A Re-Examination of the Roland Legend, a Comparative Study Of
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The Voyage of Columbus As a “Non Pensato Male”: the Search for Boundaries, Grammar, and Authority in the Aftermath of the New World Discoveries
THE VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS AS A “non PENSATO male”: THE SEARCH FOR BOUNDARIES, GRAMMAR, AND AUTHORITY IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE NEW WORLD DISCOVERIES Erin McCarthy-King Ma volgendosi gli anni, io veggio uscire da l’estreme contrade di ponente nuovi Argonauti e nuovi Tifi, e aprire la strada ignota infin al dì presente: altri volteggiar l’Africa, e seguire tanto la costa de la negra gente, che passino quel segno onde ritorno fa il sole a noi, lasciando il Capricorno; e ritrovar del lungo tratto il fine, che questo fa parer dui mar diversi; e scorrer tutti i liti e le vicine isole d’Indi, d’Arabi e di Persi: altri lasciar le destre e le mancine rive che due per opra Erculea fêrsi; e del sole imitando il camin tondo, ritrovar nuove terre e nuovo mondo. (Orlando Furioso 15.21–22)1 Canto 15 of the Orlando Furioso glorifies the exploratory enterprises of fif- teenth- and sixteenth-century navigators. While the English duke Astolfo journeys westward from India toward Europe, he asks his guide Andron- ica about the possibility of reaching the same destination by going in the opposite direction: “s’andar può senza toccar mai terra,/ chi d’India scioglia, in Francia o in Inghilterra” (“was it possible to set sail from India 1 Ludovico Ariosto, Orlando furioso (Milan: Rizzoli, 1997). “But with the passage of time I see new Argonauts, new Tiphyses hailing from the lands which lie furthest to the West, who shall open routes unknown to this day. Some of them shall round Africa, following the shores of the black peoples right on past the limits whence the sun returns to us after leaving Capricorn;/ they shall discover the limit of the long stretch of land which makes us imagine two separate seas. -
Warrior-Bishops In
WARRIOR-BISHOPSIN LA CHANSON DE ROLAND AND POWA DE MI0 CID EARL R. ANDERSON ARCHBISHOP TURPIN, THE fighting bishop in La Chanson de Roland, is a character whose behavior and attitudes are contrary to modem assumptions about what a medieval clergyman should have been. The poet's first mention of him, it is true, represents him in a role that is consistent with conventional views about the clergy: he volunteers to travel to Marsilion's court as Charlemagne's peace ambassador (264-73)-but so do the barons Naimon, Roland, and Olivier (246-58). In each subsequent appearance in the poem, however, Brpin accompanies the Frankish rearguard not as a peaceable messenger of the Prince of Peace but more and more as one of Charlemagne's most ferocious warriors. In his "sermun" at Roncevaux, he admonishes the Franks to fight, "Chrestientet aidez a sustenir" '[to] help to sustain the Christian faith' (1129), and "Clamez vos culpes, si preiez Deumercit" 'confess your sins, and pray to God for mercy' (1132), and he promises absolution for sins in exchange for military service, and martyrdom in exchange for death on the battlefield (1134-38). He rides to battle on a horse once owned by Grossaille, a king whom he had killed in Denmark (1488-89). During the course of battle, Tbrpin kills the Berber Corsablix, the enchanter Siglorel, the African Malquiant, the infernally-named Saracen Abisme, and four hundred others, elsewhere striking a War, Literature, and the Arts thousand blows (1235-60, 1390-95, 1414, 1470-1509, 1593-1612, 2091-98). lbrpin and Roland are the last of the Franks to die in the battle. -
Emanuel J. Mickel Ganelon After Oxford the Conflict Between Roland
Emanuel J. Mickel Ganelon After Oxford The conflict between Roland and Ganelon and the subsequent trial form an important part of the Chanson de Roland. How one looks at the trial and Ganelon's role in the text bears significantly on one's interpretation of the epic. While most critics acknowledge that Roland is the hero of the chanson and Ganelon the traitor, many, perhaps a majority, find flaws in Roland's character or conduct and accept the argument that Ganelon had some justification for his actions in the eyes of Charlemagne's barons and, perhaps, in the view of the medieval audience. Roland, of course, is blamed for desmesure and Ganelon is justified by the argument that his open defiance of Roland and the peers in the council scene gave him the right, according to the ancient Germanic ethical and legal code, to take vengeance on his declared adversaries. Proponents of this thesis allege that the Chanson de Roland, a text which they date to the eleventh century, reflects a growing tension and conflict between the powerful feudal barons and the growing power of the monarchy.1 The barons represent the traditions and custom law of a decentralized state where the king is primus inter pares, but essentially a baron like themselves. As the French monarchy grew in strength and was bolstered in a theoretical sense by the centralizing themes of Roman law, conflict between the crown and the nobility became apparent.2 1 For specific analysis of the trial in terms of allegedly older Germanic tradition, see Ruggero Ruggieri, Il Processo di Gano nella Chanson de Roland (Firenze: Sansoni, 1936); also George F. -
