№15. November 2016.Pdf
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
“Current Trends in the Russian Financial System”
“CURRENT TRENDS IN THE RUSSIAN FINANCIAL SYSTEM” Edited by Morten Balling Chapters by: Stephan Barisitz Zeljko Bogetic Zuzana Fungačova and Laura Solanko Peter Havlik Valery Invushin, Vladimir V. Osakovsky and Debora Revoltella Alexander Lehmann Ewald Nowotny Cyril Pineau-Valencienne Pekka Sutela A joint publication with the Austrian Society for Bank Research SUERF – The European Money and Finance Forum Vienna 2009 CIP CURRENT TRENDS IN THE RUSSIAN FINANCIAL SYSTEM Editor: Morten Balling; Authors: Stephan Barisitz; Zeljko Bogetic; Zuzana Fungačova and Laura Solanko; Peter Havlik; Valery Invushin, Vladimir V. Osakovsky and Debora Revoltella; Alexander Lehmann; Ewald Nowotny; Cyril Pineau-Valencienne; Pekka Sutela Vienna: SUERF (SUERF Studies: 2009/2) ISBN-13: 978-3-902109-47-7 Keywords: Russia, rouble, oil price, banking, transition economics, global financial crisis, Central Bank of Russia JEL Classification Numbers: E5, O5, P2, Q43 © 2009 SUERF, Vienna Copyright reserved. Subject to the exception provided for by law, no part of this publication may be reproduced and/or published in print, by photocopying, on microfilm or in any other way without the written consent of the copyright holder(s); the same applies to whole or partial adaptations. The publisher retains the sole right to collect from third parties fees payable in respect of copying and/or take legal or other action for this purpose. TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents 3 1. Introduction 7 2. Opening Remarks 13 3. Russian Finance: Drag or Booster for Future Growth? 23 1. References 39 4. Russian Banking in Recent Years: Gaining Depth in a Fragile Environment 43 1. Abstract 43 2. Introduction 44 3. -
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
N°66 - November 22 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-4 Politics & Government c KREMLIN The highly-orchestrated launching into orbit cThe highly-orchestrated launching into orbit of of the «national leader» the «national leader» Only a few days away from the legislative elections, the political climate in Russia grew particu- STORCHAK AFFAIR larly heavy with the announcement of the arrest of the assistant to the Finance minister Alexey Ku- c Kudrin in the line of fire of drin (read page 2). Sergey Storchak is accused of attempting to divert several dozen million dol- the Patrushev-Sechin clan lars in connection with the settlement of the Algerian debt to Russia. The clan wars in the close DUMA guard of Vladimir Putin which confront the Igor Sechin/Nikolay Patrushev duo against a compet- cUnited Russia, electoral ing «Petersburg» group based around Viktor Cherkesov, overflows the limits of the «power struc- home for Russia’s big ture» where it was contained up until now to affect the entire Russian political power complex. business WAR OF THE SERVICES The electoral campaign itself is unfolding without too much tension, involving men, parties, fac- cThe KGB old guard appeals for calm tions that support President Putin. They are no longer legislative elections but a sort of plebicite campaign, to which the Russian president lends himself without excessive good humour. The objec- PROFILE cValentina Matvienko, the tive is not even to know if the presidential party United Russia will be victorious, but if the final score “czarina” of Saint Petersburg passes the 60% threshhold. -
Medvedev Succession
BR POLIC IEF MEETING MEDVEDEV: Y THE POLITICS OF THE PUTIN SUCCESSION Andrew Wilson SU On 2 March, Russians will in all probability elect Dmitry Dmitry Medvedev’s election on 2 March 2008 offers EU leaders a new chance to overcome their disunity and Medvedev as their new president. A 42 year-old, English- put their uncertain Russia policy on a better foundation. speaking, economically literate lawyer, often described as a Whatever his personal inclinations, Medvedev will be “liberal”, the ex-chairman of Gazprom cuts a different figure unable to behave like a democrat in his first years in office. MMARY from Putin and his political mentor’s KGB acolytes. Will his EU leaders should cautiously welcome the new president’s election bring a new start for EU-Russian relations? Or will election, but must wait and see whether Medvedev proves a willing interlocutor who can deliver. They should refrain it be more of the same - “Putinism without Putin”? Does from the foolish enthusiasm they displayed when the Medvedev represent a new opportunity, or false hope? sober and coherent Putin succeeded the ailing Yeltsin in 2000. Instead they should test Medvedev with specific This policy brief addresses four questions, each prompted demands over energy policy, Kosovo, and Iran. by one of the salient features of the system developed Medvedev, a lawyer by training, has often been depicted by Putin in Russia: Will Medvedev act like a democrat? as a “liberal”. Considering the alternatives and his own How will the proposed cohabitation with Putin work? record, he may well be one of the better options to succeed Will Medvedev eventually be his own man? And will Vladimir Putin, the outgoing autocratic president. -
Russia's Strategic Mobility
