the conclusions I have drawn about published ones. I found no great differences in characteristics between the published diaries that have been reproduced entire and those that have been extracted” (17–18). By eliding the editorial process and defi ning the “characteristics” of the diary solely on the basis of its text, such a statement unconstructively limits the purview of diary studies. 17. Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Rendall (1984; Berkeley; Los Angeles; London: University of California Press, 1988), xiii. 18. Michel Foucault, Technologies of the Self: A Seminar with Michel Foucault, ed. L. H. Martin, H. Gutman, P. H. Hutton (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988); E. P. Thompson, “Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism,” Customs in Common: Studies in Traditional Popular Culture (New York: The New Press, 1991), 352–403. 19. de Certeau, Practice of Everyday Life, xiv. 20. Ibid., xviii. 21. Fothergill, Private Chronicles, 43, 37. 22. For working-class autobiographical writing, see John Burnett, David Vincent, and David Mayall, The Autobiography of the Working Class: An Annotated, Critical Biography (New York: New York University Press, 1984–1989); Regenia Gagnier, Subjectivities: A History of Self-Representation in Britain, 1832–1920 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991). 23. Fothergill, Private Chronicles, 3. 24. Blodgett, Centuries of Female Days, 13. 25. Spalding, Self-Harvest, 9–10, 12. 26. Matthews, “The Diary,” 286–87. 192 ● Notes

27. Gannett, Gender and the Journal, 21. 28. Blodgett, Centuries of Female Days, 39. 29. William Gass, “The Art of the Self: Autobiography in an Age of Narcissism,” Harper’s Magazine, May 1994: 48–49. 30. Lorna Martens, The Diary Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 27–30. 31. Ponsonby, English Diaries, 5; Fothergill, Private Chronicles, 3.

Chapter 1 1. Philip Kelley and Ronald Hudson, ed., Diary by E.B.B.: The Unpublished Diary of Elizabeth Barrett Barrett, 1831–1832 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1969), 1. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. The text of this edition is formatted to indicate all manuscript alterations, but for readerly ease I have omitted this formatting from the quotations here. 2. In 1831, Barrett wrote the diary on folded sheets of paper that were later sewn together. In 1832, she shifted to a leather-bound volume she had been using for reading notes. Of the original 144 pages of writing in this volume, fi fty-six full pages and eighteen parts of pages were excised at a later date, presumably by her brother George (xxxiii). 3. The diary was not published in full until 1969, so important works like Dorothy Hewlett’s Elizabeth Barrett Browning: A Life (New York: Knopf, 1952), and Barbara McCarthy’s introduction to Elizabeth Barrett to Mr. Boyd: Unpublished Letters of Elizabeth Barrett Browning to Hugh Stuart Boyd (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1955) do not mention it. More recent biographical and critical works heavily rely upon it for insights into Barrett’s life in 1831 and 1832. See, especially, Dorothy Mermin, Elizabeth Barrett Browning: The Origins of a New Poetry (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1989); Margaret Forster, Elizabeth Barrett Browning: The Life and Loves of a Poet (New York: St. Martin’s, 1988), 56–66; Barbara Dennis, Elizabeth Barrett Browning: The Hope End Years (Bridgend, Mid Glamorgan: Seren, 1996), 82–85. 4. The reference to burned papers in her fi rst line suggests earlier attempts, and at least one of these, a short text from 1818 entitled “Memorandum Book Containing the Day & night thoughts of Elizth. Barrett” (Kelley D1410, Special Collections, Clapp Library, Wellesley College, Wellesley, MA) escaped the fl ames. 5. In her introduction to the abridged edition of the diary, The Barretts at Hope End: The Early Diary of Elizabeth Barrett Browning (New York: John Murray, 1974), Elizabeth Berridge repeatedly remarks upon the “uncertainties” of June 1831, the month Barrett began the diary. 6. Barrett dated this entry incorrectly. When she discovered the mistake eight days later, she corrected it and inserted “a mistake” after the date. 7. For accounts of this period, see McCarthy, Elizabeth Barrett to Mr. Boyd, xxx; Berridge, The Barretts at Hope End, 36–40; Hewlett, Elizabeth Barrett Browning, Notes ● 193

50–57. Unfortunately, Forster has numerous inaccuracies with regard to dates and the diary, Elizabeth Barrett Browning (65–73). 8. This is Judy Simon’s interpretation in Diaries and Journals of Literary Women from Fanny Burney to Virginia Woolf (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1990), 17, 103–4. 9. Nine leaves are excised from the diary after this fi nal entry, but given the vol- ume’s small size (11.5 x 18.4 cm), Barrett could not have written many more. 10. Elizabeth Barrett Browning, Holograph diary, June 4, 1831–April 23, 1832, Berg Collection, New York Public Library. 11. Ironically, in her introduction, Simon calls Barrett’s diary “one of the few diaries that comes to a triumphant conclusion” (17). She never returns explicitly to this claim in her chapter on the diary, “Behind the Scenes: The Early Diary of Elizabeth Barrett Browning,” but argues, albeit quite tentatively, that “it was through her journal-writings [sic] that Elizabeth Barrett was able to some degree to establish her difference from others and work her way toward the discovery of her evolving self” (86). She also suggests that “as an experiment in literary method,” the diary may have helped Barrett move toward a more subjective poetics (96). Ignoring the ultimate failure of the text itself, Simon focuses on its enabling effects in Barrett’s life and writing, although those effects never quite emerge as “triumphant.” 12. Andrew Hassam looks at the diffi culty of a particular subset of nineteenth- century British diaries in Sailing to Australia: Shipboard Diaries by Nineteenth- Century British Emigrants (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1994). Claiming that “[t]he emigrant diary was constantly under threat” and its writing was “a constant struggle,” Hassam argues that the shipboard diary was an attempt to contain the ultimately disorienting and unnarratable experience of emigration (73). His analysis of the diary’s representational fail- ures parallels mine. 13. Felicity Nussbaum’s The Autobiographical Subject: Gender and Ideology in Eighteenth-Century England (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989) and Stuart Sherman’s Telling Time: Clocks, Diaries, and English Diurnal Form, 1660–1785 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996) offer the most thor- ough accounts of the emergence of the diary in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. References to these works will be given parenthetically in the text. 14. Quoted in Edwin Hodder, The Life and Work of the Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury (London: Cassell, 1890), 123. Like many nineteenth-century biographies, the Life and Work contains copious quotations from Shaftesbury’s diary. 15. W. E. K. Anderson, ed., The Journal of Sir Walter Scott (Oxford: Clarendon Press-Oxford University Press, 1972), 1. 16. Horatio Brown, John Addington Symonds (London: Smith Elder, 1903), 82. 17. See, especially, chapters 5 and 6, “Travel Writing and the Dialectic of Diurnal Form” and “Diurnal Dialectic in the Western Islands,” 159–222. 18. Alice Mayall, Diary 1885–6, National Art Library 86, Drawer 1 (M), ms., National Art Library, London. 194 ● Notes

19. William Lodge Kidd, HM 46983, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 20. Henry Fox, The Holland House Diaries, 1831–1840, ed. Abraham D. Kriegel (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1977), 90. 21. Clarissa James, FB 1852, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. Hassam discusses the appearance of “nothing” and “ditto” in emigrant diaries, contex- tualizing the term within the monotony of shipboard routine (98–99). 22. In his discussion of the annal in The Content of the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation (Baltimore and London: John Hopkins University Press, 1987), Hayden White argues that marking empty dates affi rms both the “realism” of the record and the essential “fullness” and persistence of time (8, 11). 23. Narrative updates within the day occur on June 10, July 10, August 1, August 26, September 1, September 3, September 4, September 17, September 23, September 28, September 30, October 1, October 4, October 5, October 7, October 17, October 27, November 3, January 12, January 22, and January 23. In other entries, like those for August 21 and September 26, ink and hand- writing changes in the manuscript indicate that Barrett wrote more than once. I discuss below the gradual loosening of Barrett’s commitment to the diary and its temporal necessities; that most of these days on which she writes more than once occur in the fi rst several months of the diary is further evidence for this shift. 24. Post facto entries go back to Samuel Pepys. For a comprehensive account of Pepys’s diary writing practices, see Robert Latham and William Matthews, eds., “Introduction,” in The Diary of Samuel Pepys, vol. 1(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970), especially xliii, xlvii–xlviii, and xcvii– cvi. 25. Anna Larpent, HM 31201, vol. 7, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA; John Bates Dibdin, HM 28176, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 26. Arthur Munby, Box of enclosures from diaries and notebooks, “AJM: rough page of diary”(1.2), “AJM: diary notes, Monday 3 Sep” (34.1), “AJM: diary notes, 4–14 Apr” (53.1), ms., Munby Collection, Trinity College, Cambridge. 27. The following entries are laid out separately and seem to describe events as they occur, but were actually written all at once, after the fact: “Heard Mary T. ill—H [Harriet, Louisa’s sister] sent for Robt [unclear]—came just before church time & stayed a good while, and said poor M. had Lock Jaw—but he hoped a mild case . . . Mary no better Robt. M. came three times—heart very bad” (January 29); “ The disease going on but very slowly” (January 30); “M T. rather worse, more rigid—Robt called in Surgeon Carmichael [unclear] with Mrs Smyth—the Drs came at 4—Dr C a good opinion of her and very chearful—at 11 Robt again & thought her a little better . . . ” (January 31); “M T. better—” (February 1). Louisa Catherine Beaufort, FB 58, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 28. Cynthia Huff briefl y describes the “the summary and anniversary entry” in British Women’s Diaries: A Descriptive Bibliography of Selected Nineteenth-Century Women’s Manuscript Diaries (New York: AMS Press, 1985), xvi–xvii. Notes ● 195

29. J. W. and Anne Tibble, eds., The Prose of John Clare (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1951), 130, 131, 137, 142. Further references will be given par- enthetically in the text. 30. Heather Creaton, ed. Victorian Diaries (London: Mitchell Beazley, 2001), 36, 37. 31. In the pages that follow, I address summary entries that appear in diaries, but the phenomenon of stand-alone annual summaries also highlights the persis- tence of eventful time. These summaries, which synopsize the year’s signifi cant events, are organized around the day but not dailiness: they note the dates on which important events occurred, but only those dates. Given their specifi city, it appears that annual summaries were generally written up from diaries or datebooks. Interestingly, annual summaries were often family documents. Francis Galton’s papers include a volume entitled “Continuation of our yearly summary by Francis and Louisa Galton” in which Louisa Galton wrote a few pages about every year from 1875 through 1896, and Francis wrote about 1897, the year she died (Galton Papers 55, ms., UCL Library Services, Special Collections, London). After the death of her daughter, Clarissa James, Georgianna Larpent took over the volume in which Clarissa wrote annual sum- maries and continued the practice for many years (FB 1852, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA). While Galton, James, and Larpent evaluate the year, Emma Galton, Francis’s sister, simply listed the year’s major events, by date (“Typescript of Miss Galton’s Diary by Emma Sophia Galton,” Galton Papers 37, ms., UCL Library Services, Special Collections, London). 32. Larpent, vol. 5. 33. Mary Brigg, ed., The Journals of a Lancashire Weaver, vol. 112 (The Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 1982), 30. 34. Arthur Ponsonby, English Diaries (London: Methuen, 1923), 16. 35. In Religion and Society in England, 1850–1914 (New York: St. Martin’s, 1996), Hugh McLeod argues that “a relatively high degree of religious consensus existed” throughout the nineteenth century, only diminishing in the twentieth (1). McLeod’s discussion focuses on religious practices in daily life, rather than intellectual developments and theology; it is thus particularly germane to my assertion of the diary’s persistent religiosity. 36. Dorothy M. Meads, ed., Diary of Lady Margaret Hoby (London: Routledge and Sons, 1930). 37. Robert Fothergill, Private Chronicles: A Study of English Diaries (London: Oxford University Press, 1974), 14. Further references will be given paren- thetically in the text. 38. For early articulations of the diary’s spiritual role, see Isaac Ambrose, Media: The Middle Things, in reference to the First and Last Things (London, 1650), 70; John Beadle, The Journal or Diary of a Thankful Christian (London, 1656); Thomas Browne, Christian Morals (London, 1716), Part 1, Section 21. 39. Steven E. Kagle, American Diary Literature: 1620–1799 (Boston: Twayne, 1979), 30. 196 ● Notes

40. In The Religion of the Heart: Anglican Evangelism and the Nineteenth-Century Novel (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), Elizabeth Jay describes the early Evangelical commitment to diaries. She argues that “[t]he Evangelicals them- selves fi nally concluded that the diary was an instrument of limited value,” precisely because it leads the diarist to focus on the self as much as, if not more than, God (150). In Domestic Biography: The Legacy of Evangelicalism in Four Nineteenth-Century Families (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), Christopher Tolley highlights the role of journals and diaries in the religious practices of the Clapham Sect (see, especially, 57–70). 41. Edward Bickersteth, A Treatise on Prayer (Philadelphia, 1829), 45. Further refer- ences will be given parenthetically in the text. 42. Anna Grenville, ST 110, vol. 8, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 43. William Lodge Kidd, HM 46983, vol. 1., ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 44. Anna Grenville, ST 110, vol. 4, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. The undated entry is written in the inside cover of the “Suttaby’s Royal Repository or Picturesque Pocket Diary” for 1812. 45. For a discussion of similar practices on the other side of the Atlantic, bolstered by Emerson and accounting, rather than evangelicalism, see Thomas Augst, The Clerk’s Tale: Young Men and Moral Life in Nineteenth-Century America (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2003), especially Chapter 1, “Accounting for Character: Diaries and the Moral Practice of Everyday Life.” 46. Harriet Blodgett, Centuries of Female Days: Englishwomen’s Private Diaries (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1988), 77. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 47. Richard Grenville, ST 95, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA, v. In Thoughts on Self-Culture Addressed to Women (London, 1850). Maria G. Grey and Emily Shirreff assert that “we doubt the effi cacy of keeping journals as a means of testing moral improvement. Few, very few, have courage to set down without extenuation or reservation every fault, error, or defi ciency of mind or heart: though we have every reason to believe the record will meet no eyes but our own, yet from the moment it is written down it seems to acquire a sort of publicity, and a startling reality which tempts us to disguise the truth. It is also to be feared in some cases, that the beauty of the language in which the confes- sion may be clothed is more dwelt upon than the shame of having such errors to confess, and that self being the theme, the very act of accusation may min- ister rather to vanity than to humility” (7–8). 48. Anthony Kenny, ed., The Oxford Diaries of Arthur Hugh Clough (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 3. 49. James Aitken, ed., English Diaries of the XIX Century, 1800–1850 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1944), 68. 50. Elizabeth Barrett Browning, “Memorandum Book.” Virginia Radley, in Elizabeth Barrett Browning (New York: Twayne, 1972), refers to this sixteen-page Notes ● 197

manuscript, dated “June 1818” on its last page, as a “juvenile diary” (15), but it seems more like a notebook. The manuscript includes a fairly lengthy self- examination, a disquisition on Locke and the question of innate principles, and drafts of two poems, none dated as individual entries. Still, its title and the nine-page “investigation of myself . . . written with an earnest desire of improvement” place it in the diary’s generic neighborhood. 51. Two diary critics who address the topic of religion more attentively are Huff, British Women’s Diaries, xxiii–xxiv, and Thomas Mallon in part of his chapter on “Pilgrims” in A Book of One’s Own: People and Their Diaries (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1986), 105–18. 52. Derek Hudson, Munby: Man of Two Worlds (London: John Murray, 1972), 32. 53. Mary Jane Moffatt and Charlotte Painter, eds., Revelations: Diaries of Women (New York: Random House-Vintage Books, 1974), 3, 4; Heather Creaton, ed., Victorian Diaries: The Daily Lives of Victorian Men and Women (London: Mitchell Beazley, 2001), 8. 54. William Wordsworth, The Prelude 1805, Book Eleven, 263–4, 258, 259. I discuss memory and the diary in Chapter 2. 55. William Wordsworth, “Preface to Lyrical Ballads.” 56. Willard Bissell Pope, ed., The Diary of Benjamin Robert Haydon, vol. 2 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960), 405. 57. Grenville, Thoughts on Self-Culture Addressed to Women, 140. 58. Elizabeth Fry, Memoir of the Life of Elizabeth Fry, vol. 1 (London: Charles Gilpin, 1847), 67. 59. Barbara Timm Gates, ed., Journal of Emily Shore (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1991), 261, 262. Further references will be given parentheti- cally in the text. 60. Leslie A. Marchand, ed. Byron’s Letters and Journals, vol. 3 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974), 233, 257. Further references will be given parentheti- cally in the text.

Chapter 2 1. See Liz Stanley, ed., The Diaries of Hannah Cullwick (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984). References to Cullwick’s diaries will be given parenthetically in the text. Harriet Devine Jump’s Women’s Writing of the Victorian Period, 1837–1901: An Anthology (New York: St. Martin’s, 1999) con- tains almost as many excerpts from Cullwick’s diary (three) as from Victoria’s (four). 2. See “Summary of Munby Material,” Munby Collection, Trinity College, Cambridge. 3. Derek Hudson, Munby: Man of Two Worlds (London: John Murray, 1972), 400. Further references, which include all diary quotations not specifi ed as manu- script, will be given parenthetically in the text. 198 ● Notes