PONTIFICAL INSTITUTE of MEDIAEVAL STUDIES Karlamagnús Saga. the Saga of Charlemagne and His Heroes. Volume 2: Part IV. Translat
PONTIFICAL INSTITUTE OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES Karlamagnús Saga. The Saga of Charlemagne and His Heroes. Volume 2: Part IV. Translated by Constance B. Hieatt. Mediaeval Sources in Translation 17. 1975; 443 pp. Paperbound. ISBN 0–88844–266–1; 978–0–88844–266–6. $54.95 While the most celebrated literature of medieval Scandinavia is the native literature of Iceland, medievalists are also aware of the important body of Norse literature that is neither native nor Icelandic: the translations into Old Norse of English and Continental literature, mainly in Norway. Among these is a large body of translations from the chansons de geste and Carolingian romances of France, including the Karlamagnús Saga, a thirteenth-century version of poems sometimes known as “Geste du Roi” or “Gestes du Charlemagne et de Roland.” The contents of this collection range from fairly close versions of surviving French poems, such as the Pelerinage (or Voyage en Orient) de Charlemagne, to translations of works of which there is no surviving close analogue; it includes a version of the Song of Roland which is very close to the Oxford manuscript, but probably translated from an even earlier version – possibly from a source of that manuscript. The Saga is of interest in indicating a medieval translator’s interpretation of terms which modern scholars find crucial to the understanding of texts; or it preserves or provides clues to the contents of older versions than the extant originals. As a work of literature, it bears interesting resemblance to Malory’s compilation of the Arthurian cycle of tales, although the Saga is evidently the work of several hands, and not of one individual. -
14 Pierrepont at a Crossroads of Literatures
14 Pierrepont at a crossroads of literatures An instructive parallel between the first branch of the Karlamagnús Saga, the Dutch Renout and the Dutch Flovent Abstract: In the French original of the first branch of the Karlamagnús Saga [= fKMSI], in the Dutch Renout and in the Dutch Flovent – three early 13th century texts from present-day Bel- gium – a toponym Pierrepont plays a conspicous part (absent, however, from the French models of Renout and Flovent); fKMSI and Renout even have in common a triangle ‘Aimon, vassal of Charlemagne – Aie, his wife – Pierrepont, their residence’. The toponym is shown to mean Pierrepont (Aisne) near Laon in all three texts. In fKMSI, it is due almost certainly to the intervention of one of two Bishops of Liège (1200−1238) from the Pierrepont family, and in the other two texts to a similar cause. Consequently, for fKMSI a date ‘before 1240’ is proposed. According to van den Berg,1 the Middle Dutch Flovent, of which only two frag- ments are preserved,2 was probably written by a Fleming (through copied by a Brabantian) and can very roughly be dated ‘around 1200’ on the basis of its verse technique and syntax. In this text, Pierrepont plays a conspicuous part without appearing in the French original.3 In the first fragment, we learn that King Clovis is being besieged in Laon by a huge pagan army (vv. 190 ss.). To protect their rear, the pagans build a castle at a distance of four [presumably French] miles [~18 km] from Laon. Its name will be Pierlepont (vv. -
Willard Ron Hess
de Vere Society April 2020 newsletter 02Apro 0 A TIRADE ABOUT A JOUST IN TREBIZOND: HOW WAS EDWARD DE VERE INVOLVED IN THIS EXAMPLE OF COMMEDIA ERUDITA IN 1575? By Jan Scheffer This article provides background to the characters, places and political context of a presentation by the author [JS] at the DVS Autumn meeting in 2019, A Wedding Joust in Tribizond: Commedia Erudita and Sinister Politics in 1575, and an article (with the same title) by W. Ron Hess (assisted by JS, A. Colin Wright and Concetta Thibideaux), which is now published on the public page of the DVS website: https://deveresociety.co.uk/public/recommended-reading/dvs-articles-and- papers/ Hess’ presentation at the Shakespeare Oxford Fellowship Oakland Conference in 2018 may be seen on the SOF YouTube channel. The Tirata dell Giostro (tirade about a joust) is a six-page section of Andrea Petrucci’s book Dell’ Arte rappresentativa, premeditata ed all’ improviso. The key points of the article of Hess et al. are: i) Tirata dell Giostro includes a major character, Elmond Milord of Oxford; ii) Tirata is an example of Commedia Erudita (not dell’arte, which came later), which was written by noted authors and poets and contained a hidden subtext; iii) this particular Tirata referred to an actual event: a challenge by Oxford to the world to engage in a ‘joust’ in 1575; iv) the hidden subtexts are reflected by those frequently used later by Oxford in the works of Shakespeare. Furthermore, if Oxford was often travelling incognito and acting as a spy it is hardly surprising that evidence is hard to find after 400 years. -