Russia’s Strategic Mobility: Supporting ’Hard Pow Supporting ’Hard Mobility: Strategic Russia’s Russia’s Strategic Mobility Supporting ’Hard Power’ to 2020? The following report examines the military reform in Russia. The focus is on Russia’s military-strategic mobility and assess- ing how far progress has been made toward genuinely enhanc- ing the speed with which military units can be deployed in a N.McDermott Roger er’ to2020? theatre of operations and the capability to sustain them. In turn this necessitates examination of Russia’s threat environ- ment, the preliminary outcome of the early reform efforts, and consideration of why the Russian political-military leadership is attaching importance to the issue of strategic mobility. Russia’s Strategic Mobility Supporting ’Hard Power’ to 2020? Roger N. McDermott FOI-R--3587--SE ISSN1650-1942 www.foi.se April 2013 Roger N. McDermott Russia’s Strategic Mobility Supporting ‘Hard Power’ to 2020? Title Russia’s Strategic Mobility: Supporting ‘Hard Power’ to 2020? Titel Rysk strategisk mobilitet: Stöd för maktut- övning till 2020? Report no FOI-R--3587--SE Month April Year 2013 Antal sidor/Pages 101 p ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet/ Ministry of Defence Projektnr/Project no A11301 Godkänd av/Approved by Maria Lignell Jakobsson Ansvarig avdelning/Departement Försvarsanalys/Defence Analysis This work is protected under the Act on Copyright in Literary and Artistic Works (SFS 1960:729). Any form of reproduction, translation or modification without permission is prohibited. Cover photo: Denis Sinyakov, by permission. www.denissinyakov.com FOI-R--3587--SE Summary Since 2008, Russia’s conventional Armed Forces have been subject to a contro- versial reform and modernization process designed to move these structures be- yond the Soviet-legacy forces towards a modernized military. -
Programme Saint-Petersburg | | Forum`S Sessions Schedule | June, 20, Thursday
WHITE NIGHTS St. Petersburg International Oncology Forum JUNE, 20-23, 2019 WWW.FORUM-ONCO.RU PROGRAMME JUNE, 20, THURSDAY JUNE, 20, | зал места 08.00 08.30 09.00 09.30 10.00 10.30 11.00 11.30 12.00 12.30 13.00 13.30 14.00 14.30 15.00 15.30 16.00 16.30 17.00 17.30 18.00 18.30 19.00 19.30 20.00 Lung cancer: multidisciplinary approach Sponsored Lung cancer: multidisciplinary approach Sponsored symposium Blue 1 180 symposium The Fifth M.L.Gershanovich Conference «Treatment The Fifth M.L.Gershanovich Conference Blue 2 SESSIONS SCHEDULE | FORUM`S 250 «Treatment individualization: from science Sponsored symposium individualization: from science to practice» with interactive to practice» with interactive voting: Key issues voting: Key issues Blue 3 180 New strategies in gynecology: live surgery 3D, presentations, Discussion Blue 4 330 Current capabilities of breast cancer reconstructive surgery Break Current capabilities of breast cancer reconstructive surgery Blue 5 250 Workshop session «Live surgery»: pancreas cancer Green 5 50 Biology of informal financial relations in oncology Break SPOT: lifehacks for young oncologists WWW.FORUM-ONCO.RU | Green Multidisciplinary approach in oncogynecological diseases Multidisciplinary approach in oncogynecological diseases 100 Break 6+7 radiology radiology Cancer service development perspectives Sponsored symposium Analysis of the KSG Cutaneous melanoma: new approaches to treatment within the framework of Green 8 120 system. Subtotals the «Healthcare» national project Green 9 170 Workshop session “Live surgery»: -
China's Financial Sector Reforms Gain Momentum
INSIGHTS FROM EURASIA GROUP POLITICS AND THE perspectives MARKETS OCTOBER 2007 China’s financial sector reforms gain momentum BY JASON KINDOPP DIRECTOR, ASIA he acceleration of financial sector reforms reflects policymakers’ desire to diversify capital allocation in the Chinese economy. The most significant initiatives seek to expand T opportunities for firms to raise equity capital and strengthen onshore stock markets. The government is actively fostering private equity and venture capital industries, and has signaled it is close to launching a new growth equity market (GEM). These measures, along with a recent liberalization in corporate bond issuance, Global Political are in turn pressuring China’s commercial banks to accel- Risk Index erate reform. The GPRI, which is produced by Eurasia Plans to broaden and deepen onshore equity mar- Group, measures a country’s ability to kets are emerging at a furious pace. Consistent with absorb political shocks. The higher the number, the more stable the country. Communist Party directives to cultivate domestic tech- nological innovation, as well as to support small and HUNGARY 78 SOUTH KOREA 76 medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), authorities are intent POLAND 73 on building up domestic private equity and venture BULGARIA 70 capital industries. In August 2007, the National Devel- TURKEY 68 opment and Reform Commission (NDRC) and the MEXICO 67 Ministry of Finance jointly launched a program to fund BRAZIL 66 CHINA 65 venture capital funds in nine sectors, including the IT, SOUTH AFRICA 64 telecom, energy and pharmaceutical industries. Similarly, RUSSIA 63 the government is combining its plan to foster indig- ARGENTINA 62 enous technological innovation with its support for the INDIA 61 THAILAND 61 Tianjin Binhai New Area special economic zone—part EGYPT 60 of a program to revitalize China’s northeast region—by ALGERIA 58 authorizing the establishment of up to 10 venture capital PHILIPPINES 58 funds to invest in innovative start-ups and technology COLOMBIA 57 UKRAINE 57 companies. -