4. Ibid., 37. 5. Leonore Davidoff, “Class and Gender in Victorian England,” in Sex and Class in Women’s History, ed. J. L. Newton, M. P. Ryan, and J. R. Walkowitz (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983), 31. 6. Michael Hiley, Victorian Working Women: Portraits from Life (London: Fraser, 1979), 14. 7. Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York and London: Routledge, 1995), 77. 8. Carol Mavor, Pleasures Taken: Performances of Sexuality and Loss in Victorian Photographs (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1995), 73; McClintock, Imperial Leather, 77; Barry Reay, Watching Hannah: Sexuality, Horror and Bodily De-formation in Victorian England (London: Reaktion, 2002), 75. 9. Reay, Watching Hannah, 53. Munby’s fetishism is also a focus for McClintock (Imperial Leather, 138), Griselda Pollock (“The Dangers of Proximity: The Spaces of Sexuality in Word and Image,” Discourse 16.2 [Winter 1993–1994]: 40–41), and Martin Danahay (“Internal Colonization and the Eroticism of Domination in Arthur Munby, Hannah Cullwick, and Thomas Carlyle,” Boston College Department of English, Chestnut Hill, MA, April 6, 1995: 13–15). 10. Pollock, “The Dangers of Proximity,” 11. 11. At some point, Munby excised many of these passages from the diary: “In a note dated 19 June, 1894, later inserted in the fourth volume, Munby declared that ‘all the excised passages’ referred, ‘so far as I can remember, to my darling Hannah’: they described the hours we spent together; the training and teaching that I gave her; and the work, often of the lowest and most servile kind, which she—a maid-of-all-work—of her own accord did for me, to show her love in her own way” (Hudson, Munby, 18). On February 29, 1860, he wrote, “And now, it is high time that all this discipline should cease: but I have no means of ending it!” for Cullwick seems to have fully embraced his tutelage (52). In 1895, he “confessed . . . that ‘he erred greatly . . . in allowing her to call herself his ‘slave’ and his ‘drudge’, and to be so . . . it was an error that has blighted both their lives, though it has not touched their love” (369). Such laments recur frequently in the intervening years; see, for instance, 73, 135, 166, 324. 12. While Hudson and Michael Hiley, the fi rst to publish on Munby in the 1970s, celebrate his “compassionate feeling for working women” (Hudson, Munby, 3), his “curiosity,” and his abilities as a “great listener” (Hiley, Victorian Working Women, 14, 18), Leonore Davidoff, at the beginning of the 1980s, situates his interests within the gender and class “dichotomies . . . characteristic of much Victorian culture” and notes how they work to “reaffi rm upper middle-class masculine identity” (“Class and Gender in Victorian England,” 41, 46). Moving beyond gender and class to empire, Anne McClintock suggests that Munby enacts an imperialized ethnography that maps racial difference onto the fi gure of the powerful working-class woman in order to contain the threat of gender Notes ● 199

inversion (Imperial Leather, 95, 108), while Griselda Pollock addresses the psy- chological strategies by which Munby keeps “white masculinity secure” (“The Dangers of Proximity,” 47). In the realm of the erotic, speculations on Munby’s sexuality range from Hudson’s insinuation of repressed homosexuality (Munby, 71), to Barry Reay’s claims for fetishism and “parasexuality” (Watching Hannah, 160, 164), to Liz Stanley and Heather Dawkins’ rejections and McClintock’s avowal of sado-masochism (Stanley, “Introduction,” The Diaries of Hannah Cullwick, 14; Heather Dawkins, “The Diaries and Photographs of Hannah Cullwick,” Art History 10.2 [June 1987]: 176; McClintock, Imperial Leather, 142–49). Carol Mavor, by contrast, focuses on reclaiming Cullwick’s sexuality (Pleasures Taken, 86). Culture and sexuality also serve as primary frames within which critics debate the power dynamics of the relationship. Davidoff, Julia Swindell, and Pollock fi nd Munby fi rmly in control, while Dawkins, Mavor, Elizabeth Langland, Ian Stronach and Maggie MacLure, and Alison Marchant engage in feminist rehabilitations of Cullwick’s agency (Davidoff, “Class and Gender in Victorian England,” 58; Julia Swindell, “Liberating the Subject? Autobiography and ‘Women’s History’: A Reading of The Diaries of Hannah Cullwick,” Interpreting Women’s Lives: Feminist Theory and Personal Narratives, ed. The Personal Narratives Group [Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1989]: 31–32; Pollock, “The Dangers of Proximity,” 38, 42; Dawkins, “The Diaries and Photographs of Hannah Cullwick,” 174–75; Mavor, Pleasures Taken, 85; Elizabeth Langland, Nobody’s Angels: Middle-Class Women and Domestic Ideology in Victorian Culture [Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1995], 213–14; McClintock, Imperial Leather, 140; Ian Stronach and Maggie MacLure, Educational Research Undone: The Postmodern Embrace [Buckingham, Philadelphia: Open University Press, 1997], 59; Alison Marchant, Relicta [Cardiff: Ffotogallery, 1999]. Stanley, McClintock, and Reay argue for a multi-dimensional view of competing agencies, focusing in particu- lar on the social contexts of power (Liz Stanley, “Biography as Microscope or Kaleidoscope? The Case of ‘Power’ in Hannah Cullwick’s Relationship with Arthur Munby,” Women’s Studies International Forum 10.1 [1987]: 30; McClintock, Imperial Leather, 140; Reay, Watching Hannah, 88). See Mavor (Pleasures Taken, 84–85) and Reay (Watching Hannah, 10) for alternative dis- sections of the critical corpus. 13. Davidoff, “Class and Gender in Victorian England,” 31. 14. Hiley, Victorian Working Women, 17. 15. In August, 1860, for instance, Munby describes meeting “a tallish young woman, evidently a servant” on the way to the Crystal Palace, and expatiates upon her hand, “a breadth of massive fl esh” (71). Mavor (Pleasures Taken, 92), McClintock (Imperial Leather, 101), and Reay (Watching Hannah, 21) each cite the moment: Mavor as an illustration of Munby’s sexualization of hands, McClintock as an instance of his penchant for masculine women, and Reay, who devotes an entire chapter to Munby’s fascination with hands, as evidence of his interest in touching women. 200 ● Notes

16. One of the most cited passages from Munby’s diary, describing a maid who serves him and two friends at a country inn, asks, “Are the relations of the sexes really inverted when three men sit at a table with hands delicate and jewelled, and a woman stands behind and waits, offering the dishes with so large coarse [sic] a hand that makes her master’s look almost lady-like?” (Davidoff, “Class and Gender in Victorian England,” 62). Davidoff, Stanley (“Introduction,” The Diaries of Hannah Cullwick, 2), Danahay (“Internal Colonization,” 10), and Reay (Watching Hannah, 132) use this observation to explore Munby’s under- standing of the complex interactions between class and gender, in particular the pressures the separate spheres placed upon working-class women and upper- class men (Davidoff and Reay quote the manuscript diaries, while Stanley and Danahay cite Davidoff). 17. For one recent exception to this rule, see Rick Allen, “Munby Reappraised: The Diary of an English Flaneur,” The Journal of Victorian Culture 5.2 (Autumn 2000): 260–86. Allen’s discussion of Munby as fl aneur is based upon repudiat- ing the notion of his “perversion” (262) and situating his urban observations within a literary diary tradition going back to Pepys. 18. See Dawkins 183; McClintock, Imperial Leather, 83, 169; Hiley, Victorian Working Women, 15. 19. Pollock, “The Dangers of Proximity,” 11. 20. Susan: A Poem of Degrees (London: Reeves and Turner, 1893); Ann Morgan’s Love: A Pedestrian Poem (London: Reeves and Turner, 1896); Relicta (London: Bertram Dobell, 1909), especially “Dichter und Baurein,” “Arcades Ambo,” “Sui Generis,” “Autrefois,” “Dame und Dienstmadchen,” “The Messenger” (in which the servant has her master’s name tattooed on her face), and “Hannah.” 21. Arthur Munby, Enclosures 52.1, 53.4, 54.1, ms., Munby Collection, Trinity College, Cambridge. “Diary of Pepys at Cambridge” must refer to Charles Wallwyn Radcliffe Cooke, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, Esq., while an under- graduate at Cambridge (Cambridge: J. Palmer, 1864), a parody written in response to the nineteenth-century craze for Pepys. Munby’s interest in this decidedly minor work (today only four U.S. libraries own it) shows the breadth of his engagement with the genre. 22. For another account of Munby’s reverence for Pepys and his contemporary, diarist John Evelyn, see Allen, “Munby Reappraised,” 281–82. Allen suggests that Munby’s description of the Tooley Street Fire, discussed below, is an hom- age to Pepys’ famous account of the 1666 Great Fire of London (279). 23. Arthur Munby, volume 38, ms., Munby Collection, Trinity College, Cambridge. 24. For a thorough account of Munby’s obsession with the noseless, see Reay, Watching Hannah, 37–60. 25. McClintock, Imperial Leather, 126. 26. William Cobbett, Advice to Young Men, and (Incidentally) to Young Women (London: Henry Frowde, 1906), 80. Notes ● 201

27. Edmund Shorthouse, A Present to Youths and Young Men, vol. 2 (Birmingham, England, 1891), 924. 28. Richard Grenville, ST 95, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA, vi. 29. Cullwick wore a leather wrist-strap and locked neck chain to symbolize her servitude. She addressed Munby as “Massa” and often blacked her face in his presence. 30. Charles Darwin, Voyage of the Beagle (1839; London: Penguin, 1989), 241. 31. Elizabeth Lydia Player (Brigstocke) Morgan, ST 132, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 32. “Typescript of Miss Galton’s Diary by Emma Sophia Galton,” Galton Papers 37, ms., UCL Library Services, Special Collections, London. 33. See, for instance, July 31, 1854: “Read N.B.R. on Morality of Public Men—& on Murchison. Drove to Burnham Beeches & saw the most perfect sylvan scenery. Returned to London with our most kind hostess 3¾-5½. House 6-8, and 9¼-2½ on Supply &c. Saw F. Lawley—& (on his matter)—Jas Wortley— Sir G. Grey—Mr G.C. Glyn.” The Gladstone Diaries, ed. M. R. D. Foot and H. C. G. Matthew, vol. 4 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 637. 34. Harriet Collins, 86.EE.33, ms., National Art Library, London. 35. Kilvert’s Diary, ed. William Plomer, vol. 1 (London: Jonathan Cape: 1961), 121–43. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 36. In “The Power of the English Nineteenth-Century Visual and Verbal Sketch: Appropriation, Discipline, Mastery” (Nineteenth-Century Contexts 24.1 [2002]), Richard Sha cites several sketching manuals that locate the value of the sketch in its ability “to ‘bring home and preserve for our future use” the images—and thus, fi guratively, the objects—it represents (77). Sha persua- sively argues that the sketch was implicated in the politics of the land and fi gures it represented, namely the domestic effects of Enclosure and the impe- rial effects of colonization; his argument thus parallels mine, as I will suggest below. 37. Robin Gard, in his “Introduction” to The Observant Traveller: Diaries of Travel in England, Wales and Scotland in the County Record Offi ces of England and Wales (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Offi ce, 1989), marks this comparison: “[M]any [travelers] noted down their impressions in diaries which were doubt- less read later by family and friends for the pleasure of recollection, in much the same way as one would look at holiday photographs today” (ix). 38. For manuscript diaries, see John Stuart Batts’ British Manuscript Diaries of the Nineteenth Century (Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefi eld, 1976); for published diaries see C. S. Handley, An Annotated Bibliography of Diaries Printed in English, 3rd ed. (Tyne and War: Hanover Press, 2003). 39. Francis Bacon, “Of Travaile,” The Essayes or Counsels, Civill and Morall, ed. Michael Kiernan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985), 56. 40. Arthur Ponsonby, More English Diaries (London: Methuen, 1927), 18. 41. Ibid., 421. 42. John Ross, HM 708, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 202 ● Notes

43. Stuart Sherman, Telling Time: Clocks, Diaries, and English Diurnal Form, 1660–1785 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 168. 44. The Gladstone Diaries, 4. 138–47, 247, 248. 45. Clarissa James, FB 1852, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 46. Cynthia Huff distinguishes between “outer-directed diaries” and the diary “which presents inner . . . experience,” identifying travel and religious diaries, respectively, as the limit cases of each mode (British Women’s Diaries: A Descriptive Bibliography of Selected Nineteenth-Century Women’s Manuscript Diaries [New York: AMS Press, 1985], xxii–xxiii). 47. Arthur Ponsonby, English Diaries (London: Methuen, 1923), 11. 48. Robert Fothergill, Private Chronicles: A Study of English Diaries (London: Oxford University Press, 1974), 3. 49. Ponsonby’s fi rst book on diaries appeared in 1923. Though Fothergill published Private Chronicles in 1974, he hails modernist diarists W. N. P. Barbellion, Katherine Mansfi eld, and, especially, Anaïs Nin, as the apexes of the genre. 50. Andrew Hassam, Sailing to Australia: Shipboard Diaries by Nineteenth-Century Emigrants (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1994), 58, 21. 51. Lists like these are de rigeur in discussions of Victorian visual culture. See, for example, Carol T. Christ and John O. Jordan, eds., Victorian Literature and the Victorian Visual Imagination (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), xix; Joss Marsh, “Spectacle,” A Companion to Victorian Literature and Culture, ed. Herbert Tucker (Oxford and Malden, MA: Blackwell, 1999), 276. This critical compulsion toward empirical evidence points to the continued power of the cultural constructs I discuss in the rest of this section. 52. Christ and Jordan, Victorian Literature, xx. 53. Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990), 14. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 54. See Sherman, Chapter 1, “Tick, Tick, Tick: Chronometric Innovation and Prose Form,” 1–28. 55. Janet Browne, Charles Darwin: Voyaging (New York: Knopf, 1995), 424–25, 430, 496, 498, 499. For a description of the composition of Darwin’s Beagle journals, see 194. For an account of the diary of his children, see Chapter 3. Francis Darwin describes his father’s regular diary practices in The Life and Letters of Charles Darwin (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1887): his “Diary or Pocket-book” was “written with great brevity, the history of a year being compressed into a page or less; and contains little more than the dates of the principal events of his life, together with entries as to his work, and as to the duration of his more serious illnesses” (1: iv); “He kept an accurate journal of the days on which he worked and those on which his ill health prevented him from working, so that it would be possible to tell how many were idle days in any given year. In this journal—a little yellow Letts’s Diary, which lay open on his mantel-piece, piled on the diaries of previous years—he also entered the day Notes ● 203

on which he started for a holiday and that of his return” (1: 106). Gavin de Beer edited these annual accounts and published them as Darwin’s Journal (London: British Museum [Natural History], 1959); the Letts’s diaries seem to have disappeared (Janet Browne, “re: Darwin’s diaries,” email to the author, 22 June 2003). 56. Barbara Timm Gates, ed., Journal of Emily Shore (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1991), 2–3. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 57. Just a few examples: “the wild mignonette, which I never saw before, is plentiful on the rocks . . . I once saw, on the rock, a splendid scabious, or a rich crimson- purple colour, which is often seen in gardens, and has a strong sweet scent” (July 8, 1831; 6); “mamma took Arabella and me to Burgess’ Library to see the print- ing” (August 31, 1831; 7); “papa took us all to see certain interesting operations in glass, performed by a man who travels about, and who has come to Potton to exhibit for a day or two” (October 21, 1831; 8); “We have been watching the birds a great deal to-day. I chiefl y observed the redstart” (June 8, 1833; 58); “I paid a visit to Foxhill Wood, which I have not seen for a month or two” (August 5, 1833; 65); visiting a dockyard, “We fi rst saw the steam-engine,” and, “we went to see the machine for dragging the timber up out of the pit” (June 5, 1835; 101, 102); Shore dreams of “a lunar rainbow, a phenomenon which I have never in reality beheld, and which in my dream I gazed at with wonder and delight” (December 31, 1836; 176); “Sat laughing and talking and watching the sailors at their occupations . . . I could not refrain from running out once or twice to look at the starry heavens . . . I hope to be able to venture on a longer gaze some future night upon this most beautiful, most wonderful of cre- ated scenes” (December 12, 1838; 291–92) (emphases added). 58. Browne, Charles Darwin, 1.12, 1.99-104, 2.447-49. 59. Punch’s Pocket-Book for 1868 (ST 126, Huntington Library, San Marino, CA), 188. 60. Jean Baudrillard, “The System of Collecting,” trans. Roger Cardinal, The Cultures of Collecting, ed. John Elsner and Roger Cardinal (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994), 10. 61. Ibid., 12, 14. 62. Bill Brown, “The Collecting Mania,” The University of Chicago Magazine, October 2001. http://magazine.uchicago.edu/0110/features/mania.html. 63. Baudrillard, “The System of Collecting,” 13. 64. See ibid., 19–22; Mieke Bal, “Telling Objects: A Narrative Perspective on Collecting,” The Cultures of Collecting, 105–10; Susan Stewart, On Longing: Narratives of the Miniature, the Gigantic, the Souvenir, the Collection (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984), 162–64. 65. “‘Unless you do these crazy things . . .’: An Interview with Robert Opie,” The Cultures of Collecting, 26; John Forrester, “‘Mille e tre’: Freud and Collecting,” The Cultures of Collecting 234–35. Though Opie collects ephemeral objects like labels, containers, and advertisements, his parents, Peter and Iona Opie, are 204 ● Notes

most famous for their collections of nursery rhymes, children’s games and ritu- als, and other folkloric intangibles. 66. Stewart, On Longing, 156. 67. In Susan Stewart’s terms, such a diary serves as both the souvenir and its neces- sary narrative supplement (ibid., 135–37). The idea of the diary as souvenir is enhanced by the use of “Souvenir” as a common nineteenth-century title for pocket diaries (see Elizabeth Barrett Browning, HM 4878, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA; William Lodge Kidd, HM 46983, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA). Stewart’s contention that the collection, unlike the souvenir, manifests an endpoint of commodity capitalism’s erasure of labor and use-value clearly presumes the materiality of the collection and thus moves in a different direction from my analysis here (165–66). 68. Samuel Boddington, LMA CLC/426/MS10823/005C, ms., London Metropolitan Archives, London. 69. Ponsonby, English Diaries, 14. 70. Mary Brigg, ed., The Journals of a Lancashire Weaver (The Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 1982), 11. 71. Baudrillard, “The System of Collecting,” 8, 9. 72. Bal, “Telling Objects,” 104; Brown, “The Collecting Mania.” 73. In Collecting: An Unruly Passion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), Werner Muensterberger holds that the object itself has meaning to the collector (7), but he agrees that collecting ultimately is an act of subject production, rather than material desire; his basic premise is that collecting attempts to redress an “old narcissistic wound” (43) caused by childhood trauma. Nobody asserts the signifi cance of the actual and individual object more eloquently than Walter Benjamin in his classic essay “Unpacking My Library: A Talk About Book Collecting” (Illuminations, ed. Hannah Arendt [New York: Schocken Books, 1969], 59–67). 74. Browne, Charles Darwin, 147; Robert FitzRoy, Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His Majesty’s Ships Adventure and Beagle, Between the Years 1826 and 1836 (London: Henry Colburn, 1839). 75. Several of the essays in The Cultures of Collecting take up the relationship between empire and collection. See Nicholas Thomas, “Licensed Curiosity: Cook’s Pacifi c Voyages” (116–36); Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, “From Treasure to Museum: The Collections of the Austrian Hapsburgs” (137–54); John Elsner, “A Collector’s Model of Desire: The House and Museum of Sir John Soane” (155–76); and Anthony Alan Shelton, “Cabinets of Transgression: Renaissance Collections and the Incorporation of the New World” (177–203). The connec- tion is underscored by Robert Opie’s casual comment that the decision to collect “things that my friends did not collect . . . brings out the explorer in one, like in the 1920s and 1930s you would go out and traipse into Africa, where no white man had gone before” (31). 76. Andrew Hassam, No Privacy for Writing: Shipboard Diaries, 1852–1879 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994). Notes ● 205

