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Between Responsibilities and Privileges: the Gender Construction of Fatherhood In Between Responsibilities and Privileges: The Gender Construction of Fatherhood in Hong Kong LIONG, Chan Ching Mario A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in « ‘ Gender Studies 、 The Chinese University of Hong Kong June 2010 UMI Number: 3446050 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI Dissertation Publishing UMI 3446050 Copyright 2011 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, M^^SI06-1346 i Abstract of thesis entitled: Between Responsibilities and Privileges: The Gender Construction of Fatherhood in Hong Kong Submitted by LIONG, Chan Ching Mario for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Gender Studies at I he Chinese University of Hong Kong in June 2010 This is a pioneering study on the construction of fatherhood in the socio-cultural context of Hong Kong. Fatherhood is constructed socially and culturally, reflected in the thinking and practice of fathers. It is defined by, and simultaneously reproduces masculinity. In this study, fatherhood is critically examined using practice theory and the concept of gender performativity. The fieldwork, carried out from 2004 to 2006, consisted primarily of participant observation in men's groups’ and interviews, in particular, in-depth interviews with 30 heterosexual biological fathers from different walks of life. This study finds that fatherhood in Hong Kong is constructed within the patriarchal ideology and structure across the societal, organizational, and individual levels. Patriarchy is rooted in the history of Hong Kong and continues to exist in contemporary society. In both the colonial and post-colonial periods, notions of masculinity and fatherhood in Hong ii Kong are seen to be extremely conservative and they highlight the role of the state in the adoption and reproduction of patriarchal ideology. While changes towards gender equality have occurred slowly after long-term struggle, a coherent gender policy has been lacking. This has contributed to a socio-cultural environment that encourages the naturalization and normalization of the patriarchal structure and practices in the family. The recent development of the “new good men" notion (in which men were redefined to be loving husbands, and caring fathers who shared housework and were involved with children) was found to be a front and was utilized as a means to resurrect men's power and status in the family. Three main paternal responsibilities were identified, namely economic provision, education, as well as establishing and maintaining a child-oriented family through marriage. In carrying out these responsibilities, men enjoyed the privileges and hegemony legitimized in the social structure. Failure in fulfilling the structural requirements resulted in the disruption of paternal power and masculinity but not subversion to the hegemonic structure. iii 論文撮要 本文研究香港社會文化建構的父親身份。父親身份由社會文化建構而成， 反映在父親的思想和實踐屮。父親身份和男性特質實互為表裡，互相影響。本 文透過實踐論和性別操演的概念來批判分析父親身份。研究資料主要來自二零 零四年至二零零六年的田野考察，其中包括男士小組中的參與觀察，以及和三 H立不同背景的異性戀親生父親深人訪談。本研究發現不論是社會上、組織裡 或個人層面，香港父親身份實由父權意識形態及社會結構所構成。父權意識植 根香港歷史’而且在當代社會仍然根深柢固。不論是殖民時期或後殖民時期， 香港的男性特質和父親身份都是極端保守，而且反映了政府持守並延續的父權 意識。雖然香港社會持绩有著女性主義的抗爭，但性別平等的觀念來得很慢， 而且社會上一直欠缺統一的性別政策。香港過去的經驗實合理化了父權結構和 做法。近年出現的「新好男人」概念（男士能夠成為深情的丈夫和慈愛的父親， 並分擔家務和照顧孩子）實為門面工夫，實質為重建男人於家庭的權力和地位。 本研究發現三項主要的父親責任，包括經濟、教肓、透過婚姻來建立和維持以 孩子為主的家庭。男人能夠從這些責任取得社會結構支持的特權。然而即使有 些父親未能滿足這些結構要求而失去權力，甚至經歷男性特質的崩解，他們都 不會反抗那霸權結構。 iv Acknowledgements Writing the acknowledgement is the most enjoyable part of this piece of work. Apart from its indication of the completion of the task, it is also a chance for me to realize that I am so fortunate to have so many people backing me. Moreover, it is a reminder for me and my readers that this piece of work is not what I can achieve on my own. Indebtedness fills the course of my graduate study and the writing of this dissertation. I am particularly grateful to my thesis supervisor, Siumi Maria 丁am， who has given me a lot of encouragement and patience, and often had more confidence in my abilities than I did. Her support, especially during my transition to the anthropology discipline, has been invaluable in these seven years. When I look back, I notice that I have indeed learnt a lot from her, both as a scholar and a person. I also have to thank her for helping me in getting access to my fieldsite. I am thankful to the guidance from Joseph Bosco in my understanding of the Chinese marriage, family, and parenthood, and his comments and advice to my dissertation. I also appreciate the help from Anthony Fung for his insightful reading of and comments to my draft. During the lonely postgraduate study path, I am very grateful to have many friends in the Gender Studies Programme who have given me a lot of insights and V encouragement. I must thank Milly Ren for her stimulating ideas and sharing of experiences and reading