Russia Selective Capitalism and Kleptocracy
21st Century Authoritarians Freedom House Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Radio Free Asia JUNE 2009 FFH_UD7.inddH_UD7.indd iiiiii 55/22/09/22/09 111:221:22 AAMM RUSSIA SELECTIVE CAPITALISM AND KLEPTOCRACY Daniel Kimmage The Kremlin deploys the conceptual vocabulary of the new Russia—national renewal, anti-Western xenophobia, sovereign democracy—through a sophis- ticated domestic communications strategy that marshals both the traditional state resources and much-expanded control over virtually all mainstream mass media. This one-two punch, coming amid a period of rising prosperity, has had a signifi cant impact on popular opinion, and the Kremlin’s message has resonated with its intended recipients. introduction When Russian tanks halted their advance a few kilometers from Tbilisi in August 2008, with the Georgian army in full fl ight and Georgia’s allies in Europe and the United States reduced to fulmination, the global consensus on the meaning of the invasion was swift and bracing: Russia was back, a force to be reckoned with, and intent on reclaiming its lost share of import and infl uence among nations. This consensus is as wrongheaded and simplistic as the previous incarnations of con- ventional wisdom it has replaced: fi rst, that Russia was engaged in a rollicking, rollercoaster transition from communist torpor to liberal democracy and a free-market economy, and then, when that fi ne vision foundered in fi nancial crisis and sundry misadventures toward the end of the 1990s, that Russia had become mired in some intermediary phase of its supposed transition and might soon slink off history’s grand stage altogether. -
The North Caucasus: the Challenges of Integration (Ii), Islam, the Insurgency and Counter-Insurgency
THE NORTH CAUCASUS: THE CHALLENGES OF INTEGRATION (II), ISLAM, THE INSURGENCY AND COUNTER-INSURGENCY Europe Report N°221 – 19 October 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. THE ISLAMIC FACTOR AND ISLAMIST PROJECT .............................................. 3 A. THE SECTARIAN CONFLICT .......................................................................................................... 3 B. SALAFISM’S SPREAD AND RADICALISATION: INGUSHETIA AND KABARDINO-BALKARIA .............. 5 C. SALAFISM IN RELIGIOUSLY MIXED REPUBLICS ............................................................................ 6 D. DAGESTAN: SALAFIS, SUFIS AND DIALOGUE ................................................................................ 9 E. CHECHNYA: IDEOLOGICAL COMBAT AND ERADICATION ............................................................ 12 III. THE INSURGENCY ....................................................................................................... 13 A. THE CAUCASUS EMIRATE (IMARAT KAVKAZ) ............................................................................ 13 B. LEADERSHIP AND RECRUITMENT ............................................................................................... 14 C. TACTICS AND OPERATIONS ....................................................................................................... -
Russian Politics and Society, Fourth Edition
Russian Politics and Society Having been fully revised and updated to reflect the considerable changes in Russia over the last decade, the fourth edition of this classic text builds on the strengths of the previous editions to provide a comprehensive and sophisticated analysis on Russian politics and society. In this edition, Richard Sakwa seeks to evaluate the evidence in a balanced and informed way, denying simplistic assumptions about the inevitable failure of the democratic exper- iment in Russia while avoiding facile generalisations on the inevitable triumph of global integration and democratisation. New to this edition: • Extended coverage of electoral laws, party development and regional politics • New chapter on the ‘phoney democracy’ period, 1991–3 • Historical evaluation of Yeltsin’s leadership • Full coverage of Putin’s presidency • Discussion of the development of civil society and the problems of democratic consolidation • Latest developments in the Chechnya conflict • More on foreign policy issues such as Russia’s relationship with NATO and the EU after enlargement, Russia’s relations with other post-Soviet states and the problem of competing ‘near abroads’ for Russia and the West • The re-introduction of the Russian constitution as an appendix • An updated select bibliography • More focus on the challenges facing Russia in the twenty-first century Written in an accessible and lively style, this book is packed with detailed information on the central debates and issues in Russia’s difficult transformation. This makes it the best available textbook on the subject and essential reading for all those concerned with the fate of Russia, and with the future of international society. -