77. Rebecca Steinitz, “The Illusion of Exchange: Gift, Trade, and Theft in the Nineteenth-Century British Voyage Narrative.” LIT: Literature Interpretation Theory 7, nos. 3–4 (Winter 1996): 153–65. 78. For further discussion of published travel diaries, see Chapter 4. 79. Harriet Blodgett, Centuries of Female Days: Englishwomen’s Private Diaries (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1988), 17–18. 80. Stuart Sherman insists upon the interpretive necessity of the diary’s material form in Telling Time. Several essays in Suzanne Bunkers and Cynthia Huff’s anthology Inscribing the Daily: Critical Essays on Women’s Diaries (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1996) also take seriously the diary’s physical- ity. In “Fragments as Diary: Theoretical Implications of the Dreams and Visions of ‘Baby Doe’ Tabor,” Judy Nolte Temple considers the implications of defi ning “Baby Doe” Tabor’s thousands of scraps of writing as a diary, while in “The ‘Journal de Jeune Fille’ in Nineteenth-Century France,” Philippe Lejeune exam- ines manuscript diaries, stating that “[t]oo often historians become interested in such documents only for the information they contain, neglecting the his- tory of the writing practice itself” (120). Cynthia Huff is one diary critic who has long been attuned to the importance of material form; her bibliography of nineteenth-century women’s manuscript diaries contains careful notations about how diaries were written, but its aim is descriptive rather than analytical. Her essay, “Textual Boundaries: Space in Nineteenth-Century Women’s Manuscript Diaries,” is particularly attentive to the cultural implications of form, though her conclusions about the inescapably prescriptive nature of the commercial diary differ signifi cantly from mine. 81. Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Rendall (1984; Berkeley; Los Angeles; London: University of California Press, 1988), xiii. 82. Emily and Anne Brontë wrote joint semi-annual diaries on blank sheets. Hannah Cullwick kept the diaries she sent to Munby on quarto sheets. Robert Louis Stevenson used yellow pads to keep journals during several of his sea voyages in the 1890s. These diarists were both exceptions and exceptional: the Brontë diary papers were irregular single entry productions; Cullwick mailed her diaries to Munby so they needed to be portable; Stevenson seems to have written his journals as drafts for books. Other diarists wrote on sheets or sheafs of paper that they then bound into volumes. See Juliet Barker, ed., Sixty Treasures: The Brontë Parsonage Museum (Haworth, West Yorkshire: The Brontë Society, 1988); Robert Louis Stevenson, HM 2412, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 83. William Lodge Kidd’s handsewn volumes purposefully mimic commercial diaries. The fi rst volume of the series, for instance, has a brown paper cover on the front of which Kidd inscribed in a variety of characters—large and small, ornate and plain, print and script—the title, “Journal / 1st Janry to 31st Decem 1806 ‘Souvenir’ / WLK,” while on the back he wrote the word “Journal” twice and the year, “1806.” Although there is no explicit evidence that Kidd himself produced the obviously hand-made volumes, the fact that 206 ● Notes

the paper that covers Volumes 5 and 6 has on one side a list of supplies from a hospital dispensary suggests his handiwork. William Lodge Kidd, HM 46983, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 84. Mary Grenville, ST 118, vol. 13, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 85. Economy seems to have been one motivation for simply fi lling up the pages of a volume. Beginning in 1825, Mary Grenville kept a diary in a maroon leather-bound volume with a brass lock and blank pages. Heading each entry simply with its date, she fi lled each page from margin to margin, then turned the book and wrote perpendicularly across the lines already written, like the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century crossed letters in which correspondents wrote both across and down the page to save paper and postage. See Mary Grenville, ST 117, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 86. Daniel Augustus Beaufort, FB 8, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 87. Henry Fox, The Holland House Diaries, 1831–1840, ed. Abraham D. Kriegel (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1977), 25. 88. Francis Beaufort, FB 12, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA; John Ross, HM 708, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA; Anna Larpent, HM 31201, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA; Henry Bishop, HM 20334, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 89. Fothergill, Private Chronicles, 43–44. 90. Elizabeth Morgan, ST 132, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA; Richard Grenville, ST 98, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 91. Francis Beaufort, FB 19. 92. By the end of the nineteenth century, Letts sold a few hundred thousand diaries a year; today they produce over 22 million annually (“The History of Letts,” Letts: The Timeplan Company, 4 Apr. 2006, http://www.letts.co.uk/ aboutus/heritage.asp). 93. Ibid.; Cinthia Gannett, Gender and the Journal: Diaries and Academic Discourse (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1992), 114; Frederick Locker-Lampson, HM 45378, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 94. Locker-Lampson, HM 45378. 95. Two years later, this list had been even further refi ned: “Solicitors, Students, &c.” was broken down into “Solicitors and the Legal Profession” and “Students, Teachers, and Professors,” while “Farmers” became “Farmers and Agriculturists,” and “Warehousemen” was amended to “Warehousemen, Mechanics, &c.” (Locker-Lampson). 96. Munby, vol. 39. 97. Ibid., vol. 38. 98. Ibid., vol. 39. 99. “The History of Letts,” Letts Direct, 20 Apr. 1999, http://www.letts.co.uk/ history/main.html. 100. Walter Scott, The Journal of Sir Walter Scott, ed. W. E. K. Anderson (Oxford: Clarendon Press-Oxford University Press, 1972), 1. Notes ● 207

101. Mary Brigstocke, ST 121, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 102. Mary Morgan-Grenville, ST 130, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 103. Elizabeth Barrett Browning, HM 4878, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 104. Mary Grenville, ST 118, vol. 9, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 105. In Defi ning the Wind: The Beaufort Scale, and How a 19th-Century Admiral Turned Science into Poetry (New York: Crown, 2004), Scott Huler over-reads the connection between Beaufort’s interest in encyclopedias and lists and the commercial diary’s “compendia” of information, intimating that Beaufort adopted the pocket diary for its content, rather than its convenience or con- ventionality (160–61). 106. This sense of separation is further underscored by the fact that Beaufort’s weather journals are currently housed in the Archives of the Meteorological Offi ce in England, while the commercial diaries reside in the Huntington Library in California, with the rest of the Beaufort family papers. 107. Francis Beaufort, FB 46. 108. Beaufort’s yearly Suttaby volumes all have the same format, but their titles vary. Clearly size (three-by-fi ve inches) and form (leather-bound volumes with a leather clasp, a pocket inside the front cover, and a space to hold a pen or pencil) mattered more than whether he wrote in a Sovereign (1835), a Marshall’s Gentleman’s Pocket Book (1836), or a Poole’s Gentleman’s Pocket Memorandum Book (1837), which at any rate were virtually identical. 109. My analysis here differs signifi cantly from that of Cynthia Huff who, in “Textual Boundaries: Space in Nineteenth-Century Women’s Manuscript Diaries,” imposes a progressive narrative upon the “movement away from the predetermined format of printed and published volumes to self-constructed diaries written in an associational, free-fl owing prose” (127). 110. Letts offers an interesting postscript to this discussion. Realizing that its diaries could succeed only to the extent that they met customers’ needs, even while working tenaciously to determine those needs, Letts employed what might be termed a mid-nineteenth-century version of the contemporary customer sur- vey. The “Special Address to our Subscribers” in the “Appendix” of 1871 asserts, “It has been impossible to meet all the suggestions made in response to our invitation of last year; we hope, however, that we have embodied the majority.” Repeatedly emphasizing both Letts’s commitment to its customers and the burden of that commitment, in phrases such as “the work thrown upon us by our invitation of last year,” the Address lists various improvements such as “paper throughout the whole series . . . improved in substance and quality, thus removing a serious objection brought before us during the past year,” as well as an assortment of new diaries. The Address ends by inviting further suggestions: “In conclusion, we may add, that a new specially compiled Diary, ‘The Medical,’ introduced for the fi rst time last year, was so well received, that we reiterate our request for every one interested in having his 208 ● Notes

Diary adapted to his requirements to communicate with us, and we will undertake, wherever practicable, to meet his wishes.” While the new diary is designed for another class of diarists, the invitation is addressed to individual diarists. It would be impossible, or at least impractical, for Letts to provide Munby with a diary whose daily spaces had adjustable boundaries, or to give Beaufort a diary with a space for every member of his family. However, the invitation rhetorically enables the company, the consummate diary producer, to commodify the revisionary practices of the individual writer, that is, the desires of the consumer. Letts thus positions itself to appropriate the appro- priation, even as its own rhetoric reveals the ultimate impossibility of that task. 111. McClintock, Chapter 2, “‘Massa’ and Maids: Power and Desire in the Imperial Metropolis,” Imperial Leather, 75–131. 112. McClintock frames Munby’s nostalgia primarily in gender terms, with a touch of class and empire: “Munby’s photos of Cullwick reveal an archive of nostal- gia . . . for complete mastery of the female body in the vanishing world of imperial slavery . . . [and] for Munby’s lost world of symbiotic identity with his nurse” (ibid.,130). 113. We fi nd this same contradiction in the diary’s narrative of his relationship with Cullwick. After spending so many years teaching Cullwick to subordinate herself to him and embrace her servitude, a series of lessons at least partially detailed in the diary, Munby faced the fact that his control was so complete he could no longer control her. When he wanted her to live as his middle-class wife, she refused, and her letters in old age insist upon her right to subordinate herself to him, despite his oft-stated desire for the contrary.

Chapter 3 1. Philip Kelly and Ronald Hudson, eds., Diary by E.B.B.: The Unpublished Diary of Elizabeth Barrett Barrett, 1831–1832 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1969), 202. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 2. Alfred Friendly, Beaufort of the Admiralty (New York: Random House, 1977), 143. 3. Ibid., 144. For a thorough account of the Beaufort Scale, see Scott Huler, Defi ning the Wind: The Beaufort Scale, and How a Nineteenth-Century Admiral Turned Science into Poetry (New York: Crown, 2004). 4. Friendly, Beaufort of the Admiralty, 50–51. Decades later, Beaufort used the same cipher to record sexual acts and his remorse over those acts—especially in his incestuous relationship with his sister Harriet after the death of his fi rst wife (270–72). 5. Francis Beaufort, FB 14, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 6. Barbara Timm Gates, ed., Journal of Emily Shore (1891; Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1991), 262. Further references will be given paren- thetically in the text. Notes ● 209

7. See Roland Barthes, S/Z: An Essay (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975). 8. Thomas Mallon, A Book of One’s Own: People and Their Diaries (1984; New York: Penguin, 1986), xvi. 9. Andrew Hassam, “Reading Other People’s Diaries,” University of Toronto Quarterly 56.3 (Spring 1987): 435–46. Further references will be given paren- thetically in the text. 10. Kathryn Carter, “The Cultural Work of Diaries in Mid-Century Victorian Britain,” Victorian Review 23.2 (Winter 1997): 251. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 11. Stuart Sherman, Telling Time: Clocks, Diaries, and English Diurnal Form, 1660–1785 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 21, 25, 26; Richard Grenville, ST 95, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, California; Walter Scott, “Pepys’s Memoirs,” The Quarterly Review 33 (March 1826): 282; Francis Jeffrey, “Pepys’s Memoirs,” The Edinburgh Review 43 (November 1825): 26. See also Patricia Spacks, Privacy: Concealing the Eighteenth-Century Self (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003) and Amelia Opie, Madeline (London, 1822). 12. Derek Hudson, Munby: Man of Two Worlds (London: John Murray, 1972), 275. 13. Leslie A. Marchand, ed., Byron’s Letters and Journals, vol. 3 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974), 205. 14. Willard Bissell Pope, ed., The Diary of Benjamin Robert Haydon, vol. 2 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960), 282. The diary’s index contains an entire column of family members. 15. Albertine Necker de Saussure, Progressive Education, with Notes, Appendix, and Translation by Emma Willard and Almira Phelps (Boston: Ticknor, 1835): 123, 116, 119. This volume includes as an appendix Phelps’ observations of her son’s fi rst year, subtitled “A Mother’s Journal” (323–48). 16. Frederick Burkhardt and Sydney Smith, eds., The Correspondence of Charles Darwin, vol. 4 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 410–33. 17. Ibid., 410. 18. Ibid., 428. 19. J. A. V. Chapple and Anita Wilson, eds., Private Voices: The Diaries of Elizabeth Gaskell and Sophia Holland (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996), 53. 20. Ibid., 50, 59. 21. Cynthia Huff, British Women’s Diaries: A Descriptive Bibliography of Selected Nineteenth-Century Women’s Manuscript Diaries (New York: AMS Press, 1985), xvii. 22. Lillian Schlissel, Women’s Diaries of the Westward Journey (New York: Schocken Books, 1982), 11. 23. John Tosh, A Man’s Place: Masculinity and the Middle-Class Home in Victorian England (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1999), 199. 24. Shirley Nicholson, A Victorian Household (1988; Gloucestershire: Sutton, 1998), 13. 210 ● Notes

25. Samuel Tertius Galton, Galton Papers 30, ms., UCL Library Services, Special Collections, London. 26. M. R. D. Foot and H. C. G. Matthew, eds., The Gladstone Diaries, vol. 4 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 386, 150–55, 150. 27. William Rowsell, LMA CLC/521/MS24458, ms., London Metropolitan Archives, London. 28. Charles Sillem Lidderdale, 86.ZZ.61, ms. National Art Library, London. 29. See, for instance, July 29, 1883: “Began w. col head in hat & cloak. / Last week Annie wrote to K. pressing her to return home before Wid came back. She has not returned. She wrote saying she would come to see him tonight but she has not done so. / I fancy she will never sleep again under the same roof with us. I don’t know why I do so but I have the fancy strongly. I think she has picked up friends to suit herself, & in talking over her hard fate with them, persuaded herself that she is really in the right. / Well, I can’t help it. She was always blindly perverse to a wonderful degree, & conceited too.” 30. Huff, British Women’s Diaries, xvii. 31. Dorothy Wordsworth, The Grasmere Journals, ed. Pamela Woof (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 3. 32. Meena Alexander, “Dorothy Wordsworth: The Grounds of Writing,” Women’s Studies 14 (1988): 195–210. 33. Wordsworth, The Grasmere Journals, 15. 34. Beaufort, FB 21. 35. Huff, British Women’s Diaries, 3. 36. John Bates Dibdin, HM 28176, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA; Heather Creaton, ed., Victorian Diaries (London: Mitchell Beazley, 2001), 46. 37. Huff, British Women’s Diaries, 86. 38. Frank Sidgwick, ed., The Complete Marjory Fleming (New York: Oxford University Press, 1935), 4. 39. Ibid., “Notes,” 187–97; 180. 40. Ibid., 3. 41. Mary and P. B. Shelley, History of a Six Weeks’ Tour through a part of France, Switzerland, Germany and Holland: with letters descriptive of a sail round the Lake of Geneva and of the glaciers of Chamouni (London: T. Hookham, 1817). 42. Creaton, Victorian Diaries, 80–99. 43. Mary and Humphry Ward, Ward Papers Ms. ADD 202/2-4 and 202/5B-25, ms., UCL Library Services, Special Collections, London. 44. Michael Field, Works and Days, from the journal of Michael Field, ed. T. & D. C. Sturge Moore (London: J. Murray, 1933). 45. Huff, British Women’s Diaries, 115; Clarissa James, FB 1852, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 46. Marital diary reading was not solely a British phenomenon: in The Naked Heart (New York and London: Norton, 1995), Peter Gay uses Leo and Sophia Tolstoy and Richard Wagner and his lover Mathilde Wesendonck as examples of the practice (337). Notes ● 211

47. Arthur Ponsonby, More English Diaries (London: Methuen, 1927), 197. 48. C. G. Luard, ed., The Journal of Clarissa Trant (London: John Lane, 1925), 306. 49. Bradford Keyes Mudge, Sara Coleridge: A Victorian Daughter (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), 48–50. 50. Harriet Blodgett, Centuries of Female Days: Englishwomen’s Private Diaries (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1988), 38. 51. Huff, British Women’s Diaries, 23, 35, 37, 63, 94, 99. 52. See Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, “The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations Between Women in Nineteenth-Century America,” Signs 1.1 (Fall 1995): 1–29. 53. Caroline Fox, Memories of Old Friends. Being Extracts from the Letters and Journals of Caroline Fox, ed. Horace N. Pym (Philadelphia: J.P. Lippincott, 1884), 326; Wordsworth, The Grasmere Journals, 1. 54. Thomas Moore, Letters and Journals of Lord Byron (London: J. Murray, 1830), 4.14; Arthur Ponsonby, English Diaries (London: Methuen, 1923), 413; Martin Hewitt, “Diary, Autobiography, and the Practice of Life History,” in Life Writing and Victorian Culture, ed. David Amigoni (Aldershot; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2006), 27. 55. Joyce Hemlow, ed., The Journals and Letters of Fanny Burney (Madame D’Arblay), vol. 6 (1803–1812) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975); Sir George Larpent, The Private Journal of F.S. Larpent (London: Richard Bentley, 1853). 56. Sherman, Telling Time, 175. 57. Marcel Mauss, The Gift: Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies, trans. Ian Cunnison (New York: Norton, 1967). 58. Ponsonby, English Diaries, 421–22. 59. Sarah J. Heidt, “‘Let JAS words stand’: Publishing John Addington Symonds’s Desires,” Victorian Studies 46.1 (Autumn 2003): 7–31. 60. Dibdin appears to use slashes as parentheses. 61. Thomas Rogers, LMA CLC/521/MS19019, ms., London Metropolitan Archives, London. 62. Christopher Hibbert, Queen Victoria in her Letters and Journals (Gloucestershire: Sutton, 2000), 5. 63. Morton N. Cohen, Lewis Carroll (New York: Knopf, 1995), 100. 64. George L. Justice and Nathan Tinker, eds., Women’s Writing and the Circulation of Ideas: Manuscript Publication in England, 1550–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 65. Harold Love and Arthur F. Marotti, “Manuscript Transmission and Circulation,” in The Cambridge History of Early Modern English Literature, ed. David Loewenstein and Janel Mueller (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 55–80. 66. Cited in Michelle O’Callaghan, “Publication: Print and Manuscript,” in A Companion to English Renaissance Literature and Culture, ed. Michael Hattaway (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000), 83. 212 ● Notes

67. Ibid. 68. Anaïs Nin, Incest: From “A Journal of Love” (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1992), 31, 46, 80. 69. Frances McCullough, ed., The Journals of Sylvia Plath (New York: Dial, 1982), xiii. 70. See Felicity Nussbaum, The Autobiographical Subject: Gender and Ideology in Eighteenth-Century England (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), especially 24; J. Paul Hunter, Before Novels: The Cultural Contexts of Eighteenth-Century English Fiction (New York and London: Norton, 1990), especially 319; and Sherman, Chapter 5, “Travel Writing and the Dialectic of Diurnal Form,” in Telling Time, 159–84. 71. Philippe Aries and Georges Duby, eds., A History of Private Life, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press-Belknap Press, 1987–1991), 1: viii; 4: 2, 9–10. For a more thorough description and analysis of the nineteenth-century British valorization of the family and its different connotations for men and women, see Catherine Hall’s chapter, “The Sweet Delights of Home,” 4: 47–93. 72. Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780–1850 (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1987), 31, 32. 73. See the Oxford English Dictionary: “1. Withdrawn or separated from the public body . . . 3. Kept or removed from public view or knowledge . . . 4 . . . Not open to the public,” and “Of, pertaining or relating to, or affecting a person, or a small, intimate body or group of persons apart from the general commu- nity; individual, personal.” 74. Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, trans. Thomas Burger (1962; Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1991), 28. 75. This is essentially Richard Sennett’s formulation in The Fall of Public Man (1977; New York: Vintage, 1978), where he argues that Western culture, in the wake of capitalism, has forsaken public life for “an intimate vision of society” in which “[w]e have tried to make the fact of being in private, alone with our- selves and with family and intimate friends, an end in itself” (emphases added, 5, 4). 76. See, for example, Blodgett, Centuries of Female Days, 38; Huff, British Women’s Diaries, xvii, xxx; Schlissel, Women’s Diaries, 12; Margo Culley, A Day at a Time (New York: The Feminist Press, 1985), 3. 77. Mary Jane Moffat and Charlotte Painter, eds., Revelations: Diaries of Women (New York: Random House, 1974), 5. 78. Chapple and Wilson, Private Voices, 6. 79. James Aitken, ed., English Diaries of the XIX Century: 1800–1850 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1944), 29–30; Richard Grenville, First Duke of Buckingham and Chandos, ST 95, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA, January 31 and February 8, 1823; Creaton, Victorian Diaries, 24–25. 80. Margaret Harris and Judith Johnston, ed., The Journals of George Eliot (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). Notes ● 213