resources; Ke Man and Lucetta Kam for their encouragement; Pik Ki Leung for her help during my period of confusion before my qualifying examination; and Snowy Lai for her thoughtful reminder on the administrative matters. My fieldwork could not be successful without the generous help from my informants. I appreciate them for allowing me to listen to their inner world and sometimes painful life experiences. I could feel their warmth and care when I did my participant observation in the group. This work could have never been done without my parents, Yau Tuen and Henry. Their continued support, love, and care were my motivation in getting this piece of work done. I feel indebted to them for bringing me to this world and selfless support to my everyday necessity and my study. Lastly, I have to thank Stephen Chung, Jessica Man’ Alan Yu, Alison Yeung, Grand Cheng, Dannii Yeung, and Emily Man for their lasting support, and my students from the Chinese University of Hong Kong and Community College of City University who have given me a lot of enlightened moments. vi Table of Contents Abstract • Acknowledgements iv Chapter I Introduction: Fatherhood Revisited 1 Literature Review 10 Fatherhood in the West 12 Chinese Family as a Cultural Ideal 24 Parenting in Chinese Culture 26 Fatherhood in Hong Kong 37 Structure versus Agency 39 Methodology 48 Field site 48 Methods 51 Limitations of the Present Study 56 Structure of the Dissertation 57 Chapter II Masculinity and Fatherhood in Hong Kong 59 Early Colonial Period: Patriarchy Supported by Confucianism, Colonialism, and Christianity 61 Pre-World War II: Patriarchal Cooperation between Local Elites and Colonial Rulers 70 Post-World War II: Reproducing and Challenging Male Dominance……78 1980s Onwards: Diverse Scenarios 82 Women's Status on the Rise 82 Men's Movement as Backlash 85 Patriarchy Remained 92 Family and Fatherhood in Hong Kong Today 103 Conclusion: State and Social Patriarchy 112 Chapter III Organizing Masculinities 116 The Organization - “Love and Help，， 118 Ritual, Ritualization and Performance 120 The 2004 Annual Celebration 126 The Event 128 vii “New Fatherhood，, as Resurrection of Traditional Notion of Masculinity and Family 133 LHC's Media Campaign 136 Problemalizing Family and Fatherhood 141 LHC,s Discussion Groups 143 Ritualizing “New Good Men” 145 Change 149 Praising 152 Frankness 154 “New Good Men” as Patriarchal Cover 157 Performing “New Good Men，’ 164 Conclusion: Restoration of Patriarchal Habitus 180 Chapter IV Invisible Love, Visible Hegemony: Economic Provision in Fatherhood 184 Expression of Love and Care 188 Making the Family Complete and Stable (齊家) 201 Defining Masculinity - Capability and Recognition in the Public Sphere 207 Defining Masculinity as Opposite to the Feminine Family 212 Conclusion: Invisible Love as Masculine Performance of Power 225 Chapter V Educating Children 229 Ideology of Education in Chinese Fatherhood 230 Father as the Cultural Parent 236 Education as the Exclusive Privilege of Father 238 Education as a Site of Power Struggle 242 Practice of Education in Fatherhood 248 Goals of Education 248 Inheritance 250 Protection 257 Conclusion: Education as Manifestation of Paternal Authority 270 Chapter VI The “Child-oriented” Family 272 Marriage as a Masculine Mission 275 Meaning of Marriage and Family 278 Marriage: A Breeding Ground for Desired Children 279 viii Meaning of Family 298 The Father-centred Family 300 Control of Children 302 • Sexuality vs. Family 307 Devalued Wife 312 Influence of Motherhood 316 Conclusion: Structural Thinking Legitimizing Men's Hegemony 321 Chapter VII Conclusion: Relinking Fatherhood and Family 325 、 Hegemony of Men in the Family 328 Reconsidering Gender in Hong Kong 336 Change for the Future: Respecting Individuality 340 Bibliography 346 List of Table: Table 1 Summary of Major Informants 53 » I Chapter I Introduction: Fatherhood Revisited My transition to fatherhood took place a little more than 25 years ago. I still vividly remember the excitement, the fears, the concerns, the self-searching, and the changes ushered in by this life-transforming event. Over a quarter of a century later, after the birth, growth, and development of four sons, I can still recall the monumental nature oj becoming a father for the first time. -(Palkovitz 2007:27) On Father's Day, June 21, 2009, a middle-aged man in Guangdong sat on the road. In his hand was a letter of apology to his four children who were studying in senior secondary school and in college. As the semester was ending, it was time for students to pay school fees. This father could not afford to pay school fees for his jr children and regarded himself a disqualified father. He did not dare to admit his financial difficulty in front of his children, let alone showing them the apology he wrote. So, this father chose to run out of his home and isolate himself from his children on Father's Day.
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