Orlando Furioso: Pt. 2 Free Download
ORLANDO FURIOSO: PT. 2 FREE DOWNLOAD Ludovico Ariosto,Barbara Reynolds | 800 pages | 08 Dec 1977 | Penguin Books Ltd | 9780140443103 | English | London, United Kingdom Follow the author Save on Fiction Books Trending price is based on prices over last 90 days. Matter of FranceMatter of Britain. Ludovico Orlando Furioso: Pt. 2. Alex Ilushik rated it it was ok Mar 07, To render it as something else is to lose its structure, its purpose and its very nature. Rating Average: 4. Orlando is the Christian knight known in French and subsequently English as Roland. Translated Into English Verse from the Italian. Vivaldi crater Vivaldi Glacier. Error rating book. Mar 18, Jamie rated Orlando Furioso: Pt. 2 really liked it Shelves: because-lentfanfic-positivefantasticallife-and- deathhistorical-contextmyths-and-folklore Orlando Furioso: Pt. 2, poetry-and-artOrlando Furioso: Pt. 2viva-espanaviva-italia. Hearts and Armour Paperback Magazines. Essentially he was a writer; his lifetime's service as a courtier was a burden imposed on him by economic difficulties. A comparison the original text of Book 1, Canto 1 with various English translations is given in the following table. Published by Penguin Classics. Great Britain's Great War. In a delightful garden in which two springs are seen, Medoro escapes from a shipwreck into the arms of his beloved Angelica. NOT SO!! They come off as actual characters now in a way they didn't before. Sort by title original date published date published avg rating num ratings format. Tasso tried to combine Ariosto's freedom of invention with a more unified plot structure. Customer Orlando Furioso: Pt. -
Jonesexcerpt.Pdf
2 The Texts—An Overview N’ot que trois gestes en France la garnie; ne cuit que ja nus de ce me desdie. Des rois de France est la plus seignorie, et l’autre aprés, bien est droiz que jeu die, fu de Doon a la barbe florie, cil de Maience qui molt ot baronnie. De ce lingnaje, ou tant ot de boidie, fu Ganelon, qui, par sa tricherie, en grant dolor mist France la garnie. La tierce geste, qui molt fist a prisier, fu de Garin de Monglenne au vis fier. Einz roi de France ne vodrent jor boisier; lor droit seignor se penerent d’aidier, . Crestïenté firent molt essaucier. [There were only threegestes in wealthy France; I don’t think any- one would ever contradict me on this. The most illustrious is the geste of the kings of France; and the next, it is right for me to say, was the geste of white-beardedPROOF Doon de Mayence. To this lineage, which was full of disloyalty, belonged Ganelon, who, by his duplic- ity, plunged France into great distress. The thirdgeste , remarkably worthy, was of the fierce Garin de Monglane. Those of his lineage never once sought to deceive the king of France; they strove to help their rightful lord, . and they advanced Christianity.] Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube, Girart de Vienne Since the Middle Ages, the corpus of chansons de geste has been di- vided into groups based on various criteria. In the above prologue to the thirteenth-century Girart de Vienne, Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube classifies An Introduction to the Chansons de Geste by Catherine M. -
The Karlamagnús Compendium
Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Medieval Icelandic Studies The Karlamagnús Compendium Genre and Meaning in AM 180a-b fol. Ritgerð til M.A.-prófs Harry Williams Kt.: 151183-4419 Leiðbeinandi: Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir September 2017 Abstract This thesis is an examination of the fifteenth century manuscript AM 180a-b fol.; made up of a copy of the A version of Karlamagnús saga (180a) and seven further sagas - Konráðs saga keisarasonar, Dunstanus saga, Katrínar saga, Bærings saga, Knýtlinga saga, Vitus saga and Laurentius saga (180b), it originally formed one codex. The thesis has two main aims: to consider the generic position of Karlamagnús saga as it existed for the compilers of the manuscript and to speculate on the producers, purpose and use of the manuscript by means of a holistic consideration of its parts. The first aim is prompted by viewing the sagas of 180b as a reflection of the generic ambiguity of Karlamagnús saga. While patently belonging to the riddarasögur, Karlamagnús saga has affinities with hagiography and the konungasögur; representatives of these three generic classes are to be found in 180b. Structured by the theme of saintliness, in which a chronological line of saintly figures is presented, as well as shared geographical referents, the codex is marked by a wide-ranging intellectual curiosity. This is attributed to the concerns of the North Icelandic Benedictine School, the presence of which is marked in the manuscript, and to the wider intellectual atmosphere of fourteenth century Iceland in which saints' lives and romances were possibly written by the same people. 2 Ágrip Þessi ritgerð skoðar fimmtándu aldar handritið AM 180a-b fol.; sem samanstendur af A gerð Karlamagnúsar sögu (180a) ásamt sjö öðrum sögum- Konráðs sögu keisarasonar, Dunstanusar sögu, Katrínar sögu, Bærings sögu, Knýtlinga sögu, Vitus sögu og Laurentiusar sögu (180b), sem upphaflega mynduðu saman eitt handrit. -