81. See, for example, Elizabeth D’Oyley, ed., English Diaries (London: Edward Arnold, 1930) and More English Diaries (London: Edward Arnold, 1938); Kate O’Brien, English Diaries and Journals (London: William Collins, 1943); P. A. Spalding, Self-Harvest: A Study of Diaries and the Diarist (London: Independent Press, 1949). Such works generally single out women diarists largely to dismiss their efforts, as in Spalding’s claim that “despite the number of good women diarists, not one, except possibly Lady Eleanor Butler, equals our fi ve men in total effect. They lack, as it were, a solidity, a third dimen- sion” (70). 82. Robert Fothergill, Private Chronicles: A Study of English Diaries (London: Oxford University Press, 1974), 37. 83. Peter Boerner, “The Signifi cance of the Diary in Modern Literature,” Yearbook of Comparative and General Literature 21 (1972): 41–45; Steven Kagle, “The Diary as Art: A New Assessment,” Genre 6 (1973): 416–27. 84. Judy Nolte Lensink, “Expanding the Boundaries of Criticism: The Diary as Female Autobiography,” Women’s Studies 14.1 (1987): 39–53; Suzanne Bunkers, “Subjectivity and Self-Refl exivity in the Study of Women’s Diaries as Autobiography,” a/b: Auto/Biography Studies 5.2 (Fall 1990): 114–23. 85. See Deena Metzger and Barbara Myerhoff, “Dear Diary (Or, Listening to the Silent Laughter of Mozart While the Beds are Unmade and the Remains of Breakfast Congeal on the Table),” Chrysalis 7 (1979): 39–49. 86. Karla Jay, Tales of the Lavender Menace: A Memoir of Liberation (New York: Basic Books, 1999), 230. 87. Lynn Lifshin, ed., Ariadne’s Thread: A Collection of Contemporary Women’s Journals (New York: Harper & Row, 1982). 88. Elizabeth Hampsten, Read This Only to Yourself: The Private Writings of Midwestern Women, 1880–1910 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982). 89. Joanne E. Cooper, “Shaping Meaning: Women’s Diaries, Journals, and Letters—The Old and the New,” Women’s Studies International Forum 10.1 (1987): 95. 90. Two notable exceptions to this generalization are Rosenwald’s Emerson and the Art of the Diary (1988) and Sherman’s Telling Time: Clocks, Diaries, and English Diurnal Form, 1660–1785 (1996). More common, however, are titles like Judy Simon’s Diaries and Journals of Literary Women from Fanny Burney to Virginia Woolf (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1990) and Alexandra Johnson’s The Hidden Writer: Diaries and the Creative Life (New York: Doubleday, 1997) which, despite its unisex title, focuses on seven women diarists, further demon- strating the fusion of woman and diarist. 91. When I tell people I have written a book about diaries, they invariably assume that it is about women’s diaries. 92. See, for example, Linda Peterson’s Victorian Autobiography: The Tradition of Self-Interpretation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), which addresses the ways women engaged the masculine life writing model and acknowledges the alternative models they also embraced. In The Private Lives of Victorian 214 ● Notes

Women: Autobiography in Nineteenth-Century England (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1989), Valerie Sanders considers the importance of diaries and journals for women writing about themselves, but also distinguishes them from formal autobiography. 93. More recently, Hewitt has problematized this specifi c divide, arguing that the diary played an explicitly autobiographical role for men as well as women (36). 94. Suzanne L. Bunkers and Cynthia A. Huff, eds., Inscribing the Daily: Critical Essays on Women’s Diaries (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1996), 5, 9, 20. 95. In Daily Modernism: The Literary Diaries of Virginia Woolf, Antonia White, Elizabeth Smart, and Anaïs Nin (Montreal and Kingston; London; Ithaca: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2000), Elizabeth Podnieks offers a less essen- tialist take on the affi nity between women and diaries, arguing that the diary is “not a more female than male space, but a more necessary and meaningful site for women than for men” (6). However, the demographics of diary writing hardly support her claim, nor does the plethora of banal diaries written by diarists of both sexes. 96. A few works of recent diary scholarship that undertake gender comparisons are notable exceptions to my analysis here. See Cinthia Gannett, Gender and the Journal: Diaries and Academic Discourse (Albany: SUNY Press, 1992); Steven E. Kagle and Lorenza Gramegna, “Rewriting Her Life: Fictionalization and the Use of Fictional Models in Early American Women’s Diaries,” Inscribing the Daily, 38–55; Philippe Lejeune, “The ‘Journal de Jeune Fille’ in Nineteenth- Century France,” trans. Martine Breillac, Inscribing the Daily, 107–22. In her introduction to A Day at a Time, Margo Culley also considers how diaries became gendered (3–4). 97. The Diary of Gathorne Hardy, later Lord Cranbrook: 1866–1892: Political Selections (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), viii. 98. Elizabeth Langland, Nobody’s Angels: Middle-Class Women and Domestic Ideology in Victorian Culture (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1995), 14. See also Catherine Gallagher, The Industrial Reformation of English Fiction, 1832–1867 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1985); Nancy Armstrong, Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the Novel (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Mary Poovey, Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid-Victorian England (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1988); Michael Levenson and Karen Chase, The Spectacle of Intimacy: A Public Life for the Victorian Family (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2000); and Kathryn Gleadle, British Women in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Palgrave, 2001). 99. James Eli Adams, Dandies and Desert Saints: Styles of Victorian Masculinities (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1995), 5; Angus McLaren, The Trials of Masculinity: Policing Sexual Boundaries, 1870–1930 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 33. Notes ● 215

100. Eve Sedgwick, Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985); Richard Dellamora, Masculine Desire: The Sexual Politics of Victorian Aestheticism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990); Herbert Sussman, Victorian Masculinities: Manhood and Masculine Poetics in Early Victorian Literature and Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 101. Claudia Nelson, Invisible Men: Fatherhood in Victorian Periodicals (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1995); Joseph Kestner, Masculinities in Victorian Painting (Aldershot, Hants, England: Scolar Press; Brookfi eld, Vermont: Ashgate, 1995), 141–88. 102. For a more traditional account of the Victorian father, see David Roberts, “The Paterfamilias of the Victorian Governing Classes,” The Victorian Family: Structures and Stresses, ed. Anthony S. Wohl (New York: St. Martin’s, 1978). 103. For a recent analysis that, like Tosh, takes seriously the father’s role in the domestic sphere and, like feminist considerations of female domesticity, takes paternal authority as a contested and socially determined phenomenon, see Leonore Davidoff, Megan Doolittle, Janet Fink, and Katherine Holden, The Family Story: Blood, Contract and Intimacy 1830–1960 (London and New York: Longman, 1999), especially Chapter 5, “Fathers and fatherhood: family authority” (135–57). 104. Tosh, A Man’s Place, 77. 105. See Cathy Davidson and Jessamyn Hatcher, eds., No More Separate Spheres: A Next Wave American Studies Reader (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 2002). 106. Rebecca Hogan, “Engendered Autobiographies: The Diary as a Feminine Form,” Autobiography and Questions of Gender, ed. Shirley Neuman (London; Portland, Oregon: F. Cass, 1991), 101, 104. 107. Ibid., 95, 105. 108. Richard Grenville, Third Duke of Buckingham and Chandos, ST 124, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA; Elizabeth Lydia Player (Brigstocke) Morgan, ST 132, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 109. Mary Brigg, ed., The Journals of a Lancashire Weaver (The Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, vol. 112, 1982); The Diaries of Hannah Cullwick, ed. Liz Stanley (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1984). 110. Charles C. F. Greville, The Greville Memoirs: A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IV, ed. Henry Reeve (London: Longmans, Green, 1875). 111. Patrick Joyce, Democratic Subjects: The Self and the Social in Nineteenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 80.

Chapter 4 1. Arthur Munby, Enclosure 52.1, ms., Munby Collection, Trinity College, Cambridge. 2. Derek Hudson, Munby: Man of Two Worlds (London: John Murray, 1972), 249. 216 ● Notes

3. For the publication history of Pepys’s diary, see Robert Latham and William Matthews, eds., The Diary of Samuel Pepys (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970), 1. lxxv–xcvi; Edwin Chappell, Bibliographia Pepysiana (Privately Printed, 1933). For Victoria’s sales fi gures, see Richard Altick, The English Common Reader, 2nd ed. (Columbus: Ohio University Press, 1998), 388. 4. A few words about methodology seem called for here. As my discussion in the next few pages will suggest, the usual challenges of book history are exacerbated in the case of published diaries by the fact that it is frequently so diffi cult to establish that a book is in fact a diary, before one even begins to think about when and where it was published, how many copies it sold, and who read it. For many decades, William Matthews’s British Diaries: An Annotated Bibliography of British Diaries Written Between 1442 and 1942 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1950) was the defi nitive authority on its subject, but that still supremely useful work has recently been superceded in the area of published diaries by C. S. Handley’s An Annotated Bibliography of Diaries Printed in English (CD-ROM. Tyne and Wear: Hanover Press, 2003). Currently in its third edition (a fourth edition is promised as this book goes to press), this compilation of bibliographies and current research includes Matthews but contains signifi cantly more material, as one might expect, a half century later. Still, when comparing Handley to the current Nineteenth Century Short Title Catalogue (Online. Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Avero, 2004–11), it becomes clear that many titles remain absent from its pages. In 2004, Handley contained 967 diaries published in book form (i.e., as a book or part of a book) in Britain during the nineteenth century. The Short Title Catalogue includes 3,116 items with the word “diary” in their titles and 15,253 with the word “journal.” However, this data is not as useful as it might seem, for the “diary” items include commercial diaries like Letts’s, while the “journal” items include serials. In addition, the Short Title Catalogue indexes both British and American pub- lications and runs to 1919. Finally, this kind of search does not pick up diaries that do not indicate the fact in their titles. Nevertheless, a brief comparison of a few common surnames is of some use. For the name Matthews, Handley lists published diaries by Edward and Henry; the Short Title Catalogue includes only Henry. Handley includes three diaries by authors named Smith; the Short Title Catalogue has an additional eleven (including one religious diary and seven travel diaries). Handley has two authors named West, each represented by one diary; the Short Title Catalogue lists only one of the two, but includes two of his published travel journals. A somewhat more than cursory glance at the Short Title Catalogue suggests that most of the diaries and journals it includes that are absent from Handley are travel diaries and, to a lesser extent, religious diaries. This correlates in one way with Handley’s data, for approximately one-third of the published diaries he lists are travel diaries, and a bit less than one-sixth are religious. It seems likely that books in these categories—the one largely topical, the other restricted in its readership and declining in popularity over the course of the century, neither Notes ● 217

particularly compelling to post-nineteenth-century readers—would be less likely to be preserved, hence their absence from contemporary bibliographies. While the data available is thus consistent, it is far from defi nitive. My methodology, then, has been to use the works cited here to trace the contours of nineteenth- century diary publication, but in doing so to eschew pseudo-scientifi cism and speak generally rather than statistically. Still, I am confi dent that the specifi cs would bear out my generalizations. 5. Lord Braybrooke, ed., Memoirs of Samuel Pepys . . . (London: Henry Colburn, 1825). Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 6. Benjamin Haydon, The Life of B. R. Haydon, historical painter, From his Autobiography and Journals, ed. Tom Taylor (London, 1853); William Charles Macready, Macready’s Reminiscences, And Selections from His Diaries and Letters, ed. William Frederick Pollock (London, 1875). 7. William Bray, ed., Memoirs illustrative of the life and writings of John Evelyn . . . (London: Henry Colburn, 1818); John Forster, ed., Diaries and Correspondence of John Evelyn… (London: Henry Colburn, 1850–52); Lord Braybrooke, ed., Diary and Correspondence of Samuel Pepys . . . (London: Henry Colburn, 1848). Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 8. Richard Hoare, Journal of a Tour in Ireland AD 1806 (London and Dublin, 1807); Mary Waring, A Diary of the Religious Experience of Mary Waring (London, 1810); Thomas Green, The Diary of a Lover of Literature (Ipswich, 1810); John Beard, A Diary of Fifteen Years’ Hunting (Bath, 1813); Diaries of Sir Moses and Lady Montefi ore, ed. L. Loew (London, 1890); The Journal of Sir Walter Scott, ed. David Douglas (Edinburgh, 1890). 9. The focus on content over form is apparent in an 1839 Colburn catalog of “Historical and Biographical” books that includes The Duchess of Marlborough’s Private Correspondence, The Life of Sir Edward Coke, Diary of the Times of George IV, and The Autobiography of Joseph Holt (Charles Severn, ed., Diary of the Rev. John Ward [London: Henry Colburn, 1839]). Similarly, an 1848 advertisement for “Valuable Historical Works Published by Mr. Bentley” includes fi ve histo- ries, three memoirs, three collections of letters, and Lord Malmesbury’s Diaries and Correspondence (The Athenaeum 1082 [July 22, 1848)]). Even in 1890, The Westminster Review still had one category, “History and Biography,” in its sur- veys of “Contemporary Literature.” Though my topic in this chapter is books, it should be noted that diaries were also a staple feature of serial publications. Popular magazines like Bentley’s Miscellany and Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine frequently published diaries or diary extracts as articles, especially on the subjects of travel and current events. Historical society journals, like the Bannatyne Club Miscellany and Sussex Archaeological Collections, also included diaries in the collections of documents they printed. The similarly topical content of diaries in magazines and journals suggests that my argument about books can be extrapolated to serial publication. 10. Henry Ellis, ed., The Pylgrymage of Sir Richard Guyleforde to the Holy Land, A.D. 1506 (London: Camden Society, 1851) is a reprint of a diary believed to have 218 ● Notes

been printed by Richard Pyson in 1511. Examples of early diary titles include G. Mourt, William Bradford, and Edward Winslow, A Relation or Journall, of the Beginning and Proceedings of the English Plantation at Plimoth, in New England (London, 1622); Thomas James, The Dangerous Voyage of Capt. Thomas James (London, 1633); and Thomas Herbert, A Relation of Some Years Travaille, begunne Anno 1626. into Afrique and the greater Asia . . . (London, 1634). 11. William Caton, Journal of the Life (London, 1689); George Walker, A True Account of the Siege of Londonderry (London, 1689). 12. For an account of early Quaker writing that centers largely on journals, see Luella Wright, The Literary Life of the Early Friends (New York: Columbia, 1932). Wright carefully distinguishes these journals from unmediated diaries, but states that “internal evidence shows that many of the journals were com- piled from diurnal jottings” (194). See also Howard Brinton, Quaker Journals: Varieties of Religious Experience Among Friends (Wallingford, PA: Pendle Hill Publications, 1972). 13. Thomas Dangerfi eld, Memoirs, Digested into Adventures, Receits, and Expences (London, 1685); Richard Manningham, An Exact Diary of What Was Observed (London, 1726). 14. Altick uses catalogues of published books, school lending library requests, and the purchasing patterns of Mudie’s Library to make this determination (108, 152, 296). See also Simon Eliot, Some Patterns and Trends in British Publishing 1800–1919, Occasional Papers of the Bibliographical Society 8 (London: The Bibliographical Society, 1994), 44, 47. In The Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001), Jonathan Rose describes a Welsh farmer who, in the 1830s “had a substantial library, mainly of religious books . . . [that] included some poetry, a couple of history books, and a geography text” (96). 15. Elizabeth Fry, Memoir of the Life of Elizabeth Fry (London: Charles Gilpin, 1847); John Wesley, The Journal of the Rev. John Wesley (London, 1827). 16. See, for example, Thomas Steadman, Memoir of Rev. William Steadman (London, 1838); Ann Palmer, Extracts from the Diary of Ann Palmer (Exeter, 1838). 17. Eliot stresses the decline in the popularity of religious books in the last part of the century, especially in the 1890s (Some Patterns and Trends, 51, 53–55). 18. See, for example, Peregrine Phillips, A Diary Kept in an Excursion to Little Hampton near Arundel, and Brightelmston in Sussex in 1778 (1780); Mungo Park, The Journal of a Mission to Africa in 1805 (London, 1815); John Fowler, Journal of a Tour in the State of New York (London, 1831); Edward Wix, Six Months of a Newfoundland Missionary’s Journal (London, 1836); Maria Nugent, A Journal . . . Including a Voyage to and Residence in India . . . (London, 1839); Heinrich Balduin Mollhausen, Diary of a Journey from the Mississippi to the Coasts of the Pacifi c (London, 1858). 19. See, for example, Isaac Nicholson Allen, Diary of a March through Sinde (London, 1843); Frederick Robinson, Diary of the Crimean War (London, Notes ● 219

1856); Robert Patrick Anderson, Personal Journal of the Siege of Lucknow (London, 1858). 20. William Howard Russell, My Diary in India, in the Year 1858–9 (London, 1860); My Diary North and South (London, 1863); A Diary in the East (London, 1869); and My Diary during the Last Great War (London, 1875). 21. Joseph Charles Parkinson, The Ocean Telegraph to India (Edinburgh, 1870). 22. Henry William Lucy, A Diary of Two Parliaments (London: Cassell, 1885–86); A Diary of the Salisbury Parliament (London: Cassell, 1892); A Diary of the Home Rule Parliament (London: Cassell, 1895); A Diary of the Unionist Parliament (London: Cassell, 1901). 23. Rosemary Jann, The Art and Science of Victorian History (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1985), xii, xvii–xxv. 24. Notorious for his spurious business dealings and trashy books, Colburn was skewered by the London Magazine in 1825 for “the celebrity which [he] has acquired by indisputable Private Journals and Public Advertisements,” as well his eagerness to publish titles such as Madame Campan’s Journal, which “is not a Journal of Madame Campan, or a Journal of any body else, and . . . if by any violence to language it can be styled a Journal at all . . . should be called Mr. Colburn’s Journal, for he has made it one” (“Meddling’s Journal,” Series 2, 1 [February 1825]: 224; “Madame Campan’s Journal,” Series 2, 1 [January 1825]: 78). For the history of Colburn’s publishing ventures, whose output ranged from silver-fork novels to Evelyn and Pepys, see John Sutherland, “Henry Colburn: Publisher,” Publishing History 19 (1986): 59–84; Roger P. Wallis, “Richard Bentley, Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, Henry Colburn, Henry Colburn and Company, Richard Bentley and Son,” British Literary Publishing Houses, 1820–1880, ed. Patricia J. Anderson and Jonathan Rose, Dictionary of Literary Biography, vol. 106 (Detroit: Gale Research, 1991), 39–52. 25. For a thorough discussion of historical societies, see Philippa Levine, “Individuals in Concert,” Chapter 3 in The Amateur and the Professional: Antiquarians, Historians, and Archaeologists in Victorian England, 1838–86 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 40–69. 26. For useful accounts of the government’s involvement in preserving and publish- ing historical documents, see John Kenyon, The History Men: The Historical Profession in England Since the Renaissance (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1983), 89–96; and Levine, “The Role of Government,” Chapter 5 in The Amateur and the Professional, 101–34. 27. Joe Law and Linda K. Hughes, “‘And What Have You Done?’ Victorian Biography Today,” Biographical Passages: Essays in Victorian and Modernist Biography, ed. Joe Law and Linda K. Hughes (Columbia and London: University of Missouri Press, 2000), 3; Lytton Strachey, Eminent Victorians (1918; San Diego; New York; London: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, n.d.), viii. 28. These titles are taken from the English Catalogue of Books, 1835–1863 (London: Sampson Low, 1864). Among authors whose names begin with A and B, the English Catalogue lists 38 different title forms for books of life writing, though 220 ● Notes

