An Analysčs of Graphčcal Representatčons –M Aps, D Čagram S and Pčctu Res- of the Q U Ebrad a D E Hu M Ahu Aca
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AN ANALYSčS OF GRAPHčCAL REPRESENTATčONS –M APS, D čAGRAM S AND PčCTU RES- OF THE Q U EBRAD A D E HU M AHU ACA. THE CONSTRU CTčON PROCESS OF A REGčON. GRACIELA FAVELU KES (CONICET, IAA-FAD U ), ALICIA NOVICK (IAA-FAD U ) ABSTRACT. Questions about region are receiving increased attention in planning and academ ic agendas. H ow do you define regions? Beyond the distinction betw een natural or econom ic regions, as established by classic geography, this paper proposes to exam ine the processes by w hich regions take form through tim e. For regions, be them adm inistrative districts, political and/or cultural areas or other segm entations of the territory, are the outcom e of non-linear historical processes, w hich w e w ant to exam ine in the case of the Quebrada de H um ahuaca –QH (Jujuy, Argentina). The QH com prehends m uch of the deep and narrow valley of the Rio G rande river, w ith a fairly clear southern boundary close to León, near the m outh of the river in the valley of Jujuy, and a northern boundary far less precise, w hich can be located either in H um ahuaca or in Tres Cruces. In 2003 the Quebrada de H um ahuaca w as declared a W orld H eritage Site. The U NESCO Declaration praised the area as a cultural landscape, and acknow ledged the general interest of its conservation. The size and shape of the territory under protection is depicted in a fairly sm all and schem atic m ap, but the criteria follow ed for the delim itation of the protected area are not clear. H ow ever, this lack of precision is due not only to the geom orphological characteristics of the area, but also to its history. Indeed, the analysis of graphical representations of the Quebrada and its surroundings show s that its size and features have been redefined over tim e and that, especially, its identification as a singular region is fairly recent. According to our research, w hat w e m ight call the "m ap of the Quebrada" as such, did not exist until w ell into the tw entieth century, and w as created by the hand of public policies, along w ith a the w ork of specialists w hose draw ings and m aps left the m ark of a set of values, retrieved in m any current tourist circuits and heritage protection program s. From the analysis of graphic representations (m aps, diagram s, pictures) this study aim s to form ulate hypotheses about both the processes of construction of the territory and its representations. The Q uebrada de H umahuaca (Q H ) is a narrow and deep mountain valley located in the province of Jujuy, in the northwest of Argentina. Around 30,000 people live along the Río G rande river, especially in the main cities and villages of the valley. In 2003, the sector was declared a W orld H eritage Site by U NESCO in the category of cultural landscape. The effects of such declaration include strong debates and conflicts. For some, it means an opportunity for change in regional development. For others, it has a negative effect, since the impact of the Declaration –tourism, construction, etc.- does not benefit the local population. But the interest in the Q H is not an entirely new phenomenon since its appeal as a destination for researchers and scientists, for artists, travelers and tourists has always been related to its appealing combination of nature and culture. And, even if the application stressed the long history of the Q uebrada as a circulation axis and home of pre-H ispanic settlements, the Q H as a territory of defined and recognizable shape and character began to exist only recently. W ithin that framework of transformations, the Q H appears as an interesting object of research to investigate conceptual, methodological and operative issues around the territory, its history and its planning. H ow was the Q H constructed? W hat role did maps and graphics play in that process? This text aims to address two related problems: the process of singularization of the territory that is now a W orld H eritage Site and the role played by cartographic images in that process. In the first place, in relation to the ongoing transformations, important papers on the Q H examine its architectural (Paterlini, 2011) and archeological (M ancini, 2010) heritage, its social problems (Bercetche, 2010), and the relation between tourism and tradition (Troncoso, 2009; Ballent, 2003; Zusman, 2010). From the geographical point of view, difficulties to define the area have been manifested, since it does not match any administrative area or geomorphological characteristics; the area is rather related to a dense history (Reboratti, 2003; Benedetti, 2005). W ith this bibliographical background, our research aims to contribute with a study regarding transformations and interventions, from the standpoint of a history of regional planning. In the second place and in that direction, the numerous maps showing the region have contributed to the