Dictionnaire Des Épées Célèbres
Dictionnaire des épées célèbres Laurent BONNOT, V3d 2016 'épée est un symbole de pouvoir, auquel on confère souvent une âme et donne un Lnom. e livret vous permettra peut-être de compléter vos savoirs sur l'histoire de célèbres épées (pas toujours) légendaires, telles que les indestructibles Durandal ou Excalibur, et de faire connaissance avec d'autres lames moins connues telles que Courtain, Flamberge ou l'imprononçable mais réelle Szczerbiec. vertissement: deux erreurs (enfin … au moins deux) se sont glissées parmi Aces définitions. Un grand merci à Caroline pour sa relecture et ses corrections éclairées. Publié sur http://bonnot.laurent.free.fr Un commentaire ? Une suggestion ? [email protected] ‹‹ Dictionnaire des épées célèbres – édition 3d déc. 2016 © LB - page 1 / 33 Le catalogue du râ telier 1ère partie : épées de légendes historiques............................................................................4 Le nom de certaines épées est suivi d'un code de trois caractères placé entre crochets: [ART] pour les épées citées dans le mythe arthurien [CEL] pour les épées citées dans la mythologie celtique [HIS] pour les épées ayant réellement existé [MAS] pour les épées citées dans la mythologie anglo-saxonne [MGE] pour la mythologie germanique [MNO] pour la mythologie nordique [ROL] pour les épées citées dans la chanson de Roland Al-Adb, Al-Battar, Al-Ma'thur, Al-Mikhdham, Al-Rasub, Al-Qadib [HIS].................................--)------- 4 Almace [ROL]...............................................................................................................................--)------- -
Uva-DARE (Digital Academic Repository)
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) The many faces of Duchess Matilda: matronage, motherhood and mediation in the twelfth century Jasperse, T.G. Publication date 2013 Document Version Final published version Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Jasperse, T. G. (2013). The many faces of Duchess Matilda: matronage, motherhood and mediation in the twelfth century. Boxpress. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:26 Sep 2021 The many faces of Duchess Matilda: matronage, motherhood and mediation in the twelfth century Jitske Jasperse The many faces of Duchess Matilda: matronage, motherhood and mediation in the twelfth century ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam op gezag van de Rector Magnificus prof. -
Anthropoetics XX, No. 2 Spring 2015
Anthropoetics XX, 2 Anthropoetics XX, no. 2 Spring 2015 Peter Goldman - Originary Iconoclasm: The Logic of Sparagmos Adam Katz - An Introduction to Disciplinarity Benjamin Matthews - Victimary Thinking, Celebrity and the CCTV Building Robert Rois - Shared Guilt for the Ambush at Roncevaux Samuel Sackeroff - The Ends of Deferral Matthew Schneider - Oscar Wilde on Learning Outcomes Assessment Kieran Stewart - Origins of the Sacred: A Conversation between Eric Gans and Mircea Eliade Benchmarks Download Issue PDF Subscribe to Anthropoetics by email Anthropoetics Home Anthropoetics Journal Anthropoetics on Twitter Subscribe to Anthropoetics RSS Home Return to Anthropoetics home page Eric Gans / [email protected] Last updated: 11/24/47310 12:58:33 index.htm[5/5/2015 3:09:12 AM] Goldman - Originary Iconoclasm Anthropoetics 20, no. 2 (Spring 2015) Originary Iconoclasm: The Logic of Sparagmos Peter Goldman Department of English Westminster College Salt Lake City, Utah 84105 www.westminstercollege.edu [email protected] The prohibition of "graven images" in the Jewish scriptures seems to have no precedent in the ancient world. Surrounded by polytheistic religions populated with a multitude of religious images, the ancient Hebrews somehow divined that the one true God could not be figured, and that images were antithetical to his worship. It's true, of course, and significant, that every known culture has taboos regarding representations qua representations, often but not exclusively iconic figures.(1) But only the Hebrews derived a prohibition on images from the recognition that God is both singular and essentially spiritual, hence resistant to material representation.(2) In the ancient world, images were connected to the divine, either as the privileged route to god's presence, both dangerous and desirable; or as forbidden temptations to idolatry, the worship of "false gods," however defined.