Memoirs and Life predominate. In 1821, erudite diarist Anna Larpent records reading “Memoirs of Marlborough . . . Southey’s Life of Wesley . . . Life of K B Sancroft by D’Oyley . . . Annals of George 3rd . . . Life of Haydn . . . Life of Mozart . . . Life of Bishop Bedell . . . Memoirs of the Rebellion by Johnstone . . . Memoirs of Lord Waldgram” (HM 31201, ms., Huntington Library, San Marino, CA: Volume 11, 1821). 29. Early critics like Waldo Dunn in English Biography (London: Dent; New York: Dutton, 1916) and Harold Nicolson in The Development of English Biography (London: Hogarth Press, 1927) address these volumes at some length, the fi rst praising what he terms “the Boswell-autobiographical model” of biography (159), the second condemning “the catastrophic failure of Victorian biography” (111) (Nicolson’s Bloomsburyian biases surface both in his citation of Thomas Arnold’s arrival at Rugby on August 30, 1828, as the “day Victorianism was born,” and his acknowledgement that “It was some years . . . before the true Victorian fog descended upon English biography” [113]). More recently, con- temporary scholars of nineteenth-century-life writing have been generally uninterested in volumes like Lord Malmesbury’s Diaries and Correspondence, preferring to discuss the avowedly autobiographical (Mill, Wordsworth, et al.), the exemplarily biographical (about Dickens, by and about Carlyle, etc.), and the writings of women and the working classes. See Wayne Shumaker, English Autobiography (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1954); A. O. J. Cockshut, Truth to Life: The Art of Biography in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974); Avrom Fleishman, Figures of Autobiography: The Language of Self-Writing in Victorian and Modern England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); Jerome Buckley, The Turning Key: Autobiography and the Subjective Impulse since 1800 (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1984); John Burnett, The Autobiography of the Working Class: An Annotated, Critical Bibliography (New York: New York University Press, 1984); A. O. J. Cockshut, The Art of Autobiography in 19th and 20th Century England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984); Linda H. Peterson, Victorian Autobiography: The Tradition of Self-Interpretation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986); Heather Henderson, The Victorian Self: Autobiography and Biblical Narrative (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989); Regenia Gagnier, Subjectivities: A History of Self-Representation in Britain, 1832–1920 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991); Mary Jean Corbett, Representing Femininity: Middle Class Subjectivity in Victorian and Edwardian Women’s Autobiographies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992); David Amigoni, Victorian Biography: Intellectuals and the Ordering of Discourse (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1993); Linda H. Peterson, Traditions of Women’s Autobiography: The Poetics and Politics of Life Writing (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999); David Amigoni, ed., Life Writing and Victorian Culture (Aldershot; Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate, 2006) In Biography: Fiction, Fact and Form (London: Macmillan, 1984), Ira Nadel avoids the big nineteenth-century biographies altogether by focusing on collections of short lives, like the Notes ● 221

Dictionary of National Biography (see Chapter 1, “Biography as Institution,” 13–66); his discussion of George Eliot glosses over John Cross’s Life and Letters in a mere two paragraphs (108–9). 30. Francis T. Palgrave, “On Royal and Other Diaries and Letters,” Macmillan’s Magazine 17 (March 1868): 380, 381, 383. 31. In Lives and Letters: A History of Literary Biography in England and America (New York: Knopf, 1966), Richard Altick claims simply that diaries were useful to biographers as “self-revelatory documents” (104). This insight is hardly use- ful beyond literary biography, given that the vast majority of published diaries were topical (rather than ruminatory), including many, if not most, that appeared in biographical contexts. 32. Walter Scott, “Pepys’s Memoirs,” The Quarterly Review 33 (March 1826): 282. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 33. William Stevenson, “Diary of Samuel Pepys,” The Westminster Review 4 (October 1825): 409. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 34. Barbara Timm Gates, ed., Journal of Emily Shore (1891; Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1991), 262. 35. Severn, Diary of the Rev. John Ward, xix. 36. Stevenson, “Diary of Samuel Pepys,” 412; Margaret Oliphant, “Evelyn and Pepys,” Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 76 (July 1854): 37; J. K. Laughton, “Bright’s Edition of Pepys’s Diary,” The Edinburgh Review 152 (July 1880): 246. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 37. See Latham and Matthews’ description of how Lord Braybrooke not only cut passages from Pepys’s diary, but also compressed and rearranged them (The Diary of Samuel Pepys, lxxix–lxxxi). 38. Ibid., 1. lxxiv. 39. “Memoirs of Samuel Pepys . . . ,” The Times, June 20, 1825; H. A. Woodham, “Diary and Correspondence of Samuel Pepys,” The Edinburgh Review 90 (October 1849): 553; Oliphant, “Evelyn and Pepys,” 47. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 40. Henry Wheatley, Samuel Pepys and the World He Lived In (London: Bickers and Son, 1880), 1, 46; James Aitken, ed., English Diaries of the XIX Century, 1800–1850 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1944), 48, 65; Arthur Ponsonby, English Diaries (London: Methuen, 1923), 392; Hudson, Munby, 267; Richard Doyle and Percival Leigh, “Manners and Customs of Ye Englyshe in 1849, Mr Pips his Diary,” Punch 16, 17 (1849), reprinted as Manners and Cvstoms of ye Englyshe Drawn from ye Quick by Rychard Doyle. To Which Be Added Some Extracts from Mr Pips hys Diary. Contrybvted by Percival Leigh (London: Bradbury and Evans, 1849). 41. Stuart Sherman, Telling Time: Clocks, Diaries, and English Diurnal Form, 1660–1785 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 31. 42. Robert Latham, ed., The Shorter Pepys (1985; Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1987), xv. 222 ● Notes

43. “Notwithstanding the extensive popularity of the Memoirs of Grammont, and the still greater attractions of those of Evelyn, we have no hesitation in stating our opinion that these volumes will outstrip them both in public estimation” (The Times, June 20, 1825); Anthony Hamilton, Memoirs of Count Grammont, 2nd ed. (London, 1809). 44. “Memoirs of Samuel Pepys,” The New Monthly Magazine 14 (August 1825): 109. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 45. J. W. Burrow, A Liberal Descent: Victorian Historians and the English Past (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 11–17. 46. See Handley, Annotated Bibliography. The associations between the diary and this particular historical period were strengthened by historical fi ction such as Hannah Mary Rathbone’s So Much of the Diary of Lady Willoughby as Relates to her Domestic History, & to the Eventful Period of the Reign of Charles the First (1844) and Anna Jane Buckland’s The Diary of Nannette Dampier: during the years 1664–66 (1870). 47. T. W. Heyck, The Transformation of Intellectual Life in Victorian England (New York: St. Martin’s, 1982), 123–24. Macaulay claimed that “in our coun- try the dearest interests of parties have frequently been staked on the results of the researches of antiquaries. The inevitable consequence was that our antiquar- ies constructed their research in the spirit of partisans” (quoted in Burrow, A Liberal Descent, 19). 48. For a full account of the dominance of Whig history in the nineteenth century, see Burrow, A Liberal Descent. 49. “Memoirs of Samuel Pepys,” The New Monthly Magazine 14 (August 1825): 97. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 50. Latham and Matthews, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, 1. 40–41. 51. Jann, The Art and Science of Victorian History, xx. 52. The 1828 second edition of Pepys was simply a reprint of the fi rst, though this time the book appeared in octavo as well as quarto form. 53. For home renovations, see March 25, March 27, April 5, 1661 (1. 202–5); for a wedding celebration, see January 24, 1660 (1. 14); for the trip to Chatham, see April 9–10, 1661 (1. 206–210). 54. Francis Jeffrey, “Pepys’s Memoirs,” The Edinburgh Review 43 (November 1825): 25. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 55. Oliphant appears to be the only woman who reviewed Pepys in the nineteenth century, though it is likely that at least some of the anonymous reviews were written by women. 56. “Pepys’s Diary,” Fraser’s Magazine 44 (October 1851): 423. 57. Jeffrey, “Pepys’s Memoirs,” 27; Leigh Hunt, “Pepys’s Memoirs and Correspondence,” The Edinburgh Review 74 (October 1841): 106; Laughton, “Bright’s Edition of Pepys’s Diary,” 257. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 58. Jeffrey, “Pepys’s Memoirs,” 28; “Pepys’s Diary,” Fraser’s, 412; Woodham, “Diary and Correspondence of Samuel Pepys,” 556. Notes ● 223

59. Scott notes Pepys’s “harmless yet ludicrous vanity” (296). Jeffrey manages to both celebrate and mock his “devoted attachment, and almost ludicrous admi- ration of his wife” (27), calls “[h]is perplexity at the success of Hudibras . . . exceedingly ludicrous” (32), and offers “a ludicrous instance of his parsimony” (33). Percival Leigh, in his preface to the book edition Manners of ye Englyshe, calls Pepys’s “autobiography extremely ludicrous” (n.p.). 60. In 1825, the New Monthly prophesied that Pepys’s Memoirs “will henceforward form an essential pendant” to Evelyn’s, and indeed they have, for to this day Evelyn is hardly mentioned without reference to Pepys. In the fi rst sentence of John Evelyn and His World: A Biography (London, Boston and Henley: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981), John Bowles feels compelled to acknowledge that “[f]or every hundred readers familiar with the diaries of Samuel Pepys, there are probably no more than ten who have read the diaries of John Evelyn” (1). 61. See Jeffrey, “Pepys’s Memoirs,” 50; “Memoirs of Samuel Pepys,” New Monthly, 100; Scott, “Pepys’s Memoirs,” 288, 300; and Oliphant, “Evelyn and Pepys,” 35, 37. 62. The refrain of “gentleman” is heard as often as the comparison to Pepys in discussions of Evelyn: Robert Southey asserts in his 1818 review of Evelyn’s Memoirs (“Memoirs of Evelyn,” The Quarterly Review 37 [April 1818]) that “for an English gentleman he is the perfect model” (4), while in his review of Pepys, Scott hails Evelyn as “one of the best and most dignifi ed specimens of the old English country gentleman” (288), an assessment he returns to in the last sen- tence of Chapter 13 of Kenilworth (1821; Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1993) when he describes “the celebrated Mr Evelyn whose ‘Silva’ is still the manual of British planters; and whose life, manners, and principles, as illustrated in his Memoirs, ought equally to be the manual of English gentle- men” (131). 63. Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 18 (London: Smith, Elder, 1889), 81. 64. Guy de la Bédoyère, ed., The Diary of John Evelyn (Bangor, Gwynedd: Headstart History, 1994), 16; John Bowle, ed. The Diary of John Evelyn (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), ix. 65. J. Lockhart, “The Life of Mrs. Godolphin,” Quarterly Review 81 (1847): 377; W. G. Hiscock, John Evelyn and His Family Circle (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1955), v; Frances Harris, Transformations of Love: The Friendship of John Evelyn and Margaret Godolphin (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 2. 66. Lockhart, “The Life of Mrs. Godolphin,” 352. 67. Demonstrating the universality of these readerly preoccupations, Charles Cooke’s parodic Diary of Samuel Pepys, Esq. While an Undergraduate at Cambridge (London, 1864) begins with an entry in which the young Pepys, about to go to university, purchases a “periwigg, that cost me near upon three guineas,” describes his “red heeles” and “blue coat braided with silver,” and enjoys the parson’s daughters, whom he describes as “two merry jades” (18). 68. Sarah Stickney Ellis, The Women of England (London: Fisher, 1839), 38–39. 224 ● Notes

69. Quoted in Levine, The Amateur and the Professional, 37. In Gender, Genre, and Victorian Historical Writing (New York and London: Garland, 1998), Rohan Amanda Maitzen also discusses how critics praised the “manliness” of historians (12). 70. Basing her discussion upon Naomi Schor’s analysis of the femininity of the detail, Maitzen argues that nineteenth-century debates about the historio- graphical value of the detail—especially the social or domestic detail—refl ect larger anxieties about the gendering of history and historical work (15–18). 71. In Men in Wonderland (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), Catherine Robson argues that Victorian men experienced childhood as femi- nine; her formulation offers an alternative explanation for how defi ning Pepys as a child might account for his gender peccadilloes. 72. These reactions persist today. The editor of the Clarendon Press edition of Evelyn’s diary, Gavin de Beer, judiciously says of Evelyn’s fi rst editor, William Bray, “What he achieved deserves proper acknowledgement. He gave the gen- eral readers of his time a book of very great value to them, and his alterations almost certainly made it easier for them to read than a better text would have been. But in the long run his alterations have proved injurious” (The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer [1951; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000], 1. 162). In contrast, Latham and Matthews do not offer even faint praise for Pepys’s fi rst editor: they claim that “Braybrooke produced . . . what was in many ways a travesty of the original,” supporting their claim with three pages of insistent disparagement that often borders on the vitriolic (1. lxxix–lxxxii). 73. For kissing, see April 9–10, 1661 (1. 207, 210); 2. 450; Braybrooke, Diary of Samuel Pepys, 2. 224. Such passages could refl ect competing imperatives of textual fi delity and moral probity, or they may simply be one more piece of evidence that the mid-Victorians were less prudish than scholars once assumed and the general public still seems to believe. 74. Matthews quoted in Latham and Matthews, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, 1. xciii. 75. See Claire Tomalin, “Work,” Chapter 9 in Samuel Pepys: The Unequalled Self (2002; London: Penguin, 2003), 133–48. 76. For the professionalization of history, see Levine, “Individuals in Concert,” and Kenyon, The History Men. 77. Robert Louis Stevenson, “Samuel Pepys,” Cornhill Magazine 44 (July 1881): 31. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 78. For an account of the dubitable masculinity of the male author, see Mary Poovey, Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid-Victorian England (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1988), especially Chapter 4, “The Man-of-Letters Hero: David Copperfi eld and the Professional Writer,” 89–125. 79. When Claire Tomalin suggests that “[i]n certain passages he prefi gures the great adulteresses of nineteenth-century fi ction, alternating between ecstasy and tor- ment like Bovary and enduring the punishment infl icted by an angry and virtu- ous spouse, like Karenina,” she locates Pepys fi rmly among women (269). Notes ● 225

80. Wheatley, Samuel Pepys and the World He Lived In, 199. 81. The Dictionary of National Biography (London: Smith, Elder, 1886) states that “[t]he volumes . . . sold rapidly, and several editions were disposed of in a few weeks” (8. 23). 82. A more petty reading of Brougham’s hostility might see it as a response to his own depiction in the Diary. A footnote early in the text reads, “Mr. Brougham— now Lord Brougham . . . what public character has ever afforded more scope for satire, not only with but at him? And yet he is an extraordinarily clever man—even his enemies do not deny it.” Charlotte Bury, Diary Illustrative of the Times of George the Fourth, 2nd edition, ed. John Galt (London: Henry Colburn, 1839) 1. 43. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 83. While Yellowplush’s indignation is characteristically absurd, registering amuse- ment as much as condemnation, it follows the same track as the more serious reviews, canvassing the author’s gender and identity, as well as her payment. See William Makepeace Thackeray, “The Yellowplush Correspondence. No. IV. Skimmings from ‘The Dairy [sic] of George IV,” Fraser’s Magazine 17 (March 1838): 353–59. 84. “The Edinburgh Review, Lord Brougham, and the Press,” Fraser’s Magazine 18 (July 1838): 2. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. The most obvious of the book’s gender errors include retaining the French feminine, allowing another man to hold the author’s hand, and including a passage of fulsome praise from an artist that could only be addressed to a woman. 85. Several reviews refer to this apparently well-known admission. See John Wilson Croker, “Diary of the Times of George IV,” The Quarterly Review 61 (January 1838): 164; Henry Brougham, “George the Fourth and Queen Caroline,” The Edinburgh Review 67 (April 1838): 65. Further references will be given paren- thetically in the text. 86. William Makepeace Thackeray, “A Diary Relative to George IV. and Queen Caroline,” The Times January 11, 1838, reprinted in Critical Papers in Literature (London: Macmillan, 1904), 62–67. Further references will be given paren- thetically in the text. 87. Citing a memoir by Bury’s granddaughter, A. Francis Steuart, editor of the Bodley Head edition of the Diary (The Diary of a Lady-In-Waiting [London: John Lane, the Bodley Head; New York: John Lane, 1908]), claims that her second husband, Reverend Edward J. Bury, edited and published the volume “without her knowledge,” a dubious claim, given the fact that Reverend Bury died in 1832 (1. x). It does seem likely that he was involved in preparing the manuscript, but the fact that it appeared in print six years after his death and Bury never mentioned his involvement, though it might have helped defend her from some of the accusations leveled against her, suggests at least a degree of agency on her part. 88. See Handley, An Annotated Bibliography. In Telling Time: Clocks, Diaries, and English Diurnal Form, 1660-1785 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago 226 ● Notes

Press, 1996), Stuart Sherman claims that Frances Burney’s Diary and Letters (1842) “marked the fi rst print appearance of a woman’s private journal” (270). As far as I can tell, if we exclude anonymous or pseudonymous publication, this assessment is correct. 89. Flora Fraser, The Unruly Queen: The Life of Queen Caroline (London: Macmillan, 1996), 27–28. 90. For an account of how the radicals deployed images of moral and domestic purity in support of Caroline, see Tom Laqueur, “The Queen Caroline Affair: Politics as Art in the Reign of George IV,” Journal of Modern History 54 (1982): 417–66; for an account of how the King’s supporters represented her sexual and moral transgressions, see Jonathan Fulcher, “The Loyalist Response to the Queen Caroline Agitations,” Journal of British Studies 34.4 (1995): 481–502; for a discussion of how plebeian radicals were able to assimilate Caroline’s reputed sexual behavior within a defense of the prerogatives of marriage, see Anna Clark, “Queen Caroline and the Sexual Politics of Popular Culture in London, 1820,” Representations 31 (1990): 47–68. 91. For just one among countless examples, see 1. 250–52. 92. The Diary’s notes are generally more negative about the Princess than the text. For instance when Bury claims that Caroline wanted “to be able to say that she did all in her power to prove her love for Princess Charlotte,” the appended note states, “This conduct would have been natural and praiseworthy, had genuine affection for her child been the real motive; but it was too evidently pique and a revenge for self-indignities . . .” But even this note concludes, “[I]f ever woman was goaded to intemperate display of passion, the Princess was that woman” (1. 140–41). If the book’s notes were the work of Reverend Bury, Bury herself can be associated with the more moderate position of the text. 93. For similar passages, see 1. 33, 1. 262. 94. Galt, Bury’s one staunch defender, claims that “[t]he character of [Princess Caroline] has for the fi rst time been drawn with truth in these pages; she is neither eulogised beyond her deserts, as some have essayed to do, nor con- demned with the injustice shown her by others”; this truthful portrait results, he suggests, from the fact that the book is “unbiased by party, or by any political creed whatever” (v). The balance in his own rhetoric both explains and enacts the effect of the passages I refer to here. 95. It is probably a coincidence that de Stael was also published (in English) by Colburn, but given Colburn’s reputation for puffery, it is surprising that nobody thought to accuse Bury of being a shill for de Stael. 96. For further praise of de Stael see 1. 102, 1. 298. 97. Croker is for once unbiased when he complains that “the succeeding pages getin [sic] to such a mess of diary and letters, such a confusion of places and dates, as to be utterly unintelligible” (162). 98. Lenore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780–1850 (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1987), 149–55. Notes ● 227