creation of itineraries, the definition of boundaries and also to the making of differential appraisals of the territory. Just as the cartography in tourist guides, their effects give priority to some places over others, favouring routes and marking places. From these perspective, maps and sketches shed light on two types of problems. On one hand, just like any graphic representation, they inform about whom, with what techniques and instruments, and with what purposes represented the territory. But, more specifically, as they reveal subjects taken into consideration and other subjects eluded, they allow us to contribute to a history of the territory. These issues relate to the field of cartographic history -and its technical means-, that emphasizes its cultural nature and historical significance (H arley, 2005; Burke, 2001). In other words, this research aims to examine the alternative territories of the Q uebrada de H umahuaca through a set of technical images and with a double intention: that of rescuing what images of the territory tell about the Q H itself, and the more uncertain task of bringing maps and its production processes back to the core of history. In this article, we consider a long duration starting with the first synthetic maps -with the goal of exploring and conquering- of the Jesuit Order up to the linear schemes which -drawn over a google map- were used to justify that this region deserves to be declared world heritage. M ethodologically, we selected some relevant documents that allow constructing a territorial history. And, as a working hypothesis, we presented four problematic moments in its chronology. ‘From evangelization to national maps. 1609-1886’. In this section we examine the role played by cartography during the colonial cycle when the concept was to explore, conquer and dominate, and how this equation later turned into know to integrate and organize the image of the State-Nation during the first republican cycle. ‘Scientific itineraries: Eric Boman’s archeological maps. 1908’ In this section we examine the role played by scientific expeditions that could access the area with increasing ease due to the construction of the railway lines. Interests and perspectives of geologists, geographers, naturalists and archeologists gave value to different places and built new characterizations of the territory, from which we selected the initial construction of the archeological maps of the Q H . ‘H istorical and artistic trajectories: Academy of Fine Arts, 1940’. In this section we show a telling operation of selection and visual presentation of remarkable consequences, as seen in the work of academic artists who presented a tour closely related to the appraisal of monuments which in turn opened the doors for tourism. Finally, in ‘A territory made heritage. International Organizations and private consulting companies, 2003- 2009’, we focus on the graphic operations made for the U NESCO W orld H eritage Declaration, which illustrate the beginning of a cycle in which global images prevail. FROM EVANGELIZATION TO NATIONAL M APS. 1609-1886. During the first centuries of Spanish presence in the American continent, colonial governments and religious orders collected information from trips, explorations and reports in the letters and maps compiled at the Casa de Contratación and the Consejo de Indias1 in Spain. In that context, maps made by Jesuits offer the first record of the area of the Q uebrada2. In those early maps the accent was put on recognizing territories that were being conquered, especially on the Christianization of the communities of the region and in the establishment of Spanish settlements. Late in the 18th century, the intensification of monarchic administrative control resulted in the cartographic and geographic synthesis made by the geographer Juan de la Cruz Cano y Olmedilla in 1775. Along with the main goal of establishing the limits between Spanish and Portuguese territories, the map also compiles and defines jurisdictions (as kingdoms, provinces, administrative areas or districts), evidence of the reorganization initiated by the H ouse of Bourbon. It also registered for the first time the establishment of a more efficient road and horse relay system (Ferrand de Almeida, 2009) (Figure 1). In this map, the Jurid.n de Jujuy3 is presented as a long stripe, mainly west-east oriented, its main feature being the road, which first follows the Rio G rande partially, and then the road that still exists today through the villages of Volcán, G uayra, U quía, H uacalera and H umahuaca and finally climbs to the Puna4 to connect to the former territory of Alto Perú5. 1 H ouse of Trade and the Royal and Supreme Council of the Indies, in Seville, Spain 2 The 1609 (1634 version),1648 and 1732 maps available at <http://www.wdl.org> (Favelukes et alt, 2010) 3 Jujuy Jurisdiction 4 The high Andean Plateau 5 The main inaccuracies of the map are related to the location of villages, the route of the royal road and the course of the Rio G rande river.