Appeared In: European Energy Review
Appeared in: European Energy Review http://www.europeanenergyreview.eu/site/pagina.php?id=3899 Putin increases control over Russian energy By Alexander Gusev Russian President Vladimir Putin has recently created a new Energy Commission by which he is seeking to wrest control over the energy sector from the government of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. This move will lead to a further strengthening of the role of the State in the Russian oil and gas industry. It is bad news for those who are hoping for a more transparent investment climate, argues Alexander Gusev, Research Fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP). On May 7, 2012, Vladimir Putin returned as President of Russia, swapping roles with his predecessor, Dmitry Medvedev, who took over as Prime Minister. There have been many speculations about the distribution of powers between the two. Since political power in Russia is to a large extent determined by control over energy resources, any institutional changes in this sphere create a new balance of powers. At the annual congress of United Russia, the dominant political party, in September last year, Medvedev put forward Putin as the Presidential candidate, emphasizing that it was “a deeply thought-out decision” discussed “as early as when our union was being formed.” In turn Putin expressed his confidence that Medvedev would form a “new, effective, young and energetic” cabinet and “continue his work on modernizing all aspects of our lives.” Despite the close personal ties between the two politicians, they do represent different camps in the Russian power structure and it is pertinent to ask who makes the decisions in the Russian energy field, keeping in mind that how the decision-making process is organized formally is different from how it works in practice. -
The Political Elite Under Putin by Dmitry Gorenburg
The Political Elite Under Putin By Dmitry Gorenburg Executive Summary Russia’s political elite has undergone relatively little change under Vladimir Putin’s rule. Only sixty people have been ranked twentieth or higher at least once between 2000 and 2019 in the annual Nezavisimaya Gazeta list of the most politically influential Russians. Eighteen people have appeared on every list during this period. The greatest shift in elite composition occurred between 2007 and 2008, with smaller shifts around the presidential elections of 2004 and 2012. Most of the political elite originate in the government bureaucracy in Moscow or St. Petersburg or came to their positions of influence through personal ties to Vladimir Putin, either in St. Petersburg or in the security services. Only ten percent came to power through electoral politics; another ten percent are businessmen who made their money independently of any connections to Vladimir Putin. The elite is fairly evenly divided between individuals who have political influence solely because of their positions in government and individuals who have influence outside of their official role. People in the first group generally drop off the list quickly after leaving government or being demoted, and people in the second group tend to retain influence regardless of their position at any given time and remain influential for extended periods, even after departing government service. Introduction For most of the post-Soviet period, the newspaper Nezavisimaya Gazeta has conducted a monthly survey of Russian political experts. This survey asks its respondents to rank the 100 most politically influential Russians in the previous month. Throughout this period, the newspaper has also published an annual ranking,1 based on the average rank of those mentioned during the previous calendar year. -
The North Caucasus: the Challenges of Integration (Ii), Islam, the Insurgency and Counter-Insurgency
THE NORTH CAUCASUS: THE CHALLENGES OF INTEGRATION (II), ISLAM, THE INSURGENCY AND COUNTER-INSURGENCY Europe Report N°221 – 19 October 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. THE ISLAMIC FACTOR AND ISLAMIST PROJECT .............................................. 3 A. THE SECTARIAN CONFLICT .......................................................................................................... 3 B. SALAFISM’S SPREAD AND RADICALISATION: INGUSHETIA AND KABARDINO-BALKARIA .............. 5 C. SALAFISM IN RELIGIOUSLY MIXED REPUBLICS ............................................................................ 6 D. DAGESTAN: SALAFIS, SUFIS AND DIALOGUE ................................................................................ 9 E. CHECHNYA: IDEOLOGICAL COMBAT AND ERADICATION ............................................................ 12 III. THE INSURGENCY ....................................................................................................... 13 A. THE CAUCASUS EMIRATE (IMARAT KAVKAZ) ............................................................................ 13 B. LEADERSHIP AND RECRUITMENT ............................................................................................... 14 C. TACTICS AND OPERATIONS .......................................................................................................