99. Roger Fulford, ed., Your Dear Letter: Private Correspondence of Queen Victoria and the Crown Princess of Prussia, 1865–1871 (London: Evans Brothers, 1971), 173. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 100. In Queen Victoria’s Secrets (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), Adrienne Munich argues that the familial focus of the Journal’s content helps to construct Victoria’s domestic persona by eliding the political work that she in fact pursued assiduously (40–41). 101. While Margaret Homans’ discussion of the Journal and its reviews touches mine in many places, her theoretical interest is in the Journal’s contribution to our understanding of representation, both political and literary, and her thematic interest is in the book’s revelation of Victoria pretending not to be queen, through its elision of the explicitly political and its depiction of her travels in disguise. As such, she pays no attention to questions of genre, a primary frame for my analysis. See Royal Representations: Queen Victoria and British Culture, 1837–1876 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). 102. Queen Victoria, Leaves from the Journal of Our Life in the Highlands (London: Smith, Elder and Company, 1868), vii. Further references will be given par- enthetically in the text. 103. On January 18, she reported that “18,000 copies were sold in a week” (Fulford, Your Dear Letter, 171); January 22, she announced that “[t]he cheap edition for the poor is likely to be published as soon as possible. A second edition like the fi rst is coming out immediately” (172); on March 14 she wrote, “The cheap edition will be out on Thursday and the 20,000 copies are already bespoken, and 10,000 more have at once to be printed” (178); by March 25, “35,000 copies have been sold of it—and 15,000 more are printed since” (180); and by May 13, “80,000 copies were sold!” (189). 104. The Times of London, Mar 7, 1868; May 8, 1868. It should be noted that a translation into Gaelic was a somewhat specious act. By 1868, most of Her Majesty’s subjects spoke English, and Gaelic had become the province of the illiterate poor and cultural antiquarian. Still, the gesture toward both those populations would have had signifi cant resonance in terms of the Journal’s nationalist project. 105. Henry Reeve, “The Queen’s Highland Journal,” The Edinburgh Review 127 (January 1868): 23; “Leaves from the Journal of Our Life in the Highlands,” The Athenaeum 2098 (January 11, 1868): 47; Palgrave, “On Royal and Other Diaries and Letters,” 386. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 106. Dorothy Thompson, Queen Victoria: Gender and Power (London: Virago, 1990), 56. 107. Elizabeth Longford, Victoria R. I. (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964), 323–45; Munich, Queen Victoria’s Secrets, 97–98; Thompson, Queen Victoria: Gender and Power, 73. See also the fi lm, Mrs. Brown (1997). John Brown’s role as Albert’s replacement is supported by the history of Victoria’s diaries. As I discuss below, the Journal was framed in large part as a memorial to Albert 228 ● Notes

to whom it is dedicated; More Leaves from the Journal of a Life in the Highlands (London: Smith Elder, 1884) appeared after Brown’s death and is dedicated to him. Victoria wanted to publish a memoir of Brown, as well as his private diary, but was dissuaded from these projects by her anxious advisors (see Homans, Royal Representations, 242–43; Longford, Victoria R. I., 454–57; Thompson, Queen Victoria: Gender and Power, 70). 108. Homans argues that the publication of the Journal and the biography The Early Years of His Royal Highness The Prince Consort (1867) were a concerted intervention in debates over the Reform Bill, an intervention in which Victoria specifi cally rejected Arnoldian forms of symbolic representation (100, 102, 116, 127). 109. Two examples of this practice are The Journal and Correspondence of William Lord Auckland (London: Richard Bentley, 1861), edited by his son, the Bishop of Bath and Wells, and Journals and Correspondence of Lady Eastlake (London: John Murray, 1895), edited by her nephew, Charles Eastlake Smith. 110. Mary Berry, Extracts from the Journals and Correspondence of Miss Berry, ed. Lady Theresa Lewis (London: Longmans, Green, 1866), ix. 111. Francis Larpent, The Private Journal of F. S. Larpent, ed. George Larpent (London: Richard Bentley, 1853), xiv–xv, v. 112. Charles Kingsley, “Leaves from the Journal of Our Life in the Highlands,” Fraser’s Magazine 77 (February 1868): 155; Margaret Oliphant, “The Queen of the Highlands,” Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 103 (February 1868): 246. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 113. Samuel Wilberforce, “The Queen in the Islands and Highlands,” The Quarterly Review 124 (January 1868): 55. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. Late twentieth-century critics also read the Journal as domestic. Gail Turley Houston cites its “idyllic domestic scenes” in “Reading and Writing Victoria: The Conduct Book and the Legal Constitution of Female Sovereignty,” Remaking Queen Victoria, ed. Margaret Homans and Adrienne Munich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 191. 114. For similar, if differently framed, arguments, see Reeve, “The Queen’s Highland Journal,” 300; Oliphant, “The Queen of the Highlands,” 250; The Times, January 10, 1868. 115. Piers Brendon, Thomas Cook: 150 Years of Popular Tourism (London: Secker and Warburg, 1991), 39–55. The Queen’s frequent references to Scott and Landseer suggest that her devotion to Scotland was based in representations beloved by the bourgeoisie. 116. Several of the reviews, particularly the Scottish ones, discuss the ways in which the Journal represents Scotland, but only The Times notes its generic specifi c- ity: “[The Queen’s] work takes the simple form of an ordinary journal of travel” (January 10, 1868). In Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine, Oliphant sug- gests that travel writing inspires the desire to travel: “[W]e can but hope that her Majesty’s book will not impair the royal solitude she loves, by tempting yet another and another fl ood of tourists to follow her footsteps among the Notes ● 229

hills” (242). Contemporary scholars similarly neglect the book’s status as travel journal, aside from Joanna Richardson in her brief essay “Queen Victoria as a Writer,” History Today 21.3 (1971): 163–69. 117. For a more general sampling of Victoria’s diaries, see Christopher Hibbert, ed. Queen Victoria in her Letters and Journals (New York: Viking, 1985). 118. Charles Abbot, The Diaries and Correspondence of Charles Abbot, Lord Colchester (London: J. Murray, 1861). 119. Shirley Foster, Across New Worlds: Nineteenth-Century Women Travellers and their Writings (New York; London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990), 19, 20. 120. While reviewers frequently call attention to the mini-biographies of friends and servants included in the notes, it is striking how many notes record the death of a person referred to in the text, from the Queen’s half-brother to her Piper (35, 132). See also 58, 103, 104, 146, 152, 157, 162, 188, and 225. Munich discusses Victoria’s obsession with death and mourning in Chapter 4, “Imperial Tears,” 79–103. 121. The anonymous reviewer for The Athenaeum asserts that “[t]he whole of these glimpses into the daily routine of royal life will be of interest to the public, and most of all to the female public” (47), while Kingsley claims that “[b]y telling her own story, simply, earnestly, confi dently, her Majesty has appealed to women’s suffrage” (154). 122. The word “simple” appears in every review considered here (Kingsley, “Leaves from the Journal of Our Life in the Highlands,” 154, 155, 158; Palgrave, “On Royal and Other Diaries and Letters,” 387; Reeve, “The Queen’s Highland Journal,” 281, 300; Wilberforce, “The Queen in the Islands and Highlands,” 55), frequently accompanied by references to the “natural” (Oliphant, “The Queen of the Highlands,” 246; Reeve, “The Queen’s Highland Journal,” 283; Wilberforce, “The Queen in the Islands and Highlands,” 65, 74). 123. Walter Benjamin’s essay, “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction” (Illuminations, ed. Hannah Arendt [New York: Schocken Books, 1969], 217–51), provides an important corollary to my argument throughout this chapter. Victoria’s Journal, its political purpose predicated upon its mass availability, most explicitly functions in the manner Benjamin ascribes to photography, fi lm, and other media of reproduction. Yet as the importance of the sketches in Victoria’s diary demonstrates, albeit problem- atically, the published diary is not wholly removed from the cultish realm of the unique and authentic that Benjamin delineates as Other to the age of mechanical reproduction. Rather, the published diary blurs the border Benjamin limns, highlighting both the desires that traverse his categories and the limits of those desires. 124. This dialectic recalls Homans’ account of a Victoria whose “presence is desired, yet . . . seems most effectively delivered by her absence, an absence fi lled with mysterious powers and simulating ‘presence’” (126). 125. “Contemporary Literature: History and Biography,” The Westminster Review 134.2 (1890): 211. 230 ● Notes

126. According to unreliable but suggestive statistics gathered from Handley, his- torical diaries had a slight edge over auto/biographical diaries during the 1860s. In the 1870s, there were three times as many auto/biographical diaries as historical. The numbers evened out again in the 1880s, but by the 1890s nearly twice as many auto/biographical diaries appeared. By the 1870s, the number of religious diaries published had dropped signifi cantly. In the 1870s and 1880s, there were one-third as many religious diaries as auto/biographical diaries, and in the 1890s, there were six times more auto/biographical diaries than religious. Travel diaries also began to decline during this period: while almost as many travel diaries as auto/biographical diaries were published in the 1880s, by the 1890s there were more than three times as many auto/bio- graphical diaries. 127. See Beatrice Didier, Le journal intime (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1976). The differences between my analysis and Didier’s, which focuses almost wholly on the French tradition, are evident from her fi rst sentence, which locates the diary primarily within the Romantic tradition I have traced here: “Si le journal est souvent caché, secret, et semble trouver dans une certain occultation à autrui un gage de sérieux, d’authenticité, nous ne connaissons, par défi nition, que ceux don’t la divulgation a éventé le mystère--et souvent de l’aveu même de leur auteur” [“If the diary is often hidden, secret, and seems to fi nd confi rmation of its sincerity or authenticity in a certain concealment from others, by defi nition, we only know of it that which in the divulging fanned the fl ames of mystery—and often by their author’s very confession.”] (7). 128. Mrs. Humphry Ward, trans., Amiel’s Journal (London: Macmillan, 1885), x. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 129. Mathilde Blind, trans., The Journal of Marie Bashkirtseff (London: Cassell, 1890), xxxv; Marion Hepworth Dixon, “Marie Bashkirtseff: a personal remi- niscence,” Fortnightly Review 53 O.S., 47 N.S. (February 1890): 276. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 130. Blanche Leppington, “Amiel’s Journal,” Contemporary Review 47 (March 1885): 338; Amiel’s Journal, lxii. 131. Amiel’s Journal, lxiv. 132. Walter Pater, Essays from “The Guardian” (London: Macmillan, 1901), 24. 133. Florence Armstrong, “Marie Bashkirtseff,” Temple Bar 88 (February 1890): 265. 134. For references to Gladstone’s comments, which I have been unable to locate, see ibid., 263; Dixon, “Marie Bashkirtseff,” 276. In his diary, Gladstone records reading a Scribner’s article about Bashkirtseff on December 7, 1899, and writing to her mother on February 25, 1890. See H. C. G. Matthew, ed., The Gladstone Diaries (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 12. 249, 274. 135. Charlotte Dempster, “The Journal of Marie Bashkirtseff,” Edinburgh Review 172 (July 1890): 33; Dixon, “Marie Bashkirtseff,” 276. It seems not insig- nifi cant that most of Bashkirtseff’s reviewers were women. 136. Leppington, “Amiel’s Journal,” 336–38. Notes ● 231

137. For a similar argument see Margo Culley, A Day at a Time (New York: The Feminist Press, 1985). 138. For an account of how twentieth-century boys rejected diary writing, see Cinthia Gannett, Gender and the Journal: Diaries and Academic Discourse (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992).

Chapter 5 1. In making this argument, I echo Nancy Armstrong who, in Desire and Domestic Fiction (London, New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), claims that, in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, fi ction feminized subjectivity and politics. 2. Lorna Martens, The Diary Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 55–61. 3. For discussions of strategies of verisimilitude in eighteenth-century British fi c- tion, see Lennard Davis, Factual Fictions: The Origins of the English Novel (1983; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996); Martens, The Diary Novel, 55–63; J. Paul Hunter, Before Novels: The Cultural Contexts of Eighteenth- Century Fiction (New York and London: Norton, 1990). Hunter critiques Davis’s limited focus on journalism as the origin of the novel, but the signifi - cance of formal strategies of verisimilitude is a focus in both projects. 4. Ian Watt, The Rise of the Novel (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1957), 32 and passim. 5. Porter Abbott, Diary Fiction: Writing as Action (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1984), 18, 19. 6. Ibid., 9–11; Martens, The Diary Novel, 75–85. 7. On epistolary fi ction, see Janet Gurkin Altman, Epistolarity: Approaches to a Form (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1982); Linda S. Kauffman, Discourses of Desire: Gender, Genre, and Epistolary Fictions (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1986); and Joe Bray, The Epistolary Novel: Representations of Consciousness (London; New York: Routledge, 2003). 8. Dorrit Cohn, Transparent Minds: Narrative Modes for Presenting Consciousness in Fiction (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 208–16. 9. Martens, The Diary Novel, 101. 10. Abbott, Diary Fiction, 15–16, 44–45. 11. In The French Fictional Journal: Fictional Narcissism/Narcissistic Fiction (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), Valerie Raoul examines one branch of the Continental tradition. She also foregrounds (and thus privileges) the journal intime or narcissistic mode that her subtitle highlights, a mode she explicitly distances from the British “journal externe” (viii). The only British text she references is Robinson Crusoe and her French exemplar is the modernist Eva (1930). 12. Martens, The Diary Novel, 75, 100; Leah Price, The Anthology and the Rise of the Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 50. See also Nicola 232 ● Notes

J. Watson, Revolution and the Form of the British Novel 1790–1825 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994); Elizabeth Heckendorn Cook, Epistolary Bodies: Gender and Genre in the Eighteenth-Century Republic of Letters (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 173–83; Mary Favret, Romantic Correspondence: Women, Politics, and the Fiction of Letters (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 197–213. 13. Price, The Anthology and the Rise of the Novel, 50. 14. Beth Newman, “Telling Situations: The Frame Narrative in Nineteenth- Century British Fiction,” (Cornell University, 1987). 15. Catherine Delafi eld, Women’s Diaries as Narrative in the Nineteenth-Century Novel (Surrey: Ashgate, 2009), 100. 16. Martens, The Diary Novel, 24, 86, 37 17. Hannah Rathbone, So much of the DIARY of LADY WILLOUGHBY as relates to her Domestic History, & to the Eventful Period of the Reign of CHARLES the First (London: Longman, 1844); George and Weedon Grossmith, The Diary of a Nobody (1892; Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1995). 18. Samuel Warren, Passages from the Diary of a Late Physician (Edinburgh: Blackwood; London: T. Cadell, 1832); Charlotte Campbell Bury, Journal of the Heart (London: Colburn and Bentley, 1830). The two models come together in Holme Lee’s The Wortlebank Diary, and Some Old Stories from Kathie Brande’s Portfolio (London: Smith Elder, 1860) where the domestic narrative of a maternal diary frames an anthology of stories that the characters in the diary read and tell to each other. 19. While WorldCat lists only ten extant copies of Emma Marshall’s Mrs. Mainwaring’s Journal, those copies alone come from fi ve different editions over the course of seven years: New York: Dutton, 1874; New York: Dutton, 1876; New York: Dutton, 1880, London: Seeley, Jackson, and Halliday, 1880; and Leipzig: B. Tauchnitz, 1881. Rathbone’s Diary of Lady Willoughby went through three edi- tions in its fi rst two years, and there still exist 412 copies from thirteen separate imprints at three different publishers, but there is not a single reference to the book—or to Rathbone—in the On-line MLA Index. 20. See the novels of Elizabeth Charles, including Chronicles of the Schönberg-Cotta Family (1862; New York: M. W. Dodd, 1864), The Diary of Mrs. Kitty Trevylyan (New York: M. W. Dodd, 1864), and The Diary of Brother Bartholomew (New York: M. W. Dodd, 1865). 21. For a sentimental take, see The Vicar of Lyssel (London: Saunders, Otley, 1860); for a humorous take, see The Diary of a Nobody. While the protagonists of those novels are men, Anne Manning’s The Maiden & Married Life of Mary Powell, Afterwards Mistress Milton (London: Hall, 1850) offers a wife-taming romance whose heroine ultimately embraces the pious domesticity she initially scorns. 22. See Rathbone, Diary of Lady Willoughby, and Manning, The Maiden & Married Life of Mary Powell. One fascinating aspect of these diaries is their physical anachronism, a convention initiated by Rathbone. The old-fashioned typeface and diction initially stimulated controversy over whether the diaries were real or fi ction, but ultimately became a fi ctional convention. Notes ● 233

23. See John Wilson Crawford, Jonathan Oldaker; or Leaves from the Diary of a Commercial Traveller (London, 1856), an example of a novel that, despite its title, bears no formal resemblance to a diary; Thomas Delf, Diary of an Ex-Detective, ed. Charles Martel (London: Ward and Lock, 1860); Edward Carpenter, The Diary of a Pawnbroker (London: David Bryce, 1865) (this may be a reprint of The Diary of a Pawnbroker, or The Three Golden Balls [New York: H. Long, 1849]); William Russell, Leaves from the Diary of a Law Clerk (London: J&C Brown, 1857). 24. See Miriam Burstein, “‘This Book, My Friend’: Plotting the Christian Self in the Victorian Diary Novel” (MLA, 2003), for an analysis that combines reli- gious and historical fi ction and argues that diary novels have been neglected because they do not fi t into the academy’s preferred critical categories. 25. Edmund D. Wickham, The Anglo-Indian Family; or Aunt Lucy’s Journal (Croydon: J. S. Wright, 1853), ix. 26. Warren, Passages, xi–xii. 27. Emily Brontë, Wuthering Heights (1847; New York: Norton, 1990), 16. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 28. Email communication, Sarah Carr, Collections Assistant, Brontë Parsonage Museum, June 11, 2004. The diary fragments are catalogued in Christine Alexander, A Bibliography of the Manuscripts of Charlotte Brontë (Keighley, West Yorkshire: The Brontë Society, 1982), 21, 23, 41, 50, 51, 171. 29. Anne Brontë, The Tenant of Wildfell Hall (1848; Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), 146. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 30. Charlotte Brontë, Shirley (1849; Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), 567. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 31. Robert C. McKibben, “The Image of the Book in Wuthering Heights,” Nineteenth-Century Fiction 15.2 (1960): 159–69. 32. J. Hillis Miller, “Wuthering Heights: Repetition and the ‘Uncanny,’” in The Brontës, ed. Harold Bloom (New York: Chelsea House, 1987), 169–92; Carol Jacobs, “Wuthering Heights: At the Threshold of Interpretation,” Boundary 2: A Journal of Postmodern Literature 7:3 (1979): 49–71. 33. Margaret Homans, Bearing the Word: Language and Female Experience in Nineteenth-Century Women’s Writing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 72–73; Patricia Yaeger, “Violence in the Sitting Room: Wuthering Heights and the Woman’s Novel,” Genre 11.2 (1988): 203–29; and Regina Barreca, “The Power of Excommunication: Sex and the Feminine Text in Wuthering Heights,” in Sex and Death in Victorian Literature, ed. Regina Barreca (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), 227–40. In an earlier iteration of her argument, “Repression and Sublimation of Nature in Wuthering Heights (PMLA 93.1 [1978] reprinted in Harold Bloom, ed., The Brontës [New York: Chelsea House, 1987]), Homans is more attentive to the implications of genre (93). 34. Jan B. Gordon, Gossip and Subversion in Nineteenth-Century British Fiction: Echo’s Economies (London: Macmillan; New York: St. Martin’s, 1996), 97–154. 35. George Moore, Conversations in Ebury Street (London: Chatto & Windus 1930), 257; Winifred Gérin, “Introduction,” The Tenant of Wildfell Hall (Harmondsworth: 234 ● Notes

