Oligarchic Liberalism, Caciquism and Political Democratisation Between 1876 and 1923
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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 12: 73-86 (2019) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.157 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/ Oligarchic liberalism, caciquism and political democratisation between 1876 and 1923. The Catalan case Gemma Rubí* Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Received 13 August 2018 · Accepted 3 September 2018 Abstract This article seeks to contribute to explaining how caciquism operated in Catalonia during the Bourbon Restoration and how it evolved within the context of the emergence of mass politics and society during the early decades of the 20th century from a comparative Spanish and European perspective. Specifically, it analyses how some regional power caciquates were formed in the Catalan districts in order to further explore the development and evolution of these relationships. It then spotlights the early process through which the dynastic rotation in Catalonia was destroyed through the campaigns to condemn caciquism, and to what extent this process entailed true progress for democracy within the transition from political liberalism to democracy in Europe at the turn of the 20th century. Keywords: Catalonia, Political clientelism, Spain in the Bourbon Restoration, Political behaviour, Path to Democracy in Europe Introduction niques, which renders it essential to analyse micro-poli- tics and their modernisation in contemporary societies.2 Generally speaking, historiography has not extensively Within this modernisation process, what were com- analysed caciquism in Catalonia during the Bourbon Res- mon and in no way exceptional were the constant ten- toration. This is largely because it has been difficult and sions and contradictions between the new liberal regula- complex to explain the existence of this particular socio- tory frameworks governed by the values of freedom and political phenomenon in an industrialised and/or agro- equality and their practical application, which was sub- industrial society, as Catalonia was at the time. In fact, in jected to the erratic dynamic of the interests of the new theory the most natural and logical thing would be to as- ruling elites on the state and local scale, along with a con- sume the full compatibility between political liberalism stant redefinition of these same values according to parti- and capitalist development, along with the automatic re- san convenience and the social mobility stemming from lationship between caciquism and economic backward- capitalist development. Therefore, these new perspectives ness. Fortunately, today this debate – which was quite refute the exceptionalism of the phenomena of caciquism, vivid during the 1980s – no longer makes sense because clientelism or the patronage system and instead integrate comparative and transnational studies have verified that them into more inclusive explanations of the transition caciquism – meant as a kind of political corruption that from liberalism to democracy. Within a political perspec- primarily takes shape in election fraud, although by other tive, the 19th century is thus viewed from alterity itself in- means as well – inherently accompanied the modernisa- stead of as a necessary, required step in the transition to- tion process of Western societies since the beginning of wards liberal democracy. the contemporary era. Consequently, this phenomenon is Since the 1840s in Spain, the word caciquism has re- concomitant with favouritism, political clientelism and ferred to a negative conception of politics and the exercise patronage.1 And it is at the core of one of the hypotheses of power. The most generic meaning of this word and its guiding the leading European studies on the history of derivates in the same semantic field was the abuse of pow- political corruption: the criticism of favouritism or politi- er. For this reason, it was readily equated with corruption. cal clientelism would have transformed power tech- A quick survey of the different local Catalan newspapers from the 1880s reveals the different discursive contents of * Contact address: Gemma Rubí. Grup d’Estudis i Recerca “Política, In- the word caciquism as a synonym of privilege, favourit- stitucions i Corrupció a l’època contemporània” (PICEC). Department of ism, arbitrariness, despotism, irregularity and tyranny, Modern and Contemporary History, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Edifici B. 08193 Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vallès). Tel. +34 935811186. among others. Likewise, time and time again caciquism E-mail: [email protected] was labelled calamitous, oppressive, unbridled, denigrat- Catalan Historical Review-12.indb 73 18/07/2019 12:47:09 74 Cat. Hist. Rev. 12, 2019 Gemma Rubí ing, immoral and despicable. It was viewed as a symptom at the same time that citizen representativeness was being of malaise, “a plague against which all parties and all inde- neutralised in the parliaments, a characteristic that is not pendent people protest”.3 In short, it embodied the worst exclusive to this country but instead can be found in other of politics, dirty dealing, politicking and political jockey- liberal regimes from that period.7 This had a great deal to ing, which was opposed to an honest government and a do with the model of liberal state which was being forged, sound administration, which are neither irregular nor ar- which was quite similar to the uniform, centralised model bitrary. This vision was broadly shared by the Catholic- in France that was supposed to oversee society as the sole regionalist sectors, Catalanism, Carlism, integrism and legitimate representative of collective interests. However, obviously the different republican families, anarchists it was also because of the importance of Catholicism in and socialists. Despite being the leading beneficiaries of political practices. caciquism, even the parties of the regime criticised it. In Spain during the Bourbon Restoration, just as in The dictionary of the Royal Spanish Academy added Portugal during the Regeneraçao, France during Napole- the word “cacique” a bit late, in 1884, defining it as a fig- on III and Prussia under Bismarck, as well as the Roma- ure who exercises excess power in towns. Since the start of nian constitutional monarchy defined in its 1866 consti- Spanish constitutionalism, this negative image had been tution, the struggle for political power centred around the attributed to a presumed selfishness in the territories and executive power. Specifically, in France, Spain, Portugal towns, which were more concerned with local finagling and Romania, the division of powers was barely articulat- and power struggles than the general interest of the na- ed and quite limited, as it relied primarily on the pre-emi- tion.4 In short, the infamy of caciquism was taken to the nence of the executive power, with a public administra- territories, election districts, local administration and tion that was heavily hierarchised and centralised.8 What their elites. However, in the last few decades of the 19th is more, in Spain during the Restoration, as the 1876 con- century, caciquist behaviour continued to be reserved for stitution had stipulated, the Crown was in charge of div- the local elites, while “oligarchy” became the universal, vying up power among the political elites, such that the disparaging word used to describe the state-wide ruling liberal consensus that Isabelline Spain had been incapable class whose malfeasance had denatured the liberal regime of reaching was finally achieved. from the beginning and would have brought the nation to Despite this, the regime could only be stable if govern- decline. The convergence between caciquism and oligar- ment fraud was systematically committed, as it was neces- chy was the epicentre of the diagnosis performed by the sary to control the election processes from the official es- regenerationist politician Joaquín Corta based on the re- tates. Spanish liberalism would have fulfilled its aims with sults of the famous survey which he conducted in the Ath- this mechanism, albeit at the expense of a notable deficit enaeum of Madrid in 1901, a story which has long been in political citizenship.9 And its most scandalous conse- told among intellectuals and historiographers even until quence would have been the denaturalisation of the prin- today.5 ciple of representative government and the consequent In this article, we shall seek to contribute to explaining contempt for the will of the electorate. This contempt how caciquism worked in Catalonia during the Restora- would retain its impunity with the natural acceptance of tion and how it evolved within the context of the emer- what was considered its main benefit, namely the moral gence of mass politics and society during the early dec- influence of the government. This guiding principle in ades of the 20th century. Specifically, we shall analyse the exercise of power allowed the citizens’ electoral pref- how some regional power caciquates formed in the Cata- erences to be guided at the discretion of the government, lan districts in order to further explore the development which was regarded as the guarantor and interpreter of of caciquist relations; likewise, we shall explain the pro- collective interests.10 cess through which the dynastic rotation in Catalonia was Along with the Basque Country, Navarra and the large destroyed through the condemnation of caciquism, and cities like Madrid, Valencia and Bilbao, Catalonia was to what extent this entailed true progress in democracy.6 one of the places where the dynastic systems of the