Penguin, 1985), 14–15. Just a few of the many critics who mention Moore and/or Gérin include Lori Paige, “Helen’s Diary Freshly Considered,” Brontë Society Transactions 20.4 (1991): 225; Elizabeth Langland, “The Voicing of Feminine Desire in Anne Brontë’s The Tenant of Wildfell Hall,” in Gender and Discourse in Victorian Literature and Art, ed. Anthony H. Harrison and Beverly Taylor (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1992), 113; Catherine MacGregor, “‘I Cannot Trust Your Oaths and Promises: I Must Have A Written Agreement’: Talk and Text in The Tenant of Wildfell Hall,” Dionysos 4.2 (Fall 1992): 31; Rachel K. Carnell, “Feminism and the Public Sphere in Anne Brontë’s The Tenant of Wildfell Hall,” Nineteenth-Century Literature 53.1 (June 1998): 1; Garrett Stewart, “Narrative Economies in The Tenant of Wildfell Hall,” in New Approaches to the Literary Art of Anne Brontë, ed. Julie Nash and Barbara A. Suess (Aldershot; Burlington; Singapore; Sydney: Ashgate, 2001), 77–78; Lee A. Talley, “Anne Brontë’s Method of Social Protest in The Tenant of Wildfell Hall,” in New Approaches to the Literary Art of Anne Brontë, 136; and Melody Kemp, “Helen’s Diary and the Method(ism) of Character Formation in The Tenant of Wildfell Hall,” in New Approaches to the Literary Art of Anne Brontë, 195. 36. As Garrett Stewart puts it, “Even critical agendas soft on formalism . . . are drawn to Brontë’s embedded diary as a lightning rod for their own preoccupa- tions” (80). 37. In “Gossip, Diary, Letter, Text: Anne Brontë’s Narrative Tenant and the Problematic of the Gothic Sequel” (ELH 51.4 [1984]), Jan B. Gordon describes the book as “a world of proliferating ‘texts’ which cannot be contained, except by a desperate and arbitrary act of enclosure” (719–20); he claims that the provisionality of Helen’s diary aligns it with the gossip it is meant to combat, and only its containment within the exchange economy of Gilbert’s frame can stabilize the narrative and repress Helen’s subversiveness (Delafi eld echoes this analysis). Stewart, in contrast, reads Helen’s diary as antithetical to orality but of a piece with the novel’s many books and scenes of reading; he argues that both the frame narrative and the diary are crucial to the novel’s thematic defense of the nineteenth-century realist project in which reading serves as the preemi- nent means of both narrative exchange and subject-constitution. 38. Naomi Jacobs argues that The Tenant of Wildfell Hall manipulates the narrative conventions of the gothic to reveal how patriarchal ideology simultaneously encloses and generates the private female reality of domestic violence described in Helen’s diary (“Gender and Layered Narrative in Wuthering Heights and The Tenant of Wildfell Hall,” The Journal of Narrative Technique 16.3 [Fall 1986]: 204–19). 39. Langland, reading framing as a Barthesian enactment of exchange rather than hierarchy, sees the novel’s structure as a vehicle for “the paradoxic voicing of feminine desire” that ultimately subordinates Gilbert’s narrative to Helen’s, even as it encloses her voice within his (112). 40. While Carnell argues that Helen participates actively in a Habermasian public sphere of social commentary and aesthetic judgment that would have been Notes ● 235

coded masculine by nineteenth-century readers, she still reads her diary as an emblem of femininity, ultimately signifi cant as a vehicle for humanizing Gilbert and as a symbol, in its disappearance from the narrative, of Helen’s eventual retreat into maternal domesticity. 41. Melody J. Kemp is one critic who assays such a reading, examining Helen’s diary in the context of Methodist journals in “Helen’s Diary and the Method(ism) of Character Formation in The Tenant of Wildfell Hall,” in New Approaches to the Literary Art of Anne Brontë. While others mention diary con- ventions such as privacy or confession, they take them for granted rather than interrogating them. 42. For a longer account of space and diaries in Wuthering Heights, see my article “Diaries and Displacement in Wuthering Heights,” Studies in the Novel 32.4 (Winter 2000): 407–19. 43. Catherine repeatedly becomes the object of others, both grammatically and physically, even as she narrates her spatial quest. When rain prevents attendance at church, Joseph creates his own congregation: “Heathcliff, myself, and the unhappy plough-boy were commanded to take our Prayer-books, and mount. We were ranged in a row, on a sack of corn, groaning and shivering, and hop- ing that Joseph would shiver too, so that he might gives us a short homily for his own sake” (16). Released downstairs, where Hindley makes clear his power to control the environment—“‘You forget you have a master here,’ says the tyrant. ‘I’ll demolish the fi rst who puts me out of temper!”—Catherine attempts to create a refuge, but fails again: “‘We made ourselves as snug as our means allowed in the arch of the dresser. I had just fastened our pinafores together, and hung them up for a curtain, when in comes Joseph . . . he com- pelled us to square our positions that we might receive, from the far-off fi re, a dull ray to show us the text of the lumber he thrust upon us” (17). When Catherine and Heathcliff rebel, Hindley steps in once more: “Hindley hurried up from his paradise on the hearth, and seizing one of us by the collar, and the other by the arm, hurled both into the back-kitchen, where, Joseph assev- erated, ‘owd Nick’ would fetch us as sure as we were living; and, so comforted, we each sought a separate nook to await his advent.” Though Heathcliff may be aligned with her through much of her trouble, he too works to thwart her efforts: “I reached this book, and a pot of ink from a shelf, and pushed the house-door ajar to give me light, and I have got the time on with writing for twenty minutes; but my companion is impatient and proposes that we should appropriate the dairy woman’s cloak, and have a scamper on the moors under its shelter” (17). 44. Sandra Gilbert and Susan Gubar, The Madwoman in the Attic (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979), 260; Homans, Bearing the Word, 69–73. 45. Gilbert and Gubar, The Madwoman in the Attic, 281. 46. Beth Newman, “‘The Situation of the Looker-On”: Gender, Narration, and the Gaze in Wuthering Heights,” PMLA 105.5 (October 1990): 1034. 47. See Kemp, “Helen’s Diary.” 236 ● Notes

48. For similar confessional assertions, see 256, 318. 49. Stewart, “Narrative Economies in The Tenant of Wildfell Hall,” 87. Insistently focusing upon the novel’s thematization of “print,” Stewart misleadingly describes the letters Agnes Grey reads as instances of “the printed sheet” (85), and through a somewhat contorted reading produces Gilbert’s diary as print and thus novel: Once shown to Markham, these supplemental texts [Helen’s letters to her brother] offer a vicarious relay of event which this time lacks no “communica- tion” between page and brain, for “I devoured those precious letters with my eyes, and never let them go till their contents were stamped upon my mind” (444). Then, in a passive grammar whose impersonal instrumentality extends the idea of the “stamped” with the suggestion of an almost automatic second- ary impress or printing, we hear that “when I got home, the most important passages were entered in my diary” (444)—as if with no conscious interven- tion. And hence, thanks to that diary, stamped out as our novel. (95–96) 50. Ibid., 93. 51. G. H. Lewes, “Currer Bell’s Shirley,” Edinburgh Review 91 (April 1850): 153–73 (unsigned review); in Novels of the Eighteen-Forties (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1954), Kathleen Tillotson claims that fi rst-person narration “was the method of narrative that suited [Brontë] best; her unease without it is manifest in Shirley, which lacks a single centre of interest, and disposes its much greater masses of material without informing them with unity” (293–94). For citations of Lewes, see Jacob Korg, “The Problem of Unity in Shirley,” Nineteenth- Century Fiction 12.2 (1957): 125; Andrew and Judith Hook, “Introduction,” Shirley (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974), 10; Helene Moglen, Charlotte Brontë: The Self Conceived (Madison and London: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976), 156; Gilbert and Gubar, The Madwoman in the Attic, 373. 52. For readings that center on these three principles, respectively, see Korg, “The Problem of Unity in Shirley”; Hook, “Introduction,” Shirley; and Moglen, Charlotte Brontë. 53. Hook, “Introduction,” Shirley, 11; Suzanne Keen, Victorian Renovations of the Novel: Narrative Annexes and the Boundaries of Representation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 94–95; Miriam Bailin, The Sickroom in Victorian Fiction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 58. 54. It is largely impossible to separate these two primary loci, as John Plotz argues in The Crowd: British Literature and Public Politics (Berkeley; Los Angeles; London: University of California Press). Even criticism that clearly places its emphasis on the fi rst, like Terry Eagleton’s Myths of Power: A Marxist Study of the Brontës (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1975) or the second, like Moglen or Gilbert and Gubar, ends up addressing the other. 55. Gilbert and Gubar, The Madwoman in the Attic, 394–95. 56. Gisela Argyle, “Gender and Generic Mixing in Charlotte Brontë’s Shirley,” Studies in English Literature 35.4 (Autumn 1995): 741–56. Notes ● 237

57. F. A. C. Wilson, “The Primrose Wreath: The Heroes of the Brontë Novels,” Nineteenth-Century Fiction 29.1 (1974): 47–48. 58. Eagleton, Myths of Power, 59; Moglen, Charlotte Brontë, 184. 59. Of course he also parallels Rochester. Eagleton points out the ambiguities that shape the Jane Eyre comparison: “The Louis-Shirley union offers an obvious parallel to the Jane-Rochester relationship: Louis, like Jane a private tutor, mar- ries above him and will tame his imperious spouse; but if he is Jane he is also in a sense Rochester, a dark, dominating fi gure who will cast Shirley in the role of a meekly submissive Jane” (59). 60. In Charlotte Brontë and Victorian Psychology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 1996), Sally Shuttleworth concurs with this claim, arguing that Louis’s diary is a vehicle for “The decline of the women and the rise of male linguistic dominance” in the novel (215). 61. Bailin argues that Louis and Shirley’s relationship is characterized by “sado- masochistic games” (75) that are “punctuated by interludes of gentle affection elicited by the illness of one or the other of the combatants” (76). 62. Juliet Barker, The Brontës (New York: St. Martin’s, 1995), 156. 63. In The Clerk’s Tale: Young Men and Moral Life in Nineteenth-Century America (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2003), Thomas Augst shows how young men used their diaries to inculcate themselves into manhood, establishing themselves as independent adults. Brontë’s depiction of Louis surely echoes these practices, from the other side of the Atlantic, pointing once again to how the diary in fi ction absorbs actual diary practices, even as it ideologically realigns them. 64. Wilkie Collins, The Woman in White (1860; Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), 58. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 65. Wilkie Collins, Basil (1852; Oxford: Oxford University Press-World’s Classics, 1990), 2. 66. Wilkie Collins, The Moonstone (1868; Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969), 422, 371, 420, 428. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 67. Lillian Nayder, Wilkie Collins (New York: Twayne, 1997), ix; Adele Wills, “Witnesses and Truth: Juridical Narratives and Dialogism in Wilkie Collins’ The Moonstone and The Woman in White,” New Formations 32 (Autumn/Winter 1997): 91, 93. 68. Review in The Guardian, 29 August 1860, in Wilkie Collins: The Critical Heritage, ed. Norman Page (London; Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974), 91. Almost all the novel’s reviews, positive and negative, discussed its narrative method. The Saturday Review noted that “[t]he story of The Woman in White is related in a way at once pleasing, novel, and ingenious” (86), while The Dublin University Magazine commented more scathingly that “[e]ven the later fashion of writing your own story, or helping out a narrative with scraps of letters and diaries, fails to satisfy his thirst for combining the new with the real. Undeterred by Miss Mulock’s failure in the mechanism of her last novel, he has tried to better her teaching by a device more absurd and far-fetched than any” (107). 238 ● Notes

69. The wide scope of critical treatments can be understood as a byproduct of Collins’s inescapable thematization of writing and narrative. Sue Lonoff com- bines reader response criticism with an historical perspective in Wilkie Collins and the Victorian Reader (New York: AMS, 1982); in her essay “Multiple Narratives and Relative Truths: A Study of The Ring and the Book, The Woman in White, and The Moonstone” (Browning Institute Studies 10 [1982]: 143–61), she considers the epistemological implications of narrative form. Writing from a feminist perspective, Tamar Heller, in Dead Secrets: Wilkie Collins and the Female Gothic (New Haven: Yale, 1992), uses images of buried writing to work through Collins’s ambivalence about the Gothic as a literary model. In The Windings of the Labyrinth (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1992), Peter Thoms evokes archetypal criticism, exploring Collins’s reworkings of the quest narrative as he “dramatizes his protagonists’ evolution from being ‘characters,’ trapped within plots that they do not control, to being ‘authors,’ creating the signifi cant designs of their lives” (4). Diane Elam stakes out the intersection of feminism and deconstruction in “White Narratology: Gender and Reference in Wilkie Collins’s The Woman in White,” in Virginal Sexuality and Textuality in Victorian Literature, ed. Lloyd Davis (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1993). Adele Wills deploys a Bakhtinian framework in “Witnesses and Truth: Juridical Narratives and Dialogism in Wilkie Collins’s The Moonstone and The Woman in White,” New Formations 32 (Autumn/Winter 1997): 91–98. 70. Lonoff, Wilkie Collins, 129. Thoms argues that in their journals, Basil and Marian Halcombe struggle for self-control, and ultimately lose (26 ff., 68 ff.). In her book on Collins and nineteenth-century psychology, In the Secret Theatre of Home (London; New York: Routledge, 1988), Jenny Bourne Taylor considers Marian’s journal and Lydia Gwilt’s diary as vehicles of self-regulation (119, 170). 71. Lonoff, Wilkie Collins, 83; Donald J. Greiner, “Narrative Technique in Wilkie Collins’s The Moonstone,” Victorians Institute Journal 3 (Summer 1976): 12, 15. 72. Abbot, Diary Fiction, 32. 73. Margaret Oliphant, “Sensation Novels,” Blackwood’s Magazine 91 (May 1862), reprinted in Page, Wilkie Collins, 112. 74. See Winifred Hughes, The Maniac in the Cellar: Sensation Novels of the 1860s (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980); Patrick Brantlinger, “What Is Sensational About the Sensation Novel?” Nineteenth-Century Literature 37 (June 1982): 1–28. 75. Wilkie Collins, The Law and the Lady (1875; Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1998), 372. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 76. See D. A. Miller, “Cage aux folles: Sensation and Gender in Wilkie Collins’s The Woman in White,” The Novel and the Police (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1988), 146–91. 77. Wilkie Collins, The Haunted Hotel, in Three Supernatural Novels of the Victorian Period, ed. E. F. Bleiler (1878; New York: Dover, 1975), 38; Wilkie Collins, The Legacy of Cain (1889; Dover, New Hampshier: Sutton, 1993), 310; Wilkie Notes ● 239

Collins, Miss or Mrs., in After Dark and Other Stories (1871; New York: Harpers, 1873), 306. 78. Wilkie Collins, Poor Miss Finch (1872; Oxford: World’s Classics-Oxford University Press, 1995), 328–29. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text. 79. In Reading for the Plot (New York: Random House-Vintage Books, 1985), Peter Brooks describes this effect as “a remarkable moment of reversal in which our readerly intimacy with Marian is violated, our act of reading adulterated by profane eyes, made secondary to the villain’s reading and indeed dependent on his permission” (169). Expanding upon Brooks, D.A. Miller more explicitly names this invasion as rape; he also considers the resulting implications of the reader’s identifi cation with Fosco, albeit in psychosexual terms, rather than in relation to genre and reading (164). Delafi eld repeatedly uses Marian as the exemplar for her argument that women diarists and their diaries are ultimately recontained and confi ned into safe domesticity (125, 145). 80. Gender ambiguity, indeterminacy, deviance, and, most recently, “hybridity,” have received much attention from Collins critics. See, among many examples, Miller; Heller; Pamela Perkins and Mary Donaghy, “A Man’s Resolution: Narrative Strategies in Wilkie Collins’s The Woman in White,” Studies in the Novel 22 (Winter 1990): 392–402; Richard Collins, “Marian’s Moustache: Bearded Ladies, Hermaphrodites, and Intersexual Collage in The Woman in White,” in Reality’s Dark Light: The Sensational Wilkie Collins, ed. Maria K. Bachman and Don Richard Cox (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2003), 131–72. 81. Wilkie Collins, Armadale (1866; Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press), 514. 82. Greiner, “Narrative Technique in Wilkie Collins’s The Moonstone,” 15; Thoms, The Winding of the Labyrinth, 153. 83. My take on Collins’s gender politics thus aligns with David Miller who fi nds “the ‘morality’ of sensation fi ction, in its ultimately fulfi lled wish to abolish itself: to abandon the grotesque aberrations of character and situation that have typifi ed its representation, which now coincides with the norm of the Victorian household” (165–66). Still, that Collins takes seriously his gender-deviant characters by giving them the forum of a diary speaks to his progressive inclinations and ultimately affi rms what Nayder describes as “the ways in which his fi ction proves double- edged, offering the radical social criticism for which he is best remembered, but from which he consistently retreats” (14). Tamar Heller calls this doublesidedness Collins’s “ideological hybridity” (“Masterpiece Theatre and Ezra Jenning’s Hair: Some Refl ections on Where We’ve Been and Where We’re Going in Collins Studies,” in Reality’s Dark Light: The Sensational Wilkie Collins, ed. Maria K. Bachman and Don Richard Cox [Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2003], 365). 84. Oscar Wilde, The Importance of Being Earnest (1895; Oxford: World’s Classics- Oxford University Press, 1995), 282. Further references will be given paren- thetically in the text. 240 ● Notes

85. Martens claims that “Journal of a Sober Citizen” was the fi rst fi ctional diary (67). 86. George and Weedon Grossmith, The Diary of a Nobody (1892; Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 3. Further references will be given par- enthetically in the text. 87. Kate Flint, in her introduction to the 1995 Oxford edition, concurs that The Diary of a Nobody manifests a “loving mockery” and its authors “acknowledge Pooter’s vulnerability, and it is this vulnerability that in many ways provides the essence of his lasting appeal” (xvii), but she reads the novel’s conclusion less optimistically, arguing that “[i]n the dream of the small man winning out which the Grossmiths present, they do, perhaps, call on a comic tradition which sug- gests that a reconciliatory spirit in some way animates the world, but the pattern of the book up to this point has not been to allow stability to persist for long” (xxi).

Postscript 1. The history of online diaries is largely found online: see, for instance, The Online Diary History Project, www.diaryhistoryproject.com, and the Wikipedia article, “Online Diary,” http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Online_diary. For the early history of blogs, see Rebecca Blood, We’ve Got Blog: How Weblogs Are Changing Our Culture (Cambridge, MA: Perseus, 2002). Many people fi rst heard of blogs in Rebecca Mead’s article “You’ve Got Blog” (The New Yorker, 13 Nov. 2000) which is often considered the moment when blogs entered mainstream culture. 2. For examples of blog communities, see www.phantomscribbler.blogspot.com, www.bitchphd.blogspot.com, www.dailykos.com, http://unfogged.com, www. metafi lter.com. 3. See “You’ve Got Blog” for the early story of Hourihan and Kottke’s relationship; for their wedding, see Rebecca Mead, “Meg and Jason” (The New Yorker, 5 June 2006). 4. See Tedra Osell, “Where Are the Women? Pseudonymity and the Public Sphere, Then and Now,” Scholar & Feminist Online 5.2 (Spring 2007). 5. For a brief precis of these arguments, see ibid. 6. On Technorati, a site that monitors blogs, the most popular tend to be technol- ogy, business, political, and gossip blogs that are written by groups and/or foster a community ethos via postings and comments; in January 2011, two single-author political blogs appeared in the top 25 blogs as ranked by Technorati, one written by a man, the other by a woman (www.technorati.com, 26 Jan. 2011). Bibliography

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Abbott, Porter, 156, 157 Barthes, Roland, 80, 234 Adams, James Eli, 104 Bashkirtseff, Marie, 130, 150–3 Addison, Joseph, 181 The Journal of Marie Bashkirtseff, Advice to Young Men, and (Incidentally) 150–3 to Young Women, 44 Baudrillard, Jean, 56, 58 Aitken, James, 100 Beaufort, Daniel, 62 Albert, Prince, 138, 144, 145–6 Beaufort, Francis, 62, 69–71, 78, 88, Alexander, Meena, 88 91, 95 Allen, Rick, 200 Beaufort, Louisa, 24 Allingham, William, xi Benjamin, Walter, 20, 57, 204, 229 Altick, Richard, 218, 221 Benson, Arthur Christopher, 92 Amiel, Henri-Frédéric, 130, 150–3 Berridge, Elizabeth, 192 Amiel’s Journal, 150–3 Bickersteth, Edward, 29–30 Anglo-Indian Family; or Aunt Lucy’s Bishop, Henry, 62 Journal, The, 159 Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine, Argyle, Gisela, 170 121–2, 142 Armstrong, Nancy, 103, 159 Blind, Mathilde, 151, 152 Athenaeum, The, 138, 142, 147 Blodgett, Harriet, 7, 8, 33, 60, 101, Augst, Thomas, 196, 237 191 blogs, 10, 102, 184–87 Bacon, Francis, 48 gender, 186–87 Bailin, Miriam, 169, 237 intimacy, 185 Bal, Mieke, 57, 58 Blood, Rebecca, 240 Barbellion, W. N. P., 202 Boddington, Samuel, 57 Barnes, Julian, xi Bowle, John, 123 Barreca, Regina, 162 Boyd, Hugh Stuart, 14–17, 37, 40, Barrett, Elizabeth, 9, 13–17, 21, 23, 27, 95 28, 34, 34–5, 36, 37, 38, 40, 58, Bray, William, 224 68, 77, 83, 86, 91, 92, 95 Braybrooke, Lord, 113, 118, 119–20, anxiety, 15–16, 27, 37, 58 125–6, 127, 224 diary as challenge, 13–14, 17, 27, 38 Bridget Jones’s Diary, 181 family, 15, 16–17, 23, 77, 83, 86, Brigstocke, Mary, 67 91, 92, 95 British Museum, 59, 72 266 ● Index

Brontë, Anne, 9, 161, 206 Clough, Arthur Hugh, 32–3 Agnes Grey, 161 Cobain, Kurt, 183 Tenant of Wildfell Hall, The, 160, Cobbett, William, 44 161, 162, 166–69 Cohn, Dorrit, 156 Brontë, Charlotte, 9, 161 Colburn, Henry, 111, 113, 131, 219, Jane Eyre, 31, 170, 237 226 Roe Head Journal, 161 Coleridge, Samuel, 117 Shirley, 6, 160, 161–62, 169–72, Coleridge, Sara, 91 236, 237 collections, 55–59 Brontë, Emily, 9, 161, 206 Collins, Harriet, 45, 50, 52 Wuthering Heights, 160, 160–61, Collins, Wilkie, 6, 9, 160, 173–80 162, 163–65, 235 Armadale, 173, 176, 178 Brooks, Peter, 239 Basil, 173, 177 Brougham, Henry, 130, 131, 132, “Diary of Anne Rodway, The,” 173 133–4, 135, 136, 225 Haunted Hotel, The, 174 Brown, Bill, 56, 58 Law and the Lady, The, 173, 174, Brown, John, 138–9, 227–8 175, 177, 178, 179 Bunkers, Suzanne, and Cynthia Huff, Legacy of Cain, The, 174, 176, 177, 102 178 Burstein, Miriam, 233 Miss or Mrs., 174 Bury, Charlotte, 9, 109, 116, 130–6, Moonstone, The, 173, 174, 175, 138, 150 178–79 Diary Illustrative of the Times of New Magdalen, The, 173 George IV, 113, 130–6, 138, 141, Poor Miss Finch, 173, 176, 177 149 Woman in White, The, 173, 175, 176, feminism, 135 177 Journal of the Heart, 158 Contemporary Review, The, 153 scandal, 131, 133, 136 Cooper, Anthony Ashley, Seventh Earl sexuality, 131, 133, 136 of Shaftesbury, 18–19, 20, 29, 91 Byron, George Gordon, Lord, 35, 36, Cornhill Magazine, The, 128 43, 83, 91, 132 Cory, William, 91–2 Crary, Jonathan, 52–3 Camden Society, 112 Creaton, Heather, 34 Carnell, Rachel, 234 Crimson Petal and the White, The, 1 Caroline, Princess, 130, 132, 133–5, Croker, John Wilson, 130, 131, 132, 136 133, 135, 136 Carter, Kathryn, 81–2 Culley, Margo, 101, 214, 231 Charles, Elizabeth, 232 Cullwick, Hannah, 7, 39, 40, 41, 43, Chetham Society, 112 44, 72, 73, 106, 206 Christ, Carol, and John Jordan, 52 Cust, Maria, 25 Christmas Pudding, 1 Clapham Sect, 196 Danahay, Martin, 200 Clare, John, 25 Darwin Conspiracy, The, 1 class, 6–7, 39–41, 43, 64, 104, 105–6, Darwin, Charles, 1, 45, 53, 55, 57, 59, 123–4, 127, 164, 170, 181 84, 86, 90, 99 Index ● 267

Darwin, Emma, 90, 99, 202–3 locks, 61, 67, 79, 80, 113, 114, 176, Davidoff, Lenore, 40, 198, 200 206 Davidoff, Lenore, and Catherine Hall, long, 9, 38, 39, 45, 58, 74 97–8, 103, 136 manuscript, 2, 3, 5, 9, 13–38, Dawkins, Heather, 199 39–75, 77–106, 191 de Beer, Gavin, 224 materiality, 44, 51, 57, 60, 71, 148, de Certeau, Michel, 5–6, 61 164, 166, 170, 206 de la Bédoyère, Guy, 123 memory, 36, 43–4 de Stael, Madame, 135, 226 occasional, 25–8 Delafi eld, Catherine, 2–3, 157, 159, page layout, 61–3, 67, 71, 206 175, 239 parody, 56, 166, 175, 181, 223 Detective and Mr. Dickens, The, 1 practice, as, 4–6 Diaries of Sir Moses and Lady Montefi ore, prayer in, 15–6, 29–31, 35 110, 150 private, 7, 41, 77–83, 92, 93, diaries 113–14, 134, 136, 139, 141, 153, beginning, 13, 18–20 177, 184 code in, 78, 208 publication, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 109–54, collections, as, 57–60, 72 181, 183–84, 217, 230 commercially printed, 3–4, 7, 43, 44, reading, 44, 77–83, 91–2, 102, 61, 63–7, 69, 82, 89, 205, 216 115–16, 167–8, 177, 239 commodifi cation of, 3–4, 61, 67, reading as rape, 177, 239 82, 208 religious, 28–33, 34–5, 110, 111, confessional, 10, 28, 30, 31, 161, 116, 132, 136, 166, 202, 216, 166–7, 172, 196 230 current events, 110, 111 Romantic, 17, 33–7, 82, 151, 184 dailiness in, 18, 20–4, 28, 31, 36–7, self-improvement, 14, 17, 26, 31–3, 42, 43, 49–50, 56, 58, 62, 184 166 dangers of keeping, 35, 196 sex in, 1, 23, 127, 208 editing of, 103, 115, 119–20, 125–6, souvenir, as, 204 147–8 summary entry, 26–7, 28, 36–7, Evangelical, 29, 175, 196 195 excisions, 14, 95, 119–20, 126, 192 temporality, 4, 17, 33, 37, 44, 46–8, exteriority, 50–1, 52, 56, 74 49–50, 53, 55, 62, 72, 158, 163, family, and, 83–96 166, 167. See also diaries: dailiness fi ctional, 2, 4, 9, 155–82 terminology and titles, 7–8, 110, historical, 111, 116, 118, 230 112, 217–18, 219–20 history, 3, 4, 28–9, 31, 49 travel, 48–52, 111, 116, 132, 136, interiority, 2, 33, 34, 36–7, 38, 50, 143–5, 202, 216, 230 73, 74, 79, 82, 97, 114, 128, 129, weather in, 27, 42, 49, 57–8, 67, 69, 152, 156 71, 78, 86, 90, 103 intimate, 77, 83, 88, 90, 92, 97–9, diary fi ction, 157 140, 168, 181, 184 diary novel, 156–57 joint, 90–1 Diary of a Nobody, The, 158, 181–82, journal intime, 97, 151, 230, 231 232 journal letter, 92 Diary of Gathorne Hardy, The, 103 268 ● Index

Diary of Lady Willoughby, 158, 232 Fleming, Marjory, 89–90 Diary of Samuel Pepys, Esq. While an Flint, Kate, 240 Undergraduate at Cambridge, 223 Forrester, John, 57 Dibdin, John Bates, 24, 89, 93–4 Foster, Shirley, 143 Didier, Beatrice, 230 Fothergill, Robert, 2, 6, 7, 8, 28, 34, diurnal form, 9, 18, 20–4, 28, 31, 36. 35, 50, 51, 62, 100 See also diaries: dailiness Foucault, Michel, 5–6 Dixon, Marion Hepworth, 151, 152 Fox, Caroline, 91 Dodgson, Charles, 95 Fox, John, 49 domesticity, 4, 97–9, 104, 122, 158, frame narratives, 157, 160, 162 167, 174, 181, 228 Frank, Anne, 117 Donaldson, Agnes and Andrew, 90 Fraser’s Magazine, 130, 142 Dracula, 61 Fry, Elizabeth, 29, 36, 111 Dunn, Waldo, 220 Gallagher, Catherine, 103 Eagleton, Terry, 237 Galt, John, 132, 226 Eastlake, Elizabeth, Lady, 32 Galton, Emma, 45 Edinburgh Review, 120–1, 125, 130, Galton, Francis, 85 139, 142 Galton, Samuel Tertius, 85–6 Elam, Diane, 238 Gannett, Cinthia, 8, 231 Eliot, George, 99, 106 Gard, Robin, 201 Ellis, Sarah Stickney, 124 Gaskell, Elizabeth, 84–5, 99 Empire, 4, 44, 59–60, 66, 72 Gass, William, 8 empiricism, 4, 44, 53–4, 54–5, 202 Gay, Peter, 210 Evelyn, John, 3, 118, 121, 123 gender, 2, 4, 36, 64–6, 96–106, Memoirs, 110 109–54, 155–82 “Extracts from the Diary of a blogs, 9, 186–87 Collector,” 56 diaries, 96–106 Extracts from the Journal and diary publication, 109–54 Correspondence of Miss Berry, 140 fi ctional diaries, 155–82 Gérin, Winifred, 162 feminism, 6, 8, 98–9, 100–2, 135 Gilbert, Sandra, and Susan Gubar, 165, fi ction, 155–82 169, 170 comic, 158 Gladstone, William, 45, 50, 86, 102, epistolary, 156, 157 103, 105, 106, 124, 152, 230 Gothic, 157, 158, 167, 174 Gordon, Jan B., 162, 234 historical, 158 Granmont, Marquis de, 118 modernist, 156–57 Greiner, Donald J., 173 realist, 122, 156, 158, 160, 167, 169, Grenville, Anna, 29–30, 34 174 Grenville, Mary, 68, 206 religious, 158 Grenville, Richard, 62, 63, 105 sensation, 157, 158, 170, 173–74, Greville, Charles, 35–6, 106 176, 180 versimilitude in, 156, 168, 231 Habermas, Jurgen, 98, 234 Field, Michael, 90 Hall, Catherine, 212 Index ● 269

Hamilton, Edward, 92 Jeffrey, Francis, 120, 124 Hampsten, Elizabeth, 101 Journal of the Life, A, 110 Handley, C. S., 216 Journal of the Reverend John Wesley, The, hands, 199, 200 111 Hassam, Andrew, 51, 58, 60, 80–1, Joyce, Patrick, 106 193, 194 Hastings, Marquis of, 49, 92 Kagle, Steven, 28–9 Haydon, Benjamin, 35, 83, 106, 117 Keen, Suzanne, 169 Heller, Tamar, 238, 239 Kemp, Melody, 235 Helps, Arthur, 138–9, 143, 145, 147, Kermode, Frank, 24–5 148 Kestner, Joseph, 104 heterosexuality, 145, 160, 171, 172, Kidd, William Lodge, 22, 23, 30, 63, 174, 178–80 205 Hewitt, Martin, 2 Kilvert, Francis, 45–6, 57, 58 Hiley, Michael, 198 Kingsley, Charles, 142 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Korg, Jacob, 169 112 Kottke, Jason, 185 historiography, 118–22 History of Private Life, A, 97–98 Langland, Elizabeth, 103, 199, 234 Hogan, Rebecca, 105 Larpent, Anna, 24, 26, 62, 220 Holland, Henry Richard, Lord, 22–3, Larpent, Francis, 92 62 Larpent, Georgianna, 90, 106 Homans, Margaret, 162, 165, 227, Latham, Robert, 117, 127, 190–1, 224 228, 229 Laughton, J. K., 125 Hook, Andrew and Judith, 169 Law, Joe, and Linda K. Hughes, 112 Hourihan, Meg, 185 L’Education progressive, 84 Houston, Gail Turley, 228 Lejeune, Philippe, 206 Hudson, Derek, 34–5, 40, 198, 199 Leppington, Blanche, 153 Huff, Cynthia, 2–3, 85, 88, 91, 101, Letts of London, 3, 64–7, 202, 206, 197, 202, 206, 207 207–8 Hughes, Ted, 97 Levine, Philippa, 124 Huler, Scott, 207 Lewes, George Henry, 169 Hunt, Leigh, 126–7, 128 Lidderdale, Charles Sillem, 87 Hunter, J. Paul, 97 Life of Mrs. Godolphin, The, 123 Locker-Lampson, Frederick, 67 Importance of Being Earnest, The, 180, Lockhart, J., 123–4 182 Lonoff, Sue, 173, 238 indexicality, 148, 185 Love, Harold, 96

Jacobs, Carol, 162 Macaulay, Thomas Babington, 111, Jacobs, Naomi, 234 117, 120–1, 222 James, Clarissa, 23, 50, 51–2, 57, 90 Macmillan’s Magazine, 138 Jann, Rosemary, 111, 120 Maiden & Married Life of Mary Powell, Jay, Elizabeth, 196 After Mistress Milton, The, 232 Jay, Karla, 100 Maitzen, Rohan Amanda, 224 270 ● Index

Mallon, Thomas, 7, 80, 197 O’Neil, John, 7, 25, 57, 105–6 Mansfi eld, Katherine, 202 Opie, Peter and Iona, 203–4 Marchant, Alison, 199 Opie, Robert, 57, 204 Martens, Lorna, 8, 156, 239 Osell, Tedra, 185, 240 Mary Reilly, 1 Matthews, William, 8, 127, 216, 224 Palgrave, Francis, 112 Mauss, Marcel, 92 Pamela, 156, 159, 160 Mavor, Carol, 199 Passages from the Diary of a Late Mayall, Alice, 21–2 Physician, 158, 159 McClintock, Anne, 42, 72, 198, 208 Pepys, Samuel, 3, 6, 9, 20, 41, 82, 96, McKibben, Robert, 162 109, 114, 115, 116–30, 149, 150, McLaren, Angus, 104 152 McLeod, Hugh, 195 diary editions and editing, 110, 118, Mead, Rebecca, 240 119–20, 125–7 Miller, David, 239 gender, 124–5, 127, 128–9 Miller, J. Hillis, 162 sex, 126–7, 129 Moffatt, Mary Jane, 34, 98–9 Peterson, Linda, 213 Moore, George, 162 pixels, 185 Moore, Thomas, 35, 91, 132 Plath, Sylvia, 97 Morgan, Elizabeth, 45, 63, 105 Plotz, John, 236 Morgan-Grenville, Mary, 67 Podnieks, Elizabeth, 214 Mrs. Mainwaring’s Journal, 232 Pollock, Griselda, 199 Muensterberger, Werner, 204 Ponsonby, Arthur, 7, 8, 28, 33, 35, 50, Munby, Arthur, 24, 33–4, 38, 39–43, 57, 99–100 44, 46–7, 58, 62, 69, 70, 72–4, English Diaries, 33, 35, 99–100 83, 109, 117 Possession, 1 nostalgia, 72–4 Present to Youths and Young Men, A, 44 space, 42–3, 72–3 Price, Leah, 157 working women, 40–1 privacy, 3, 41, 97–8, 103, 104. See also Munich, Adrienne, 227, 229 diaries: private Private Diary, The, 32, 44, 82 Napoleon, 134–5 Private Journal of F. S. Larpent, The, Nayder, Lillian, 239 140–1 Necker de Saussure, Albertine, 84 Nelson, Claudia, 104 Quarterly Review, The, 117, 119, 130, New Monthly Magazine, The, 119, 120, 136, 142 125 Newman, Beth, 157, 165 Raoul, Valerie, 231 Nicholson, Shirley, 85 Reay, Barry, 199, 200 Nicolson, Harold, 220 Reeve, Henry, 142, 148 Nin, Anaïs, 96–7, 100, 102, 202 Revelations: Diaries of Women, 98 Nussbaum, Felicity, 3, 4, 97, 193 Richardson, Joanna, 229 Robinson Crusoe, 156, 159, 160 Oliphant, Margaret, 121–2, 124, 128, Robson, Catherine, 224 142, 147, 222 Rogers, Thomas, 94 Index ● 271 romanticism, 34–5, 98 Stronach, Ian, and Maggie MacClure, Rose, Jonathan, 218 199 Rosenwald, Lawrence, 4 Surtees Society, 112 Ross, John, 49, 57, 62 Swindell, Julia, 199 Rousset, Jean, 81 Symonds, John Addington, 18, 92 Rowsell, William, 86–7 Taylor, Jenny Bourne, 238 Sambourne, Linley, 85 Temple, Judy Nolte, 206 Sambourne, Marion, 85, 99 Thackeray, William Makepeace, 42, Sanders, Valerie, 214 130, 131, 134, 181, 225 Schlissel, Lillian, 85, 101 Thoms, Peter, 238 Scott, Sir Walter, 18, 19, 20, 67, 68, Thoughts on Self-Culture Addressed to 111, 113–4, 117, 119, 120, 122, Women, 35, 36, 196 124, 126–7, 132, 223 Tillotson, Kathleen, 169, 236 secrets, 1, 80, 113–14, 160, 171, 174, time, 9, 13–38, 195 176, 180 Times, The, 117, 130, 147, 148 Sennett, Richard, 212 Tolley, Christopher, 196 Severn, Charles, 114–15 Tolstoy, Leo, 210 Sha, Richard, 201 Tolstoy, Sophia, 210 Shelley, Mary and Percy, 35, 90 Tomalin, Claire, 224 Sherman, Stuart, 3, 4, 20–1, 24–5, Tosh, John, 85, 99, 104 53, 82, 92, 97, 117, 193, 206, Trant, Clarissa, 91 226 Treatise on Prayer, A, 29–30 Shore, Emily, 36, 43, 54–5, 57, 58, Twitter, 184 78–80, 91, 95, 113–14 Shorthouse, Edmund, 44 venison, boiled haunch of, 126 Shuttleworth, Sally, 237 Vicar of Lyssel, The, 232 Simon, Judy, 193 Victoria, Queen, 9, 41, 94–5, 109, 116, Sitwell, Florence, 91 136–50 Smith, John, 118 domesticity, 138, 140, 141–2, 143, Southey, Robert, 223 145, 146, 149 space, 9, 39–75, 163–4 Leaves from the Journal of Our Life in geographic, 42–3, 45–6, 48–9, 50 the Highlands, 109, 136–50 scopic, 43, 46, 48–9, 54 political imperatives, 140, 141–2, Spacks, Patricia, 3 149 Spalding, P. A., 2, 7, 213 travel, 138, 143–5, 147 Spectator, The, 181 vision, 52–3 Stanley, Liz, 199, 200 Stevenson, Robert Louis, 128–30, 150, Wagner, Richard, 210 151, 152, 206 Ward, John, 114–15 Stevenson, William, 113, 115, 119, Ward, Mary, 90, 152, 153 120, 122 Watt, Ian, 156 Stewart, Garrett, 167, 234, 236 Waugh, Edwin, 7, 106 Stewart, Susan, 57, 204 Wesendonck, Mathilde, 210 Strachey, Lytton, 112 Westminster Review, 113, 115, 118, 119 272 ● Index

Wheatley, Henry, 109, 127, Wordsworth, Dorothy, 35, 88, 91 130 Wordsworth, William, 34 White, Hayden, 28, 194 Wortlebank Diary, and Some Old Stories Wilberforce, Samuel, 142, 148 from Kathie Brande’s Portfolio, The, Wills, Adele, 238 232 Women’s Diaries, 101 Woodham, H. A., 121, 125, 126 Yaeger, Patricia, 162